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GENEALOGY COLLECTION

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY

3 1833 00826 2187

dENEAL-OOY CC l-l-ECTlON
COMPLETE

CONNECTICUT,

Cjiyil and TSiCclesiastical,

FROM THE EMIGRATION OF ITS. FIRST PLANTERS,

FROM ENGLAND, IN THE YEAR 1630,

TO THE YEAR 1764 ;

AND TO THE CLOSE OF THE INDIAN WARS.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

BY BENJAMIN TRUMBULL^D. D.
ATol. 11.

NEW-HAVEN :

PUBLISHED BY MALTBY, GOLDSMITH AND CO.
AND SAMUEL WADSWORTH-

1818.

District of Connecticut, bti.
IDE it remembered, that on the twenty -second day of June, in the 42d year
•*^ of the Independence of the United States of America, Mallby, Goldsmith
& Co. and Samuel Wadsworth, of the said district, have deposited in this of-
fice the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the
words following, to wit: "A complete History of Connecticut, civil and eccle-
" siastical, from the emigration of its first planters, from England, in the year
" 1630, to the year 1764 ; and to the close of the Indian wars. In two volumes.
"By Benjamin Trumbull, D. D. With an Appendix, containing the original
" Patent of New-England, never before published in America" — In conformity
to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, " An act for the en-
couragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to
the authors and moprielors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned."

R. I. INGERSOLL,
Clerk of the Di'dricl of Connecticut .

l>^YiTAe¥i TO YOli. 11.

THE collection of materials for the writing, and the compiling of the
first history of a state, or nation, is far more difficult, than doing it
alter others have gone before, and exhibited some outline, or general ex-
ample of the work. Especially is the collection of materials, and the
substantiating of facts, more difficult, and matter of greater labour, when
the business has not been undertaken till a long period has passed away,
from the first settlement of a country or a commonwealth. Under these
difficulties, the writer of this history began the laborious work. Almost
a century and an half had elapsed, from the time of the emigration of the
first planters of the colony, from their native country, before the work
was attempted. The fathers of the colony, and their children, were ge-
nerally in their graves : a third and fourth generation were come upon
the stage. The materials were scattered far and wide. They were to
be collected from the records of two colonies ; from the records and
transactions of the commissioners of the united colonies ; of towns and
churches ; from ancient tracts and pamphlets ; from old manuscripts, the
church yards, and monuments of the dead. Many of them could be
read but with great difficulty. When tlie collection of proper documents
was effected, the arranging of such a mass of papers, and tiie forming of
an orderly, well connected and authenticated story, from the whole, was
a matter of great and difficult labour. The compiler would never have
conceived the greatness and difficulty of it, had he not known it by expe-
rience. No person will conceive it, who has not had some experience of
the same kind.

When the compiler had finished the first volume, he had no design of
publishing another. He considered the work too arduous ; that it would
bring the history down too near his own times ; and that he was too far
advanced in life for such an undertaking : but he has been so strongly
urged, by gentlemen of the first character, in this state, and many others,
and the first volume has met so favorable a reception, that, with the de-
hire of doing some further service to his fellow citizens, he has been pre-
vailed on to publish this second volume.

It has been his desire to give the history of every town in the state ;
but, after publishing his design in the newspapers, with heads of inquiry,
and writing a multitude of letters, he has not been able to obtain, from
some towns, the least information. He has visited a great proportion of
the towns in the state, and written to gentlemen in them repeatedly, yet
he has not obtained all the information he wished. It will be observed
that some towns are almost AvhoUy unnoticed in the history. The only
reason is, that no information could be obtained from them.

For the purpose of giving a fair and just representation of facts, mucls,
more has been quoted from records, various pamphlets, tracts and let-^
|£rs, than otherwise would liave been done. Fqv that purpose, many

8 PREFACE.

things hnvr been collected and read, to which, otherwise, the compiler
wiiiild have paid no attention. Great pains have been taken to ascertain
facts, and to write an impartial and well authenticated history : how far
he hath succeeded in his work, must be left to the opinion of the public.

It was the intention of the writer to have given an account of the citie?
in the state, their latitude and longitude, their trade, manufactures, &tc. :
of the state prison; of the fisheries; of the exports and imports ; of the
militia, train of artillery, fortifications, &t,c.: but finding that the volume
wovild not admit of it, he has omitted the account which he designed.

Notwithstanding all the pains which have been taken, it will not be
strange if, in such a variety of facts and dates, there should be some mis-
takes. There may have been some in the great number of historical
comnuinications made to the author, and it is not improbable that he
has made some himself, though, he hopes, none very material.

He has had assistance from gentlemen in the several parts of the state,
in making collections of the history of their particular towns. To them,
and to all others who have given him assistance, he presents his grateful
acknowledgments.

It will be observed that the ecclesiastical part of the history is kept by
itself, in distinct chapters, and comprises about a third part of the histo-
ry. It A\ould make a volume by itself, and might be printed separately
without any derangement of the narration.

(S(|)S3^IES3^^o

CHAPTER L

STATE of the Churches, continued from Book I. Chapter XIX. At-
tempts for the reformation of manners. Act of Assembly, and report
of the General Association relative to the subject. Resolutions of the
General Assembly in consequence of said report. State of the Col-
lege. Divisions concerning the place in which it should be established.
Donations made for its encouragement. A college house is erected at
New-Haven. Books removed from Saybrook to the library in that?
place. Opposition to their removal. Loss sustained. Mr. Cutler is
appointed Rector, but soon embracing Episcopacy, is dismissed from
office. The students are instructed by the trustees. Mr. Elisha Wil-
liams chosen Rector. Encouragement for schools and the general dif-
fusion of knowledge.

CHAPTER II.

The discovery and opening of mines. Laws and encouragement in be-
half of the miners, and of those who were engaged in carrying on the
business of mining.

CHAPTER IIL

The importance and benefits of a stable currency. Attention of the Le-
gislature to this subject. The manner of the emission of bills of credit ;
of the payment of the public debt ; and of provision for the defence of
the colony and his majesty's service. Answer to their Lordships' let;
ters. Depreciation of the currency.

CHAPTER IV.

tPHE colony in fear of losing their Charter. Measures adopted to pre-
vent it. Mr. Winthrop complains of the colony. In an appeal to his
Majesty in Council, in a case between him and Thomas Linchmere,
Esq. he obtained a sentence by which a certain law of the colony, en-
titled an act for the settlement of intestate estates, was rendered null
and void. The colony declare that they will not surrender their char-'
ter, and pray for the continuance of tte act relative to intestate estates,

B

30 CONTENTS.

CHAPTER V.

War with the Eastprn Indians. Attempts to quiet tliem by treaty. The
attack and plunder of Canso. A treaty with them is promised, but
prevented by the measures of the House. Letter of the Indians to the
Governor. Death of Toxus. A neAv Sachem, and change of affairs.
Attempt on Norridgewock. The Indians avenge the insuU, captivate
a number of the English, and burn Brunswick. War is proclaimed a-
gainst them. Governors Shute and Burnet apply to Connecticut for
assistance in the Avar. The enemy surprise Canso and other harbors,
and take a number of fishing vessek. Elliot's and Robinson's success
in attacking them. Remarkable deliverance of the captives. Attack
on Arowsick island. Westbrook and Harmar's expedition. Attempts
of the English to engage the Six Nations in a war against the Eastern
Indians. They send delegates to Boston. Coleby's action with the
enemy. Attack on Scarborough, Falmouth, and other places. Re-
solutions of the Legislature of Connecticut relative to the war. Men
killed in various places. Captain VVinslow and his men killed : shal-
lops and schooner taken. The English take and destroy Norridge-
wock. Numbers of men surprised and killed in various places. Ap-
plication is made again to Connecticut for assistance. The reasons
why the Legislature would not join in offensive war. Captain Lovell's
fight. Peace is made. Observations.

CHAPTER VI.

Grants and settlements of the lands in the colony which had not been
granted and settled before the year 1713 ; principally in the counties of
Windham and Litchfield. A more particular account of the settle-
ment of the towns of Lebanon and New-Milford, than has been given
in the first volume of this history. Settlement of the towns of Ashford,
Tolland, Bolton, Stafford and Litchfield. County of Windham form-
ed. Somers and Willington settled. Incorporation of East-Haddam.
Extraordinary noises formerFy heard in that town. Settlement and
incorporation of Union. Controversy between the government and
the towns of Hartford and Windsor, relative to the lands Avithin the
count J' of Litchfield : the disorders and troubles occasioned by it in the
colony. Agreement between the government and the said toivns.
The lands in controversy divided into townships and measured. Or-
ders for the sale of those of them belonging to the colony, by auction,
at different times and places. The money arising from the sale to con-
stitute a permanent fund for the benefit of schools in the colony. New-
Fairfield settled and incorporated. Description of the ncAV tOAvnships ;
Iheir progressive sale and settlement.

CHAPTER VII.

Separation at Guilford. ReA\ Mr. Ruggles ordained at Guilford, a-
gainst a large minority in opposition to him. The minority separate
from the church and society. The legislature interpose, and attempt a
reconciliation. The minority persist in their separation ; and qualify
themselves for a distinct ecclesiastical society, by conforming to the
act of William and Mary. Resolutions of the consociation of the coun-
ty of New-Haven respecting them. They refuse to comply Avith said
.resolutions. In consequence of it, forty-six church members were sUs-

CONTENTS. 11

pended from the communion, by Mr. Ruggles and the first church in
Guilford, from whom they had separated. Acts of the General As-
sembly, and councils, concerning them. Great pains taken, and re-
peated attempts made, for many years, to unite the parties, but all un-
successful.

CHAPTER VIII.

General state of the churches in Connecticut and New-England. Re-
vivals of religion in some few places, before the great and general re-
vival in 1737 and 1738, and especially in 1740 and 1741. Some of the
principal instruments of it. Great opposition to it by magistrates and
ministers. Laws enacted against it. Principal opposers of the work
of God at that time. Disorders attending it. Separations from the
churches soon after. Spirit and character of those who separated from
the ministers and churches at that time. Happy effects of the work in
general.

CHAPTER IX.

Spanish and French war. The colony put into a state of defence. Ex-
pedition against the Spanish settlements in the West-Indies. Regi-
ments raised in the colonies. His majesty's requisition of the colony.
Measures adopted in compliance with it. Porto Bello attacked, taken,
and plundered. Unsuccessful expedition against Carthagena and Cu-
ba. The French declare war against England. Canso taken by the
French. Expedition agajnst Cape Breton. It surrenders to Admiral
Warren and General Pepperell. Sickness among the Provincials who
kept garrison there. The effects of its capture on the French court.
The Duke D'Anville's armament. Alarm in New-England. His total
failure. Supplies furnished by Connecticut during the war. The ge-
neral effects of it on the colonies. Pacifieation,

CHAPTER X.

The reception of the towns of Woodstock, Suffield, Enfield and Somers,
under the jurisdiction of Connecticut ; and the grant of the same privi-
leges to the societies and churches in those towns which the ecclesias-
tical societies and the churches in this colony enjoyed. The opposition
made to it by the province of Massachusetts, and means of defence
adopted by Connecticut.

CHAPTER XL

A Spanish ship arrives at New-London, in distress. The cargo is un-
laden, and stored in that port. When it was called for by the super-
cargo, a great proportion of it could not be found. Don Joseph Migur
el, the supercargo, refuses to sail without the whole of his cargo. Pe
titions the assembly. The resolution of the legislature respecting i1.
Ferment in the government in consequence of it.

CHAPTER XIL

The history of the College continued from Chapter I. Its state under
the rectorship of Mr. Williams. Donations made to it while he presid

'ii

CONTENTS.

ed. He rcbigns. The Rev. Thomas Clap chosen president. A new
charter granted. A new college, or Connecticut hall, built. Profes-
sor of Divinity settled. Labors and donations. Enemies of the col-
lege write against it. Petition the assembly to take it out of the hands
of the corporation, appoint visitors, &ci The president appears and
pleads the cause of the college before the assembly. Chapel is built«
An account of donations is interspersed.

CHAPTER XIII.

Difficulties arise at Milford, on the account of Mr. Whittelsey. De-
bates and heat in the council, called to ordain him. There was such
opposition to his ordination, that the council, at first, could not agree to
ordain. But afterwards, on certain conditions, agreed upon by the
parties, proceed to his ordination. The minority, who opposed his or-
dination, fulfil the condition mutually agreed upon. But the majority
would by no means comply with it. They, on the contrary, by all
means opposed their aggrieved brethren. The minority, some time af-
ter, having qualified themselves according to law, separated from the
first church and society, and held a distinct meeting by themselves.
As the association would give them no advice, or countenance, they
put themselves under the presbytery. They call and ordain Mr. Prud-
den. Obtain a release fi'om taxation by the first society. They arc
vested with the privileges of other ecclesiastical societies, and obtain
their portion of the parsonage lands.

CHAPTER XIV.

Separation at New-Haven. Causes of it. Councils called by the peo-
ple who were dissatisfied Avith the Rev. Mr. Noyes. The doings of
those councils. The call and installation of the Rev. Mr^ Bird.

CHAPTER XV.

French war in 1755. Reasons of it. Colonel Washington's expedition.
Convention at Albany. Expeditions against Nova-Scotia, fort du
Quesne, CroAvn Point and Niagara. Exertions of the Northern colo-
nies, especially of Connecticut. Success in Nova-Scotia. Defeat of
General Braddock. General Johnson defeats Baron Dierkau and takes
him prisoner.

CHAPTER XVI.

Pampaign in 1756. War proclaimed. British generals appointed
Troops raised by Connecticut. Plan of the campaign in 1756. The
British generals, Abercrombie and lord Loudon, arrive in America.
The reception of his lordship. Dilatory and unaccountable conduct
of the generals. Colonel Bradstreet is attacked by the enemy and de-
feats them. Oswego invested and taken by general Montcalm. Loss
at that post. Comparison between the campaigns in 1755 and 1756.
The eneipy continue their ravages in the southern colonies.

CONTENTS. IS

CHAPTER XVII.

Prefarations for the campaign in 1757. The plan of operation in A-
merica changed, and Louisburg becomes its only object. This was re-
inforced and the expedition postponed. Fort William Henry is taken
by the French. The country is alarmed, and great reinforcements of
the militia sent forward to Albany and fort Edward. The campaign
closes with loss and shame. The provincials lose all confidence i^ the
British commanders.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Change of men and measures. Plan of the campaign in 1758. The
colonies encouraged again to exert themselves. Extraordinary exer-
tions of Connecticut. Armament against Louisburg. Its siege and
capture by general Aml*erst. Army under general Abercrombie. Its
defeat at Ticonderoga. Frontenac taken by colonel Bradstreet. Ex-
pedition against du Quesne — taken by general Forbes. The general's
death at Philadelphia.

CHAPTER XIX.

Plan of the campaign in 1759. Mr. Secretary's Pitt letter. Transacr
tions of the legislature of Connecticut, relative to the war. Expedi-
tions against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, Niagara and Quebec,
Ticonderoga and Crown Point abandoned. Niagara taken. Siege of
Quebec. Action at the falls of Montmorenci. The camp removed to
Point Levi. The troops land above the town. Battle of Quebec.
Generals Wolfe and Montcalm killed. Quebec surrenders. Move-
ments of general Amlierst on lake Champlain.

CHAPTER XX.

State of the garrison at Quebec. Designs of Monsieur Levi. His pre-
parations for the siege of the city. ^Marches with his army from Mont-
real. Battle of Sillery. General Murray defeated, and Quebec be-
sieged. Lord Colville arrives with the British fleet. The French
shipping destroyed, and the siege raised. Preparations for the cam-
paign in 1760. Plan of it Resolutions of the General Assembly of
Connecticut respecting it. Movements of general Amherst. He
goes down the river St. Lawrence. Makes a junction with generals
Murray and Haviland at Montreal. The city surrenders, and the
Avhole country of Canada is conquered.

CHAPTER XXI.

iVAR with the Cherokees. Reasons of the war. The chifeftains of the
nation go to Charleston to treat of peace. The haughty insidious con-
duct of governor Littleton. Peace made by constraint. The whole
nation burn with resentment ; rush to war as one man. Make terrible
slaughter and devastation on the frontiers of Carolina and Virginia.,
Their towns destroyed. They take fort Loudon. Colonel Grant des-
olates their country with fire and sword. They make peace, and the
>vho'e country is quieted.

14 CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXII.

Requisition on tlie colonies in 1761. Mr. Pitt's letter. Acts of the As-
sembly, in consequence of it. The business of this campaign, in Amer-
ica, was principally directed to the repairing and building of fortresses,
and to secure the conquests which had been made. The critical state
of the nation, at the close of the year 1761. Events of the year 1762,
influencing the belligerents to peace. Pacification of Paris. Favour-
able to the American colonies. Burthen of the colonies. Supplies
from England. Effects of the war. Policy of Connecticut, in defray-
ing its expenses. General joy and feelings of the Americans, on the
rjEtura of peace.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Unexpected Indian war. The reasons of it. The enemy ravage the
frontiers of the southern colonies. Take several English forts. At-
tempt the reduction of forts Pitt, Detroit and Niagara. Battle at De-
troit. The enemy attack colonel Bouquet, and are defeated. They
destroyed a detachment of men near Niagara. Were finally humbled
and made peace.

CHAPTER XXIV.

SusQUEHANNAH pui'chase. Resolve of the assembly in favour of the
company. The settlement of the land commences. Colonel Dyer is
sent to the sourt of Great-Britain, as agent for the company. The col-
ony assert their claim to the lands comprised in the purchase.

CHAPTER XXV.

Controversy at Wallingford. Mr. Dana called to preach there. Thq
church and society, without the advice of the association, invite him to
settle with them in the work of the gospel ministry. An opposition
arises against him on account of his religious sentiments. Attempts are
made to obtain satisfaction relative to them, but none could be obtain-
ed. The opposition increaseth. A complaint is exhibited against him
to the moderator of the consociation. The consociation is called at
Wallingford, and an ordination council at the same time. The church
and Mr. Dana deny the jurisdiction of the consociation, and Mr. Dana
refuses an examination by it. The ordaining council separate them-
selves from the consociation, and protest against it. They proceed to
Mr. Dana's ordination in direct opposition to the consociation. The
consociation adjourn, and invite the neighboring consociation of the
southern district of the county of Hartford to unite with them in coun-
cil. This united council declare Mr. Dana and his church guilty of
scandalous contempt. The minor part of the church, who opposed the
ordination of Mr. Dana, are owned as a distinct church, by the consoci-
ation. The minority are made a distinct society, and the Rev. Simon
Waterman is ordained pastor over that part of the church and town.
Disputes and divisions in the colony relative to said trassactions.

CONTENTS. 15

CHAPTER XXVL

A Catalogue of the Congregational and Consociated Ministers of Con-
necticut, from the year 1713 to the year 1764, inclusively.

CHAPTER XXVII.

History of the Episcopal church and ministers in Connecticut, from
1713 to 1764.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Sketches of the Separates and Baptists.

APPENDIX.

No. I. — Plan of a proposed Union of all the American colonies, in 1754.

No. II. — General View of the state of Literature in Connecticut, m

1817.

hiSTORY

OP

CONNECTICUT

CHAPTER I.

State of the churches continued from Book /, {Chapter XtX.
Attempts for the reformation of manners. Act f Assem-
bly^ and report of the General Assf*ciation relative to the
subject. Resolutions of the General Assembly in conse-
quence of said report. State of the College, Divisions
coyicerning the place in rchich it should be established.
Donations made for its encouragement. A college house
is erected at New-Haven. Books removedfrom Saybrooh,
to the library m that place. Opposition to their removal.
■Loss sustained. Mr. Cutler is appointed rector ; bid soon
embracing episcopacy, is dismissed from office. College i^
instructed by the trustees. Mr. Elisha Williams chosen
rector. Encouragement for schools and the general diffu^
sion of knoivledge.

AFTER the ecclesiastical cdnstifution of the colony had Book II*
been established, and had time to operate, the church- *,,^-v->^
es became more regular and harmonious in their discipline,
enjoyed more general peace, and their numbers constantly Effects of
increased. But the long and distressing war, in the reign ^^^^^^^^ '*
of Queen Anne, had injured the morals of the people, oc-
casioned the emission of a considerable number of bills of
public credit, and retarded the sale and settlement of the
lands belonging to the colony. Therefore on the termina-
tion of the war, several important objects arrested the at- objects of'
tention of the legislature. The first and principal were attention
the reformation of manners, the advancement of literature, after th*
the preservation of their charter, the state of the currency, ^^^'
the payment ©f the public debt, and the sale and settle-^

C

ig HISTORY OF Chap. T.

Book II. liicnl of the new lands. As they were highly sensible that
v^^-v-.^ the liberty, peace and prosperity of a ];eop]c, were very
dependent on good morals, and a general diffusion oj
knowlcdp-e, they gave their hrst and particular attention to
War iin- these objects. A state of war is peculiarly unfriendly to^
^■ieirdly to religion. It dissipates the mind, diminishes the degree pf
pcli-ion. ii^, St ruction, removes great numbers almost wholly from it,
connects them with the most dangerous company, and pre-
sents them with the v/orst examples. It hardens and em-
boldens men in sin ; is productive of profanencss, intem-
|>erance, disregard to property, violence and all licentious
living. Its baneful influence had been observed and la-
mented by the good people, during the war. In some
places, measures had been adopted to prevent a greater de-
gree of declension, and to ameliorate the morals of the peo-
ple. As early as the year 1711, the North Association in
the county of Hartford, passed several resolves for that
purpose, and particularly recommended it to the several
Uecoiii- congregations within their limits, " That all such as had
imndu- not yet owned the baptismal covenant, should be called
iions for a upon to attend their duty in that case : That such as had
Fcforma- j,,^vetofore owned it, sliould, at the same time, manifest
Oct. 1711. their renewed consent thereto : and, that both the one and
the other should enter into solemn engagements, that they
would constantly attend the duties of God's worship in
])ublic, private and secret, not allowing themselves in the
r,ej?:lect of any of his holy ordinances • That they would
slum carelessness, contempt of sacred things and sinful ex-
cuses : That they would carefully v/atch against all irreve-
lejice in the worship of God, > id all profanation of his glo-
rious and fearful name, by careless imprecations, rash
swearing, or any other way in which it is or may be taken
in vain : That they would strictly observe the Christian
■sabbath, one whole day in seven, seasonably beginning,
and duly coritinuh)g the same ; and therein watching a-
gainst ail worldly thoughts, words and works : and that
ihcy Avould endeavour carefully to discharge the several du-
ties of their respective places and relations, as superiors,
inferiors or equals. Particularly, that they would honor,
submit to and obey those whom God had set over them,
whether in families, churches, or coi^-imonwealth." Fur-
ther, it was recommended that they should covenant.
'■■ That they would look well to their households, keep their
cliildren and servants in due subjection, instruct them in
the principles of religion, and endeavour to restrain them
from all profancness and immorality : That, as much as in
them lay, they would live peaceably with all men, careful-

Chap. I. C<)NNECTICUT. 19:

ly avoiding the unjustly giving or taking of offence : That Book IT.
they would be careful to maintain a chaste conversation, ^^<(^-v-->w'
watching against all the incentives to uncleanness, espe-
cially against keeping vain and disorderly company : That
they would mind their own business, and strictly observe
the rules of righteousness in commerce and dealings one
with another ; hecdfully watching against all violations of
it, by deceit, oppression, and all unjust and dishonest deal-
ing whatsoever : That they would speak the truth one with
anotiier, avoiding all lying, slandering, backbiting, revil-
ing, and promise breaking."

It was further recommended thatthey should covenant,
" That they would mutually watch over one another, giv-
ing and receiving reproof as became christians : That they
would in their several capacities, beardue witness against
"all jDrofaneness and immorality ; and that they would not
withhold their testimony when it might be necessary for
the conviction and punishment of ofl'enders : That they
would watch against the prevailing of a worldly and cove-
tous spirit : against intemperance in the use of laAvful things 5
particularly against excess in drinking : and that they
would not allow themselves in frequenting either public or
private drinking houses."* That they might be enabled
faithfully to discharge these duties, they vrere exhorted dili-
gently to seek divine assistance.

This recommendation was generally read in the several Owning
congregations Avithin the district of that Association. It the cove-
"was published in the congregation of the second society in j^artforri
Hartford, and proposed to the consideration of the people, Feb. Kb,
December 30, 171 1. Great pains were taken to instruct l^i'^-
them, and remove scandal Vvherever itmight be found. The
names of those who proposed to take the covenant upon
them were made public. The way having been thus pre-
pared, a day of fasting and prayer was appointed for that
purpose, when one hundred persons appeared and owned
the covenant. Other churches probably did something of
the same nature ; but how generally this was practised
does not appear, as few of the churches, at that time, kept
any record of their transactions. Many pa stors and church-
es could not adopt the recommendation at large, as they
were persuaded, that the owning of the covenant, as it has
been generally called, was entirely anti-scriptural.

No sooner Vv-as the war terminated, than the General As- ^j'^^^of'tj.^
.sembly, deeply affected with the apparent decline of cbris- Assembly,
tian morals, and desirous as far as possible to effect a re- May,
formation, at the May session, 1714, came to the fQliowing ^If-^J^^'
f Records of the secoad church in Hartford. morals.

50 HISTORY or Chap. 1,

Book n. resolution, viz. " This Assembly taking into their serious
V-^-Nr-x./ " consideration, the many evident tokens that the glory is
" departed from us : That the providences of God are
" plainly telling us that our ways do not please him. And
*' knowing the obligations that we are under, not only for
" the suppressing of all profaneness and immorality, that
" so greatly threatens the ruin of the land, but also to en-
" courage piety and virtue, do pray the honourable the
" Governour, to recommend to the Reverend Elders of the
" General Association, at their next meeting, that they give
" direction to each particular association throughout the
" government, that the state of religion be strictly enquired
" into, in every parish throughout this government ; and
" particularly how, and whether catechising be duly attend-
" ed ? And whether there be a suitable number of bibles
" in the various families in the respective parishes ; and
*' also if there be found, in any of our parishes, any that
" neglect attendance upon the public worship on the Lord's
" day ? To enquire what means have been used with such.
" persons to regain them to a compliance with their so ne-
" cessary a duty ; that thereby the worship of God be duly
" encouraged, observed and attended, both in families and
" parishes. And likewise, that diere be a strict enquiry,
" which, and what are the sins and evils that provoke the
"just majesty of heaven, to walk contrary unto us in the ways
" of his providence ; that thereby all possible means may
" be used for our healing and recovery from our degenera-
" cy. And it is further recommended to the Reverend El-
"ders of the General Association, that they send into the
" honourable, the Governour, what they find."*
Report of The pastors of the churches having made the enquiries
fhe Gene- -yvych had been recommended bv the Assembly, made their

r&l ASSOCI- ^ r\ 1 • "^ „ T 1 ■ 1

ation, Oct. report at the Uctober session, 1715. In this they repre-
1715. sent, " That there was a great want of bibles : That there
was a great neglect of attending on the public worship upon
the Sabbath and at other seasons : That catechising was
much neglected in several places : That there was a great
deficiency in family government : and that there were vari-
, ous irregularities with respect to commutative justice.
They complain particularly of tale bearing and defama-
tion : of calumniating, and contempt of authority and order,
both civil and ecclesiastical :" Of intemperance and seve-
ral other vices.!
Kesolu- The legislature upon this report, resolved, " We are

A?s"embf*'^ fearful that there hath been a great neglect of a due execu-
lo suppress *^on of those good laws already enacted, for the preventing
yit^o- * Kecords of the Colony, vol. iv. folio, year 1714, t Folio vol. v. 1715.

Chap. I. C(»TNECTICUT. 21

of such decays in religion." It was therefore enacted, Book TI.

" That all judges and justices of the peace in the respective v-«^-n^^«w/

" counties, in this colony, be diligent and strict in putting in 1715.

" execution all the laws and acts of this Assembly, made

" for the suppressing or punishing all or any of the above

" mentioned immoralities, or irregularities : and that there-

'• by the good ends proposed in such acts and laws may be

" attained. That the selectmen, constables and grand ju-

" rors in the respective towns in this colony shall, from

" time to time, strictly observe the following directions,

*' To the due execution of the law of this colony intitled

" Children to be educated, in all and every the several

*' parts and paragraphs of the said act. That the select-

" men make diligent enquiry of all householders within

'' their respective towns, how they are stored with bibles ;

*' and if upon such inquiry any such householder be found

" without one bible, at least, that then the said selectmen

" shall warn the said householder forthwith to procure one

" bible at least, for the use and benefit of such family. And

" if the same be neglected, then said selectmen shall make

" return thereof to the next authority : and that all thos^

" families v/hich are numerous, and whose circumstances

" will admit thereof, shall be supplied with a considerable

" number of bibles, according to the number of persons in

*' such families : and that they see that all such families be

" furnished with a suitable number of orthodox catechisms,

" and other good books of practical godliness, viz. such as

''' treat on, encourage and duly prepare for the right at-

" tendance on that great duty, the Lord's supper.

" That the constables and grand jurors in the respective
" towns in this colony, shall make due search after, and pre-
" sentment make, of all breaches of the following laws of
" this colony.

1. "Of an act entitled, Children to be educated.

2. " Of the first paragraph of the law entitled Ecclesias-
*' tical.

3. " Of the two last paragraphs of the law entitled an act
" for the better detecting and more effectual punishing of
" profaneness and immorality.

4. " Of an act for the better observation and keeping of
'■ the Lord's day.

5. "Of the law, — Tide lying.

6. "Of the law against swearing.

7. " Of an act to prevent unseasonable meetings of young
" people on the evening after the sabbath day, and at other
.'■' times.

8. " Of an act to prevent tippling and drunkennes,?.

22 HISTORY OF Chap. I.

JBooK II. 9. " Of an act to suppress unlicensed houses and for
s^-v^*^ " regulating such as were licensed."*
1716, The Assembly ordered that these resolutions should be
immediately printed, and that they should be published
through the colony. It also directed that they should be
read publicly in the several towns, at their annual meet-
ings, before the choice of their town officers. It was also
particularly recommended to all the towns to be very care-
ful in the appointment of their officers, to choose men of
known ability, integrity and resolution.

As literature and a general diffusion of christian knowl-
edge were considered as highly important for the maintain-
ing and advancing of religion, as well as for the liberty,
dignity and happiness of the commonwealth, the collegiate
school attracted the special attention, both of the legisla-
ture and clergy. Though generous donations had been
made for its encouragement and support, yet the state of it
The un- ^ygg fgj. from being flourishing or happy. The students
state of the were separated one from another. The senior class were
College, at Milford, under the instruction of Mr. Andrew, the rec-
tor pi'o tempore, and the other classes at Saybrook, under
the instruction of two tutors. In this scattered state, the
principal part of the school Avcre very little benefitted by
the instructions and government of the rector, which were
of great importance to its general order and advancement.
The books were necessarily divided and exposed to be lost.
The same general benefit could not, in this state, be deriv-
ed from the library. At the same time the scholars were
dissatisfied, both with the place and manner of their in-
struction. They judged that Saybrook was not sufficiently
compact for their accommodation. Some of them were
obliged to reside more than a mile from the place of their
public exercises. They were no better pleased with their
instruction and government, as they had no resident rector,
and the tutors w^re often young and inexperienced. The
students were not the only persons who complained. From
the beginning, there had been a disagreement with respect
Divisions ^o the place where the college should be fixed. Mens'
in the colo- opinions with respect to it were generally governed l^y
nyanda- thei,' interest. They generally chose the place which
trustees ^ would 1)cst accommodate themselves. This created warm
respecting parties in the colony, and even created a division among
i*- the trustees. Some were for continuing it at Saybrook,

others were zealously engaged to remove it to Hartford or
Weathersfield. A third party were not less engaged final-
ly to fix it at New-Haven. In this state of things, num-
* Colonj'- Records, folio vol. v. October session, 1713. ^

Chap. I. CONNECTICUT. 23

bers of the students became clamorous, and openly mani- Book II.
i'ested their disaffection and disrespect towards their tutors. Vrfr»^^'^>«/
This made it necessary for the trustees to meet and exam-
ine the reasons of their uneasiness and disorder.

They met at Saybrook, April 4th, 1716. When the Trustees
scholars came before them, they complained of the insuffi- ."^''^^Ig'
ciency of their instruction and the inconveniences of the
place, as their principal grievances. Especially, the
scholars from Hartford, Wcathersfield and the towns in
that vicinity, alledged, that it was a hardship to oblige
them to reside at Saybrook, when they could be as well
instructed and much better accommodated near home. It
has been the tradition, that most of these complaints had
been suggested to them by others, with a view to foment ^
a general uneasiness, and by these means effect the re-
moval of the college.

After a long debate on the circumstances of the school,
ii appeared that the trustees were no better agreed than
the students, and that some of them were governed by mo-
tives Avhich they did not choose openly to avow. Some
of them so strongly advocated the cause of the Hartford
and Wcathersfield scholars, that a majority of the trustees
condescended to give a toleration to them, and others who
were most uneasy, to go to such places of instruction, un-
til commencement, as should best suit their inclinations.
The consequence was, that the greatest part of them went The eol-
to Wcathersfield, and put themselves under the instruction '^ge is bro*
of the Rev. Elisha Williams, pastor of the church in Newint. ^^^^Zef
Some went to other places, and a number continued at into ?eve-
Saybrook. But the small pox, soon after, breaking out ra! places,
in the town, these generally removed to East-Guilford, and
were under the tuition of the Rev. Mr. Hart and Mr. Rus-
sell, till the commencement.

As the collegiate school was in this broken state, and as Subscrip-
the trustees were not agreed among themselves, in what fh'p^gs^ab-
place it should be fixed, the people, indifferent parts of jishmentof
the colony, began to subscribe considerable sums for the theCollege
building of a college, that, by these means, they might in- ^^ ^?"^
duce the trustees to fix it according to their wishes. About pjace.
700 pounds sterling was subscribed for the establishment of
it at New-Haven, 500 pounds for fixing it at Saybrook,
and considerable sums, for the same purpose, at Hartford
and Wcathersfield.

At the commencement, Sept. 12th, 1716, the trustees Trustees
met, at Saybrook, and took into consideration the state and "aTbrook
place of the collegiate school, but as they could not agree sept. 12,"'
\vi{h respect to tha^lace, in which.it, should be established, I7i6.

24 ll'iSTORY OF CJhap. t.

Book TI. they adjourned, until the 17th of October, to meet at
v.^'^v'^^ New-Haven.

Moet at T'he trustees,- for the first time, met at New-Haven, ac-

New-Ha- cording to adjournment. There were present, the Rev;
von Oct. Messrs. Samuel Andrew, Timothy Woodbridge, Joseph
aud vote' Webb, Samuel Russel, Moses Noyes, John Davenport,
that the Thomas Buckingham and Thomas Ruggles. They had
College now had further time and opportunity to consult the opin-
that place* ^°"^ and feelings of the people, to obtain the opinion of
" Governor Saltonstall, and of the General Assembly, and to
know what subscriptions had been made for one place and
another. Having obtained all the information on the sub-
ject which they judged necessary, they voted, " Thatcon-
" sidering the ditliculties of continuing the collegiate school
" at Say brook, and that New-Haven is a convenient place
" for it, for which the most liberal donations are given, the
" the trustees agree to remove the said school from Say-
'' brook to New-Haven, and it is now settled at New-Ha-
'" ven accordingly."* Five of the trustees present, were
in the vote ; Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Buckingham, were
for Weathersfield. Mr. Noyes declared, that he did not
see the necessity of removing the school from Saybrook;
but if it must be removed, his mind was to settle it at New-
Haven.

The trustees at tliis meeting, received 250 pounds ster-
ling, which the General Assembly had granted some years
before, arising from the sale of the equivalent lands. They
had before in the treasury about 125 pounds. These sums,
with the large subscriptions which had been made for the
building of the college at New-Haven, encouraged the trus-
tees to vote that they would build a large, convenient col-
lege, and a rector's house at New-Haven : and they ap-
pointed a committee to accomplish the work.

They voted, That the Rev. Mr. Andrew should continue
rector, pro tempore, until a fixed rector could be obtained.
They also appointed two tutors ; and gave orders that all
the students, belonging to the school, should repair to New-
Haven for instruction and government. At the same time,
they appointed Mr. Stephen Buckingham of Norwalk, one
of the trustees. The scholars who had been studying ah
East-Guilford, came to New-Haven, according to the di-
rection of the trustees ; but none came from Weathersfield.
Such was their obstinacy, and such the countenance and
•support which others gave them, that they continued their
studies there until the next commencement. The trustees
sent the record of their doings at this meeting, to the Rev.
* President C!:-'.p\s History of Yale CoHcge, p. 18.

Cha#. I. CONNECTICUT. 25

Mr. James Noyes of Stonington, who on the 19th of De- Book II.
cember, signed it, and dechired his hearty concurrence with ^..^-v^***'
every vote.

The trustees met again at New-Haven, the next April. Trustees
At this meeting, seven trustees, the Rev. Messrs. James ™f^^* ^PJ'^
Noyes, Samuel Andrew, Samuel Russel, Joseph Webb, '
John Davenport, Thomas Ruggles and Stephen Bucking-
ham, were present. The acts which had been passed at
the preceding meeting, at this were read, voted and sub-
scribed by all the members present, except Mr. Stephen
Buckingham, who on the account of his relatives and friend;;
at Say brook, judged it expedient not to act.

While the trustees in general, were fixed in their deter-
mination to establish the college at New-Haven, they met
with a strong opposition from gentlemen in the northern
and eastern parts of the colony^ The people in gcHeral,
were warmly engaged on one side or the other, which oc-
casioned the affair several times to be taken up and warm-
ly debated in the General Assembly. No act however,
had as yet been passed relating to the subject. The trus- Com-
tees pursuing their own resolutions with firmness and con- ™g°^"^^
stancy, held the commencement at New-Haven. Mr. An- New-Ha-
drew moderated as rector pro tempore. Four senior so- ven, Sept^-
phisters came from Saybrook, and received the degree of ^^' ^'^^'''
Bachelor of Arts, and numbers were admitted to the de-
gree of Masters. The number of students was thirty one ;
of whom thirteen, the past year, had studied at New-Ha-
ven, fourteen at Weathersfield, and four at Saybrook.

Soon after the commencement, the college house wasOct.StD,
raised at New-Haven. Nevertheless, Messrs. Woodbridge, ^'T^^-
Buckingham, and their respective parties, persisted in their
opposition to the proceedings of the trustees. They, in
the October session, presented a remonstrance to the As-
sembly, alledging, That the votes of the trustees to fix the sJ^^ce" !*-
college at New-Haven, in October 17th, 1716, and April gainst thf.
5th, 1717, were not legal. They insisted, That the major votes of
part of them were not in the votes, and that one was not ^^'^^ "^"^^
qualified according to law : That in October, 1716, there
were, at least, nine existing trustees, and that four of them
only were in the vote : That Mr. Ruggles was chosen be-
fore he was forty years of age ; and that the choice was
therefore null : and that Mr.- Noyes' consent to the votes
so long after, and at such a distance, could avail nothing
to their confirmation. In the acts of April, 1717, they af-
firmed that there were five trustees only out of ten.

The trustees replied, That in October, 1716, there wfere Reply ojf
but Bine trustees : That a vacancy had been made by the trustees,

D

2'e HISTORY OF Chap. L

Book II. death of Mr. Picrpont, which had not been supplied ; and
v-K-v^s-^ that Mr. Mather of Windsor, had been bed rid many years,
1717. had resigned his ministry, and could not, in those circurn-
stances, be considered as a trustee. They pleaded, that if
Mr. Ruggles was not forty years of age at the time of hi.s
nomination, yet that at the time when the vote was passed,
he had arrived to that age ; and that the trustees, in con-
formity to their previous nomination, admitting him to sit
and act, had associated him according to their charter.
With respect to Mr. Noyes, they replied, that as they v/ere
not limited as to the manner of their acting, he, though ab-
sent, at the time of their meeting, might give his consent
to said act, by subscribing it at home, some time after, a.s
well as if he had been present. They therefore insisted,
that there was a majority of six out of nine : and that in
'vpril, 1717, after the choice of Mr. Stephen Buckingham^
there was a majority of six out of ten. They further insist-
ed, that if Mr. Ruggles should not be reckoned at either of
the meetings, nor Mr. Noyes, nor any other of the trustees
uhcn absent, that there was a majority of those present^
which constituted a legal act.
iicEolve of After a full hearing, the upper house resolved, "That
The upper iI^q objections against the vote of the trustees, were insuf-
house. ficient." The lower house, after a long debate, resolved
nothing relative to the subject. This shows how deeply
the colony felt itself interested in this affair, and how un-
happily it was divided.
The trus- The trustees,, who were then convened at New-Haven,
lees fix tiie nyjsJ^ijj-ig to remove all occasion of objection for the future,
^'ew-Ha- passed a vote, in which they declared Mr. Ruggles to be a
Tcu. - trustee, and associated him as such. They also passed a
vote, predicated on several former acts, in which they
finally fixed the college at New-Haven. To this, for the
greater solemnity, seven of the trustees, 'James Noyes,
Moses Noyes, Samuel Andrew, Samuel Russel, Joseph-
Webb, John Davenport and Thomas Ruggles, set their
bands. The reasons assigned by the trustees for estab-
lishing the college at New-Haven, were, the difficulties of
keeping it at Saybrook, arising partly from the uneasiness
of the students, and partly from the continual attempts of
numbers of gentlemen to remove it to Hartford. They
judged that to be too far from the sea, and that it would,
by no means, accommodate the Western and Southern col-
onies, in most of which, at that period, there were no col-
leges. They Avere also of the opinion, that New-Haven^
On the account of its commodious situation, the salubritv
an,ti agreeablciicss of its air, and the cheapness of it? com-

tJHAi'. I. CONNECTICUT. vT

modities, was the best adapted to that purpose. Fur- Book li.
ther, the largest donations had been made there, without v,.^-v-^>^
which they could not defray the expense of building the
college house.

In these circumstances, the General Assembly, dcsirour. The A=t
«f strengthening the hands of the trustees, and of promoting scmbly
the interests of the college, beforethe close of the sessions, in 1',^^'^^
October, passed the following act : " That under the pres- pmccrd.
*' ent circumstances of the collegiate school, the Reverend Oct. I'sv,
" Trustees be advised to proceed in that affair, and to fin-
''' ish the house which they have built in Ncw-ILivca for
" the entertainment of die scholars belonging to the colle-
'''giate school." At the same time, the Assemljly granted
an hundred pounds to be distributed among the instructors
of the college.*

Notwithstanding it seemed as though the college- vras MayjTlii.
now established at New-Haven, both by the trustees and the
General Assembly, there were gentlemen who continued
fixed in the plan of establishing it at Weathersiield. They
encouraged the students who had been instructed there the
last year, who were about fourteen in number, to continue
their studies still in the same place. At the session in May
following, the house of representatives voted, " to desire
" the trustees to consent that the commencement should be
" held alternately at Weathersfield and New-Haven, till the
" place of the school be fully determined." The upper
house were of the opinion, that the place of the " school
was fully determined already by the indisputable votes of
the trustees, and the subsequent advice of the Assembly
thereupon ; and therefore they did not concur. Govern-
our Saltonstall was supposed always to favour the estab-
lishment of the college at New-Haven, and his influence
might be one reason, that the upper house acted more readi-
ly and firmly for it than the house of representatives. He
was possessed of a considerable landed interest in the eas-
tern part of the town, which some imagined was a motive,
as it would increase the value of his lands.

About this time, the college at New-Haven received a DonatioBf
number of large and generous donations ; which at this pe- J°^^ '^ ^f'
riod, when the college was struggling under so many difficul- ''
ties, were peculiarly acceptable. Governour Yale, who
in 1714, had sent over 40 volumes in Mr. Dummer's col-
lection, sent, to the college, the last year, 300 volumes more.
It was computed that both parcels were worth an hundred
pounds sterling. This year, 1718, he sent over goods to
ihe amount of two hundred pounds sterling, prime cost,
# Records of Connecticut, folio vol. v. Oct. 1717.

'^S HISTORY OF Chap. I.

BookII. \vita tlie king'D picture and arms. He gave iiUimalipns,
^.drf'-v*^^ that he would still add. Three years after, he sent the va-
1718. lue ofan hundred pounds more. Mr. Dummer, at the same
time, sent seventy six volumes of books, twenty of which
were folios. The whole were estimated at 30 pounds ster-
ling. Governour Saltonstall and Jahaleel Benton, Esq. of
Newport, each of them made to the college a present of fifty
pounds sterling. By these and several other large dona-
tions, the school experienced a. happy alteration. The
college which had been erected the last October, was now
so far finished as to be fit for the reception and accommo-
dation of all the students. It was an hundred and seventy
feet in length, and twenty two feet in breadth. It was three
stories high, and made a very handsome appearance. It
contained nearly fifty studies in large chambers. It was'
furnished with a convenient hall, library and kitchen. The-
cost of it was about a thousand pounds sterling.
Com- ^'^ t^^ ^ "^^^ of September, there was a splendid com-

mence- mencement at Nev/-Haven. Exclusive of the trustees,
ment at there were present, the honourable Gurdon Saltonstall, Esq.
ven^'sent Governor of Connecticut, t|ie honourable William Taylor,
I2,'l7l8. Esq. as representing Governor Yale, the honourable Na-
than Gould, Esq. deputy Governor, several of the Arssist-
anls and Judges of the circuit, a large body of the clergy,
and numerous spectators.

The trustees impressed with a sense of Governor Yale's
The col- great generosity, called (he collegiate school Yale College,
'Gge and entered a memorial of it upon record in the words fol-

ho™ r to lowing: " Generosissima, honoratissimi Domini Elihu
Gov. Yale. Yale Armigeri, donatione, vigilantes scholae academicae, in
splendido Novi Portus Connecticutensis oppido constitutse,
Curatores, sedificium collegiale inceptum erectumqUe pcrfi-
cere capaces redditi, honoremtali tantoque Msecenati patro-
noque debitum animo gratissimo mcditantes, memoriamcjue
tanti beneficii in hanc prascijuie coloniam collati, in omne
agvum modo optimo perducere studiosi : Nos Curatores,
negotii tanti in commune prassertim hujus provinciae populi
bonum.momenti cura honorati, omothumadon conscntimus,
statuimus, et ordinanius, nostras sedes academicas patroni
munificentissimi, nomine appellari, atque Yalense Colle-
gium nominari : ut hajc provincia diuternum viri adeo gene-
rosi, qui, tanta benevolentia tantaque nobilitate, in commo-
dum illorum maseimum propriamque incolarum et in prae-
senti et futuris s^culis utilitatem consuluit, monumentum
retineat et conservel."
It may be rendered in English in the following manner, viz.
The trustees of the Collegiate school, constituted in the

CiiAP. I. CONNECTICUT. 2Q

splendid town of New-Haven, in Connecticut, being ena- Book II.
bled by the most generous donation of the Honorable v^-n'^>«/
Elihu Yale, Esq. to linish the college house already 1713,
begun and erected, gratefully considering the honor due
to such and so great a Benefactor and Patron, and being
desirous, in the best manner, to perpetuate to all ages, the
memory of so great a benefit, conferred chiefly on this
colony : We the trustees having ^he honor of being intrust-
ed with an affair of so great importance ^to the common
good of the people, especially of this province, do with
one consent agree, determine and ordain that our College
House shall be called by the name of its munificent Pat-
ron, and shall be named Yale College : That this Pro-
vince may keep and preserve a lasting monument of such
a generous Gentleman, who by so great benevolence and
generosity, has provided for their greatest good, and the
peculiar advantage of the inhabitants, both in the present
and future ages.

On the morning of the commencement, this testimonial Transac-
of generosity and gratitude ^was published with solemn *'"°^_ ^'
pomp, in the college hall, both in Latin and English. The nience-
procession then moved to the meeting house, and attended meat,
the public exercises of the day. In addition to the usual
exercises at the commencement, the Rev. John Daven-
port, one of the trustees, delivered a florid oration in cele-
bration of the generosity of Governor Yale, and its happy
influence on their infant school. The honorable Gov. Sal-
tonstall, was pleased to crown the public exercises with an
elegant Latin Oration, in which he expatiated upon the
happy state of the college, as fixed at New-Haven, and en-
dowed with so many noble benefactions. He particular-
ly celebrated the generosity of Governor Yale, with pecu-
liar respect and honor.

At this commencement eight young gentlemen received
the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and a number were admit-
ted to the degree of Masters.

On the same day on which the commencement was hoi- Com-
den with so much celebrity at New-Haven, a dissatisfied mence-
party held a kind of commencement at Weathersfield, in ^^°^*^^* ^
the presence of a large number of spectators. Five scho- ggj^j^
lars, who were originally of the same class with those who
now received their degrees at NcAv-Haven, performed pub-
lic exercises. Mr. Woodbridge moderated, and he with
Mr. Buckingham, and other ministers present, signed cer-
tificates, expressing their opinion, that they were worthy
of the degree of Bachelor of Arts. Mr. Woodbridge, in a
formal manner, gave them these certificates in the meet-

30

HISTORY OF

(SHAP. I.

Book II.

1718.
Jjetters of
thanks to
benefac-
tors.

Remarks
on the
transac-
tions at
Weathers-
field.

Oct. 9,
1718.
Resolu-
tions of
the As-
sembl}'.

ing house ; and this was commonly taken and represented
as giving their degrees.

Soon after the commencement, the trustees sent a com-
plaisant letter of thanks to Governor Yale, expressing the
deep sense which they had of his generosity, and certify-
ing him of all the transactions at the commencement. They
also sent a letter of thanks to their great friend and bene-
factor, Jeremiah Dumm%c, Esq. for his late donation of
books ; they also forwarded another to General Nichol-
son, for his donation of books in Mr. Dummcr's collect
tion.

The conduct of the two trustees, Woodbridge and Buck-
ingham, in holding a commencement and giving degrees at
Weathersfield, could be considered in no other point of light,
than that of a great misdemeanour, and highly reprehen-
sible. It was a direct violation of the acts of the trustees
and the resolutions of the General Assembly, totally in-
consistent with their duty as trustees, and calculated in its
whole tendency, to keep up division and disorder in the
college and in the colony. The scholars, by withdraw-
ing themselves from the government and instruction of the
college, had little claim to its honors. This transaction,
indeed was such, in the whole view of it, as at once strik-
ingly to exhibit the weakness and fallibility of wise and
good men, and how greatly they may fall in an hour of
temptition. But whatever v/as the criminality of this
transaction, or whatever opinions the trustees or legislature
might form concerning it, such were the divisions in the
colony, such the heat and agitation of men's spirits, that it
was judged expedient to let it pass without public repre-
hension, and to adopt the most condescending and con-
ciliatory measures. Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Bucking-
ham, were men of important characters,. and their influence
in the colony was very considerable.

It was the desire of the legislature and trustees, as far as
possible to conciliate their friendship tOAvards the college,
and towards themselves, and to quiet the minds gf their
party.

When the General Assembly came together, in October,
they therefore passed the following resolutions, to compose
the difficulties which had arisen on account of the es-
tablishment of the college at New-Haven, and to effect a
good agreement among the trustees, and in the colony in
general.

1 . " That the annual salary allowed out of the public
treasury to the collegiate school, for the year past, shall
be distributed to the tutors at New-Haven^, Weathers-

Cha/. I. CONNECTICUT. 31

field and Saybrook, in proportion to the scholars under Book IL
their tuition." v,.^-v-^./

2. " That the scholars who performed their exercises at 1718.
Weathersfield, shall have their degrees at New-Haven,
without further examination ; and that all scholars entered

at the school in Weathersfield, shall be admitted to the same
standing in the school at New-Haven."

3. " That there shall be 500 pounds allowed for the
building of a State House at Hartford, which money shall
be procured by the sale of land belonging to this colony,
and shall be put into the hands of such committee as the
Assembly shall appoint for that use : and it is ordered,
that the scholars at Weathersfield, shall come dov/n to
New-Haven."

4. " That 50 pounds be procured by the sale of such
lands as above said, and given to the town of Saybrook,
for the use of the school in said town."

5. " That the Governor and council, at the desire of the
trustees of said college, shall give such orders as they shall
think proper, for the removing of the books, belonging to
the said college, left at Saybrook, to the library provided
for the placing of them at New-Haven."

6. " That the several particulars above mentioned, that
relate to the said college, be recommended by the Govern-
or and Council, to the trustees of the said school, for their
observation : and that said college be carried on, promoted
•and encouraged at New-Haven, and all due care taken for
its flourishing."*

The trustees came fully into the measures recommend- Vote of
ed by the General Assembly. They ordered, " that if Jg^s*''"^
any of those five scholars should produce to the rector, a
testimony under the hands of any tAvo of the trustees, of
their having been approved as qualified for a degree, the
rector, upon easy and reasonable terms, should give them
a Diploma in the usual form, and that their names should
be inserted in the class as they were at first placed, "t This
was finally accomplished, and the consequences were happy.

Upon the previous desire of the trustees, the Governor f^^Q books
and Council met at Saybrook, in December follo^ving, and removed
granted a warrant to the sheriff", authorising him to deliver from Saj^-
the books to the trustees : But notwithstanding the pacific jve-^.Hgl
measures which the legislature had adopted, there was op- ven.
position to the removal of them. The sheriff when he came
to the house where they had been kept, foiuid it filled and
surrounded with men, determined to resist him. He, with'

* Records of Connecticut, vol. v. Oct. 1718.

•f> Preside^ct Clap's H^tgrv of Yale ColIegCj ^. a?, 2S<-

52 HiStORY OF Chap. L

Book II. his attendants, nevertheless forcibly entered the house, and
v^^v-Si^ delivered the books according to his orders, and they were
171 f^. conveyed to New-Haven : but such was the resistance and
confusion attending the transaction, that about two hundred
and fifty of the most valuable books and several important
papers, were conveyed away by persons unknown, and no
discovery could ever be made of them.
The oppo- After this unhappy struggle, the heat of men's spirits
sitioi) sub- began to subside, and a general harmony was gradually in-
Bides. troduced among the trustees, and in the colony. Mr. Wood-
bridge and Mr. Buckingham, became entirely friendly to
the college at New-Haven, and exerted themselves to pro-
mote its interests. The trustees, some time after, as a tes-
timony of their esteem of Mr. Woodbridge, appointed him
rector pro tempore, and in 1723,* he moderated and gave
the degrees.
The rcpu- The college, thus fixed at New-Haven, enriched with
humhe^s"of benefactions, and accommodated with a large and beauti-
the college f"l house, began to flourish, and was much more to be no-
locrcase. ticed in the learned world, than it had been in its former
obscure and scattered condition. The number of students in-
creased to about forty. These were under the tuition and gov--
ernment of two tutors; and as the college was now in the vicin-
ity of Milford, was more frequently visited, and more under
the eye of Mr. Andrew, than it had ever before been. If
however, yet labovu'ed under many inconveniences. In that
state of disorder which had been in the colony, and espe-
cially among the students of the college, they had very
much lost a spirit of subordination, and contracted such dis-
orderly and vicious habits, as could not, at once, be v. holly,
suppressed. The college greatly needed a resident rec-
tor, by whose wisdom and experience, and a more uniform
and energetic government, those irregularities might bo
eradicated, and better morals, and" a greater degree of or-
der and studiousness be introduced.
Mar6h, The trustees \vishing to remove all inconveniences and

^^^•, to put the college under the best advantages, convened the
ler chosen "Gxt year in March, and made choice of the Rev. Timothy
Rector. Cuder of Stratford, to be the resident rector until their next
meeting. He came almost directly to New-Haven, and en-
tered on the instruction and government of the college.
When the trustees met at the next commencement, they
1720^'"^^'^ voted, " That Mr. Cutler's service hitherto, in the place
of a Rector, was to their good satisfaction, and therefore
they desired him to continue in it."

While the trustees Avere attempting to put the college-
upon the best establishment, the legislature had enacted for

Chap. I. CONNECTICUT. ^

their encouragement, that 300 pounds worth of new lands Book TI.
should be sold, and that 40 pounds annually should be paid K^-^^-^m^
to the instructors for the term of seven years. 1722^

To make compensation to the people of Stratford, for the
removal of their minister, the trustees agreed to give them
Mr. Cutler's house and home lot, which they purchased foi"
84 pounds sterling. To accommodate Mr. Cutler and his
family, at New-Haven, they built the rector's house, which,
with the lands on which it was erected, cost them 260
pounds sterling.

Rector Cutler was popular, acceptable to the legisla-
ture and the clergy, and the students were quiet under his
instructions and government. The college appeared now
to be firmly established, and in a flourishing and happy
state. But, from a quarter entirely unexpected, it suffer-^
ed a sudden and great change. At the commencement, it
was discovered, that the rector, and Mr. Brown, one of the p^^,**^^
tutors, had embraced episcopacy, and that they and two hraces
of the neighbouring ministers, Mr. Johnson of West-Ha- Episcopa,-
ven, and Mr. Wetmore of North-Haven, had agreed to re- ^V-
nounce the communion of the churches in Connecticut, and
to take a voyage to England and receive episcopal ordi-
nation. Scarcely any thing could have been more surpris-
ing to the trustees, or the people in general, as they had
no suspicions that the rector was inclining to epis(^opacy,
as there was no episcopalian minister fixed in the colony,
and as very few of the laity were inclined to that persua-
sion.

Governor Saltonstall was a great man, and well vers- GoreFnw^
ed in the episcopal controversy, and the tradition has been, Salton-
that he judged it of such general importance, in the then ^y^^g 'u[_
circumstances of the colony, that the point should be well
understood, that he publicly disputed it with Mr. Cutler, at
the commencement, and that he was judged by the clergy
and spectators in general, to have been superior to him as
to argument, and gave them much satisfaction relative to the
subject. It was supposed that several other gentlemen of
considerable character among the clergy, were in the
scheme of declaring for episcopacy, and of carrying over
the people of Connecticut in general, to that persuasion.
But as they had been more private in their measures, and
had made no open profession of episcopacy, when they saw
the consequences with respect to the rector and the other
ministers, that the people would not hear them, but dis-
missed them from their service, they were glad to conceal
their former purposes, and to continue in their respective^
places.

E

34 HISTORY OF Chap, h

Book II. Tfie fiiistecs at the commencement, passed no resolve.

^..^-v^^^ relntivc to the rector, but gave themselves time to know the
(722. tilt' general opinion of the people, and to consult the legis-
lature on the subject. But, meeting in October, while the
i^sscmbly were in session at New-Haven, they came to the
following resolutions ; " That the trustees, in faithfulness to

Oct. nth " ^l^C" trust reposed in them, do excuse tlie Rev. Mr. Cutler
1122. " from all further services as rector of Yale College : That
" the trustees accept of the resignation which Mr. Brown
" hath made as tutor." Voted, " That all such persons as
'' shall hereafter be elected to the office of rector or tutor in
" this college, shall before they arc accepted therein, before
*' the trustees, declare their assent to the confession of faith
'' owned and assented toby the elders and messengers of
" the churches in this colony of Connecticut, assembled by
'' delegation at Saybrook, September 9, 1708 : and con-
" firmed by act of the General Assembly : and shall par-
•' ticularly give satisfaction to them, of the soundness ol'
" their faith, in opposition to Arminian and prelatical cor-
•'ruptions, or of any other of dangerous consequence to
" the purity and peace of our churches : But if it cannot.
"' be before the trustees, it shall be in the power of any two
" trustees, with the rector, to examine a tutor, with respect
" to the confession and soundness of his faith, in opposi-
'' tion to such corruptions." They also voted, " That up-
" on just ground of suspicion of the rector's or tutor's in-
" clination to Arminian or prelatic principles, a meeting of
^' the trustees shall be called, as soon as may be, to exam-
'' ine into the case."

Mr. Cutler and Mr. Brown, having been thus dismiss-
i'd from their services at the college ; and Mr. Johnson a-
bout the same time, having been dismissed from his pasto-
ral relation, soon after went to England, with a view to re-
ceive episcopal ordination. They all received holy orders.
While they were in England, they visited the universities,
and were received by the vice chancellor of each and the
heads of houses with peculiar marks of esteem. Mr. Cut-
ler had the degree of Doctor in Divinity conferred upon
him, and Mr. Johnson that of Master of Arts in both uni-
versities.* Di'. Cutler returned in the character of a mis-
. ^,^, sionary, from the society to the episcopal church in Boston.
Mr. Johnson, upon his return, about the year 1724, be-
came the fixed missionary of the church at Stratford. Mr.
Brown died soon after he had received orders. Mr. Wet-
more about this time, made a voyage to England, receiv-
ed episcopal ordination, and was fixed as a missionary at
* Dr. Humphrey's history of propagating the gospel in foreign part?.

Chap. I. CONNECTICUT. sp

Rye, in the province of New- York. He enjoyed a long Book IL
ministry, and died at Rye, 1760. These were the first of v^*^~v,<-^^-
the clergy who declared for episcopacy in Connecticut,
and were very much the fathers of the episgOQa[.^hujC£}i ij^
Connecticut and in New-England. .J^A.''-S:^'2.. / /O

While these things were transacting, Governor Yale, Death of
the great benefactor of the college, died in England, July Governo,r-
8th, 1721. The governor was the son of Thomas Yale, ^^*^'
Esq. and was born at New-Haven, April 5th, 1648. His
father was of an ancient and wealthy family in Wales,
which for many generations, inherited the manor of Plas
Grannow, and several other Messuages near the city of
Wrexham, of the yearly value of 500 pounds. But for the
sake of religion, he came into America, in 1638, and was
one of the first and principal settlers of New-Haven. At
about ten years of age, he sent his son to England, where
he completed his education. At about thirty, he went to
the East Indies, where he resided nearly twenty years.
He acquired a great estate in that country, was made gov-
ernor of fort St. George, and married an Indian lady of for-
tune, relict of governor Hinmers, his predecessor in the
government. By her he had three daughters, Catherine,
Anne, and Ursula. After his return to London, he was
chosen governor of the East India company. His eldest
daughter married Dudley North, Esq. commonly called
Lord North ; his second married James Cavendish, uncle
to the duke of Devonshire. Ursula died unmarried. The
governor continued his friendship and generosity towards
the college to the close of his life. A short time before his
death, he wrote his will, in which it is said, that, in addi-
tion to his other donations, he gave 500 pounds to Yale
College. Afterwards judging it most expedient to execute
that part of his will himself, he packed up goods to the a-
mount of 500 pounds, ready to be sent ; but before they
were shipped, he took a journey into Wales, and died at
Wrexham, at or near the seat of his ancestors. The goods
consequently were never sent. Governor Saltonstall took
great pains to obtain a probate for the will ; but found it
impracticable. Governor Yale, by means of his birth and
connections at New-Haven, became acquainted with Gov-
ernor Saltonstall, Mr. Pierpont, and the stale of the college,
which was the occasion of his generous and repeated dona-
tions. He has been celebrated as a gentleman, not only
abundant in wealth, but in generosity and good humour.
His name and memory will be perpetuated with honour anc^
gratitude in Yale College.

T«E controversy relative to the removal of the colIegCj

36'

HISTORY OF Chap. I.

Book II. had ©ccasioned various questions relative to its charter,
^«*«•-^^->w' which induced the General Assembly to make an addition-
Act of the al and explanatory act. In this it was declared, "That
Assembly a ^^^y trustee might resign his office when he should see '

the^col!^° "cause: That seven trustees convened at any meeting,
lege. " properly warned, should be a quorum ; and have power

" to act by a majority then present ; and to appoint a clerk
" to register their acts : Tliat a minister of thirty years of
" age, might be chosen a trustee : and that the rector
" should be a trustee ex officio." For a time, there was
some hesitation with regard to the reception of this act ; but
it was finally accepted, and the trustees acted in conformi-
ty to it, until the grant of the second charter in 1745.

After the removal of Mr. Cuder, the trustees agreed that
each of them would reside at the college, by turns, for the
term of about a month, at a time, with the authority of a
rector : This form of government continued nearly fouF
years. But at the commencements in 1 724, 1 725 and 1 726,
Mr. Andrew moderated and gave the degrees.

By this time it was found, by experience, that the college
could not be instructed and governed in the best manner
by monthly rectors. No person in so short a time, could a
acquaint himself with the genius and character of the scho- '^
lars, nor obtain any considerable experience with respect
to the best mode of instruction and government. A per-
son who instructed by turns, and for so short a time only,
could not be so ready a teacher as one who made it his
constant employment. It was not possible, under such a
constant change of teachers, that the instruction and gov-
ernment should be so uniform, and energetic, as when un-
der the steady conduct of one superintendant. The trus-
tees therefore found themselves under a pressing necessity
of obtaining a rector who should fix his residence at the
college, and make the instruction and government of it his
constant employment.

On the 29th of September, 1725, they made choice of
ylms cho- ^^^ ^^^' Elisha Williams, minister at Newington, in Weath-
sen rector, ersfield, to be the rector of the college. He accepted the
1725. appointment, but the circumstances of his renwval, were
not settled until the next comniencement. In September,
VUd^ 1726, Mr. Williams was installed. In the presence of the
trustees, he gave his consent to the confession of faith and
articles of discipline, agreed upon by the churches of this
colony in 1708. After this he made an oration in the col-
lege hall. When he had concluded this, the trustees, com-
ing in succession, saluted him as rector of the college.
To cqpnpengate the people of Newington for the removal

€hap.1. CONNECTICUT. >37

of their minister, the General Assembly granted them an Book II.
hundred pounds ; and, it seems, for several years released ^-^-n/'-v^
them from their country tax. 1 726.

No sooner was Mr. Williams established in his office,
than he began effectually to suppress vice and disorder a-
mong the students. He introduced and established a num-
ber of good customs. A taste for study, and for useful and
polite literature increased, and the college flourished and
was happy under his administration.

While the college was thus endowed and settled, spe-
cial attention was given to the instruction of the people in
general ; schools were encouraged, their num.ber increas-
ed, and their state ameliorated. The inhabitants increas-
ed, new societies were constantly making, and new church-
es forming. To encourage the new towns and parishes,
and that all the inhabitants might fully enjoy the gospel and
its ordinances, the legislature, for a certain time released
them from public taxes, and enabled them to tax all the
lands within their respective limits, in such a manner, and
for so long a time, as they should judge necessary for their
assistance, while they were settling ministers, and building
houses for public worship among them.

But though the churches were multiplying and generally
enjoying peace, yet sectaries were creeping in, and began
to make their appearance in the colony. Episcopacv
made some advances, and in several instances there was a
separation from the standing churches. The Rogerenes
and a few Baptists made their appearance among the in-
habitants; meetings were held in private houses, and lay-
men undertook to administer the sacraments. This occa-
sioned the following act of the General Assembly, at their
sessions in May, 1723,

" Whereas notwithstanding the liberty allowed, by law, An act to
" both to ministers and people, to worship God according Fevent
" to their own consciences, there are some persons who, j^^^g ^^j..
" without qualifying themselves as the law directs, for the ship of
" enjoyment of such liberty, presume to form themselves God.
" into separate meetings, and neglect to attend on any
" public worship of God on the Lord's day, under colour
" of gathering themselves together in private houses, for
" preaching and other parts of divine worship ; and Avhere-
" as some persons without the least pretence, or colour of
" being ordained in any form whatsoever ministers of the
" gospel, have nevertheless presumed to gather together in
^' a tumultuous manner, and take upon them to administer
"' the sacrament of baptism, to the great sbuse and pro-^
.V fanation of that holy ordinance :

.38 HISTORY OF enAP. I.

Book If. '* Be it therefore enacted by the governor, and council,
N-^v^^i^ " and representatives, in general court assembled, and by
" the authority of the same, That whatsoever persons shall
" presume, on the Lord's day, to neglect the public wor-
" ship of God in some lawful congregation, and form them-
" selves into separate companies in private houses, being
" convicted thereof before any assistant or justice of the
" peace, shall each of them, for every such offence, forfeit
^' the sum of twenty shillings.

'^ And it is further enacted, by the authority aforesaid,
" that whatsoever person, not being a lawfully allowed
" minister of the gospel, shall presume to profane the
" holy sacraments, by administering, or making a show of
" administering them to any person or persons whatsoever,
" and being thereof convicted before the county court, in
" such county where such offence shall be committed, shall
" incur the penalty of ten pounds for every such offence,
" and suffer corporal punishment, by whipping, not ex-
" ceeding thirty stripes for each offence.'"!

The existing laws of the colony made provision for the
relief of persons soberly dissenting from the mode of wor-
ship established in it, upon application made to the legis-
lature. Besides it cannot be denied, that for persons un-
ordained and entirely unauthorized to administer the sacra-
ments, and especially in a tumultuous manner, must be a
high profanation of the holy ordinances, and a very great
misdemeanor. Nevertheless this act, it is believed, has
generally been considered as inconsistent with the rights of
conscience, and that toleration which ought to be exercised
towards christians of all denominations. The Quakers,
Rogerenes,* Baptists, and other separates, have made

t Records of the State of Connecticut, Vol. V. May, 1723.

* The Rogerenes were a sort of Quakers, who had their origin and
name from one John Rogers, of New-London. He was a man of unbound-
ed ambition, and wished to be something more than common men. One
Case and one Banks, two lewd men, called singing Quakers, coming thro'
the colony singing and dancing, accompanied with a number of women to
assist them in their musical exercises ; and especially to proclftim how
their lips dropped with myrrh and honey, fell in company with John, and
at once made a convert of him to their religion. He, in a high degree im-
Ijibed their spirit, and ever retained it. iVotwithstanding, it was not long-
after, before he commenced a seventh day Baptist. After maintaining
the opinion of this sect for a short time, he returned again to Quakerism.
To gratify his pride, and that he might appear as the head of a peculiar
sect, he differed in several points from the Quakers. Particularly he main-
tained that there were three ordinances of religious use, baptism, the
Liord's supper, and imposition of hands. To make himself more eminent,
as the head of a new sect, he commenced preacher of his peculiar scheme,
and without any kind of ordination, administered baptism to his followers.
The madness, immodesty, and tumultuous conduct of Rogers and thosR
who followed him, at this day, is hardly conceivable, It seemed to J^e

Chap L CONNECTICUT. 39

great complaints of this and some other similar laws, by Book II.
which, perhaps, in some few instances, they have bee:. \,^~-/^->^
subject to penalties which they ought not to have endured.
But in general, the punishments inflicted, and the suiler-
ings of which the sectaries boasted, as endured for Christ's
and conscience sake, were for gross immoralities, breaches
of the peace, and high misdemeaners against the laws of
God and men. Numbers of the sectaries of that day were
the most wild and violent enthusiasts. They had deeply
imbibed the spirit of George Fox, and the Munster Bap-
tists, and gave incalculable trouble both to the cliurch and
commonwealth.

their study and delight to violate the sabbath, insult magistrates and min*-
isters, and to trample on ail law and authority, human and divine. They
would come, on the Lord's day, into the most public assemblies nearly or
quite naked, and in the time of public worship, behave in a wild and tu-
multuous manner, crying out, and charging the most venerable ministers
with lies and false doctrine. They would labour upon the Lord's day,
drive carts by places of public worship, and from town to town, apparently
on purpose to disturb Christians and Christian assemblies. They seemed
to take pains to violate the laws in the presence of olFicers, that they might
be complained of, and have an opportunity to insult the laws, the courts,
and all civil authority.

A particular instance of their conduct on a certain occasion, when Ro-
gers was indicted for a high misdemeanor, may serve as a specimen of
their spirit and conduct in general. i he crime for which he was indicted,
and the manner of his own and his followers' conduct, will appear from
the following extract from Pratt's Historical Account of Quakerism.

" It was his manner to rush into the assembly on the Lord's day, in the
" time of God's worship, in a very boisterous way, and to charge the min-
" ister with lies and false doctrine; and to scream, shout, stamp, &c. by
" which he offered insufferable molestations to the worship and people of
" God. And this was his manner in the court also, when he pleased, or
" had a mind to make himself sport, and he would laugh at it when he had
" done until his sides shook.

" 1 saw him once brought to court for such a disturbance, committed on
" the sabbath. He had contrived the matter so as to be just without the
" door vvhen he was called to answer ; upon which he rushed into court
" with a prodigious noise ; his features and gestures expressed more fury
" than I ever saw in a distracted person of any sort, and I soberly think,
" that if a legion of devils had pushed him in headlong, his entrance had
" not been more horrid and ghastly, nor have seemed more preternatural.

" When he came to the bar, he demanded of the court what their busi-
" ness was with him.'' The indictment was ordered to be read. To this
" he pleaded not guilty, after a new mode ; for as the clerk read, some-
" times at the end of a sentence, and sometimes at the beginning, he would
*' cry out, T hat'' s a cursed lie; and anon, Thufs a devilish lie; till at
" length a number of his followers, of both sexes, tuned their pipes, and
" screamed, roared, shouted and stamped to that degree of noise, that it
" was impossible to hear the clerk read."

He professed to be a most holy man, guided in all his conversation by
the Holy Ghost, so that, for the course of twenty years, he had lived with-
out the commission of one sin. Yet he was almost constantly committing
such gross offences. He was divorced from an amiable wife for fornica-
tion and supposed beastiality. The latter he often confessed out of court.
When he had occasion, he took to his bed a maid whom he had purchased,
■aad after she haJ bgrne hira t-ryo^children, fce put het awny. JJe suffered a

46 HISTORY 'OF Chap, l}^

CHAPTER II.

7lic (Ih cover If ami opening of inines. Laws and encourage-
mcnls in behalf of the miners^ and of those who were enga-
ged in carrying on the business of mining.

Book II. l^f ^^Y of the adventurers to North-America, were
v^^^v-^w/ -^-Su strongly possessed with an idea of the riches of
1712. North, as well as of South-America. They conceived that
its mountains and hills abounded with precious metals and
minerals 5 and that however rich the soil might be, yet that
the bowels of the earth would aflbrd them much greater
wealth. The rich mines and golden sands of the South,
^\ilh the natural love of gold, mightily cherished these
ideas. Much pains were therefore bestowed on various
pnrts of the country, to discover these sources of wealth.
Discovery AbouL the year 1712, two mines were found in Connecti-
miot.s. ^^^1^ Q^^^ ^^ ^j^^ town of Simsbury, and the other in the
then undivided lands in Wallingford. They were called
copper mines, but it was conceived that the copper contain-
ed a mixture of a more precious kind. Upon opening the
mines, the gentlemen principally concerned in them, made
a])plicalion to the legislature for encouragements for their
works, and for the enacting of laws enabling them to pro-
secute their ^undertaking in the mining business to greater
elTect, and with more eqiral justice among themselves. They
represented it as an object worthy of the attention of the
legislature, and that by means of the mines great advanta-
ges might be derived to the colony. William Patridge,
jvsq. of Newbury, and Jonathan Belcher, of Boston, were
?.*ny t7l2. principally concerned in opening the mine at Simsbury ;
An act re- and upon their petition, the legislature, for their encourage-
laiivc to yy^QYii^ granted that all the miners, operators and laborers,
be exempt from military duties for the term of four years.
On the petition of the original proprietors of the lands in
Wallingford, it was enacted, that the heirs of the original
proprietor should have an equal share in the mine already
discovered, and in all other mines which should be here-
after discovered in said lands.

lon!^ imprisonment, upon a strong suspicion that he was an accomplice ja
burninc; the meeting-house at New-London. He once sat upon the gal-
lows uj)on a conviction of blasphemy. For these anrl the like instances, he
tind his followers siitTered the penaKies of the law ; but for liis religion,
neither he nor his followers suffered any thing, any further than it led them
to sucii misdemeanors as are punishable by the laws of %\\ Christian na-
tions.

Chap. It. CONNECTICUT. 4i

After a trial of about six years, it was found by experi- Book II.
ence, that the undertakers in the business of the mine v^^v->te,^
could not prosecute it to any considerable advantage, with-
out the assistance of law. Notwithstanding any agree-
ments which they could make among themselves, there
were such deficiencies among the undertakers and propri-
etors, as to their portion of labour and expense, and such
disorder and animosities among them, and that want of sys-
tem, which was absolutely necessary to enable them to
prosecute the business to any considerable private or pub-
lic advantage. The legislature therefore to remedy these
evils, and to enable them to prosecute their designs in a
more systematic and righteous manner, enacted as follows :

" Forasmuch as the copper mines in this colony, by the Oct. l''lg«
orderly and effectual management of them, may, in time to
come, be of great use and advantage, not only to the im-
mediate proprietors and undertakers therein, but also to
this and the neighboui'ing provinces in general, although at
present they be of small advantage to any body, and a fruit-
less expense of money to the proprietors and undertakers :
Therefore to remedy the same, and for the more orderly
and efiectual management of the said copper mines, and to
encourage, countenance and gratify the undertakers there-
in. Be it enacted by the governor, council and representa-
tives, in general court assembled, and by the authority of
the same, that when and so often as there is and shall be
any copper mine, or mines, discovered in any town in this
colony, it shall be in the power of any three of the proprie-
tors of any such mine, by a notification under their hands,
set upon the sign-post of the town where the said copper
mine is, on the 25th day of March yearly, to appoint a
meeting of the proprietors of said mine, to be held within
the said town, on the third Tuesday in April then next fol-
lowing ; Avhen and where the proprietors of the said mine,
that have the immediate interest of the same in possession,
or the major part of them, which shall be then and there as-
sembled, (which majority shall arise by the major part of
interest,) shall have power to choose a clerk, to be sworn
by the next justice of the peace, to enter the acts, votes,
deeds and agreements of the said proprietors, and of all
other persons concerned in the management of said mine,
of and about said mine, and the management thereof, which
clerk shall continue in said office during the pleasure of
said proprietors; and that by and with the consent of the
said clei-k, and with such other notification as the said clerk
shall in his discretion think proper, besides what is above
mentioned, a special meeting of the proprietor* may be
F

ii HISTORY OF CiiAP. IT.

Book 11. appointed and held, at any other time and place, as emer-
s«^~v^'>-' gent occasions, by their discretion, may reqnire.
Oct. 1718. And furthermore, that the said proprietors in any of their
meetings aforesaid, or the major part of them, to be ac-
counted as aforesaid, by vote shall have power to make all
such reasonable votes, agreements and orders, as they
shall think most conducive and profitable to the whole, for
their management of the said affair of the copper mine, for
the common good of all the said proprietors. Particularly,
to direct the work that shall be done, the proportion of
money to be levied, the men that shall be employed, the
limes, the places, and all the circumstances that shall be
requisite to determJne concerning the same : As also all,
and every other matter and thing proper to be done by the
j^roprietors, as occasion may discover for the improvement,
of the said copper mine, to the best advantage of the said
pi-oprietors, as well as of the public weal.

Moreover also, that the said proprietors, in any of their
meetings aforesaid, or the major part of them, to be ac-

< ounted as aforesaid, shall, by their vote, have power to
make such rules, orders, and by-laws, as they shall judge
jiecessary for the better management and ordering of the
said copper mine or mines, partners, proprietors, under-
takers, and all other things and persons touching the premi-
!^i's, annexing penalties to the same, not exceeding forty'
shillings for any one offence ; to be r|;covered before the

< ommissioners hereafter to be appointed for said copper
mine. Provided, that none of the said rules, or orders,
ivhich shall be contrary to the laws of this colony, shall be
of any force or value : As also to ajripoint a committee, or
committees, trustees or agents, for the doing or managing
of any matter or thing in behalf of the said proprietors, any
ways touching or concerning the premises, or any of them
whatsoever or wheresoever. And be it enacted by the
authority aforesaid, that if any of the proprietors of the
said mine, in the possession, or undertakers in the manage-
ment of the same, for the time being, shall at any time neg-
lect or refuse to improve or carry on his or their part and
proportion in the management of any such copper mine,
according to the rules and orders thereof made, had and
agreed upon, as aforesaid, then it shall be in the power of
the said proprietors, or the major part of them, to be ac-
counted as aforesaid, by themselves in their meeting, or by
(heir standing committee, to this end empoAvercd, to agree
with any other, or others of the said proprietors, or upon

I heir refusal with any other of his majesty's good subjects,
ivhou they shall see cause, to enter upon and improve any

CiiAP. II. CONNECTICUT. 4.3

part or portion of the said copper mine, and all the things Book II.
touching the same, belonging to the person so ncglectiug, '->ar-"r>>,a^
the space of one year, then next coming, and to the next an- Oct. nit),
nual meeting in April, and thence forward from year to
year until from the protits thereof, shall be repaid fourfold,
all the charge or expense he or they shall be at, in manag-
ing and carrying on said part. The same rule shall be at-
tended to in the case of orphans, whose guardians shall re-
fuse or neglect to improve or carry on their wards' parts or
proportion as aforesaid of the copper mine aforesaid.

Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it
shall and may be la>vful for the proprietors of any such
mine, to take out from the General Couit of this colony,
from time to time, as they have occasion, or shall desire it,
a commission under the seal of this colony, to such three?
commissioners as this court shall from time to time appoint,
to continue during pleasure, impowering said commission-
ers, or any two of them, from time to time, to appoint and
swear their clerk, and at such times and places as they
shall think meet, to appoint by their direction according to
law, to hear, and determine all such controversies, quar-
rels and suits that may arise and happen between the pro-
prietors, undertakers, partners, miners, refiners, labourers
aforesaid, or their servants or any of them, or between any
of them or any other persons, any v>ays touching or con-
cerning the said copper mine, or any of the rights, proprie-
tors, agreements, covenants, votes, rates, orders, penalties,
matters or things, concerning or any ways relating to the
management and improvement of the said copper mine, as
aforesaid. And all sherifts and other inferior clncers are
hereby required to give their attendance upon the said com-
missioners, to execute and fulfil their precepts and writs,
and yield all the obedience to their lawful commands, as
unto others his majesty's courts within this colony. And
the fees of the commissioners and officers shall be the same
as is by law allowed in the county courts. Provided nev-
ertheless, that it shall and may be lawful for any person or
persons entering special bail, Vvdth sufficient sureties, be-
fore the said court of commissioners, to appeal to the gov-
ernor and council, in the next General Assembly, for a tinal
issue of any of the quarrels, controversies or suits aforesaid,
when the property of the said mine shall be in question, or
where the matter or thing in demand shall exceed the val-
ue of five pounds ; in which case the execution shall be sus-
pended until the matter is issued, and that in such case al-
so, such fees shall be paid as in the superior court. Pro-
vided also, that said copper mines and ail persons and thing-^

44 HISTORY OF Chap. IL

PooK 11. toucliing the same, shall be under such regulation, order
\=,.*»^^<^»»V and direction, as this court, from time to time shall judge
Oct. 1718, further needful for the management thereof, for the best ad-
vantage, as well of the colony in general, as of the propri-
etors and undertakers in particular. And further, this
court doth appoint Matthew Allyn, Joseph Talcott, Es-
quires, and Mr. John Hooker, to be commissioners, as a-
foresaid, for the company of the miners at Simsbury cop-
per mines: and John Hambliu, James Wadsworth, Es-
cjuires, and Capt. John Hail, to be commissioners as afore-
said, to be commissioners for the company of miners at
Waliingford copper mines, to continue during the pleasure
of this court. And the proprietors and undertakers res-
pectively, may at their request have the said coinmissions
made out under the seal of this colony, signed by the
' governor and secretary. This act to continue two years
and no longer."
my 11 111, At the expiration of this laM'^, May Hth, 1721, further
1721. application was made to the Assembly relative to the mine
Further ^^ Simsbury. It seems that by this time, the principal un-
provision dertakers had been changed, and that Andi;ew Fresman
for the ad- and Charles Cornelia at New- York, had become the prin-
vantage- cipal gentlemen for prosecuting the mining business. Upon
ageinent of their application, the legislature passed an act empow-
il^p i|iip^s. ering commissioners to divide the copper mines at Sims-
bury, among the several lessees, their assigns, or attor-
neys, and for directing and regulating the management of
the said mines, the mills and works belonging to the seve-
ral undertakers, and for the more easily determining contro-
versies which might happen between the lessees and their
assigns, and between the lessees and any of them, or the
workmen, miners or labourers employed in the manage-
ment of said mine.

The act appointed Matthew Allyn, Esq. Col. William
Whiting, Aaron Cook and Capt. Samuel Mather, commis-
sioners, to hear, judge and determine all and every of those
affairs. If the lessees, their assigns or attorneys did not in
twenty one days from the rising of the Assembly, divide the
parts and shares in the said mines to each lessee or his as-
sign, then said commissioners, after giving due notice, ap-
pointing time and place, and fully hearing the parties on
the premises, were directed to make the division.

If any differences arose concerning the repairing of the
mills or tools, the commissioners were authorised to hear
and determine all controversies of that kind ; and to order
^uch repairs as they should judge necessary for the benefit
of the whole : and the necessary expense was to be pai4

Chap. H. CONNECTICUT. 45

according to the proportion of tiieir respective shares. If Book II.
controversies should arise in any other matters relating to ^^^^^^v.•
ijie mines or any personsconcerned in them, the commis- 1721.
sioners were authorised to hear, judge and determine them.
If any were in arrearage and neglected payment, they were
authorised to issue executions and to cause payments to bo
seasonably and eii'ectually made. They appointed a clerk
and directed every thing which they judged might be for
the advantage of the parties immediately concerned and
for the public good.

The legislature gave all the encouragement to underta-
kers and proprietors in the mines which they well could,
by legal provisions, and it seems expected that they would
have been of considerable public emolument. But it is
believed, that neither the undertakers, nor proprietors,
Bor the colony were ever very greatly benefitted by them.
The mine at Simsbury was dug until the veins of copper
Ceased. A prodigious cavity was made, which has since
become the famous prison, called Newgate. This has
been of much greater advantage to the state than all the
copper dug out of it. The mine at Wallingford was sup-
posed to be the richest. It is imagined, that in that there
was a mixture of silver. But it seems that the miners
were prevented from digging there on the account of the
great quantity of water which, after they had proceeded
some depth, constantly flowed in upon them. It was
opened, a few years since ; but the water prevented the
miners from digging, and as they could find no way to draw
it off, they gave over all further attempts.

Though mines of gold, silver, precious metals and mine- 9^'=''r^a-=
rals have been esteemed of great value, and sought after '°'^°°
with great pains and expectations, yet they are by no
means so enrichmg as is generally imagined. The rich
mines of the South, were men to be hired to dig, refine and
go through the various operations necessary to produce
gold and silver coins, at the wages commonly given in this
country, would not bear the expense. President Clap,
who well understood the history of this business, and was
an accurate computer of expenses, observed, that if the
king of Spain were to give his workmen in the mining and
refining business, the moderate wages of sixpence sterling
a day, it would break him. It was because the business
was principally done by slaves and convicts to whom he
gave no wages, and whom he but miserably clothed and
fed, that he made such profits by them. Mines of coarser
metals than those of gold and silver, are often the most
profitable, because they are njuch m.ore abundant in the

46 HISTORY OF Chap. IIL

JBooK II. ores v.'hich they contain, and they are prepared for use
s-^'v^Ni^ with far less expense. For these reasons, mines ofcoj)-
per, or lead, may yield, as great, or greater prolits than
those of gold and silver.

The riches of this country, however; lie near its surface.
or in its soil. The skilful laborious husbandman, Avill de-
rive greater prolits from a good farm than he would obtain
from a rich mine. Therefore, such are the profits and ad-
vantages of husbandry, as will keep labour high, and di^
present state of the country will prevent, any very great
profits from mines or manufactories. Until the country
shall be more completely settled, and the purchase of
Jands becomes more difficult, it is apprehended that neither
gf these i\ ill be very profitable.

1714.

CHAPTER III. ^

TJie importance and benefits of a stable currencxj. The attm-
tion of the legislature to this subject. The manner of the
emission of bills of credit ; of the payment of the pub-
lic debt, and of provision for the defence of the colony and
his majesty'' s service. Ansioer to their Lordships'* Letters,
Depreciation of the currency,

STABLE currency is very essential to the civil and
moral interests of all communities. It is the only
The im- foundation upon which the principles of commutative jua-
poitance tice can be firmly fixed, and the property and rights of a
°^^ ^^^i;*'^ community, be, in any tolerable manner, secured. It is a
currency, jj^ppy guaj.j q^ t}ie jj^iorals of a people, as it removes nu-
merous temptations to injustice, and puts it out of the power
of speculators and dishonest men to do that injustice to
others, which, in many instances, are practised daily,
where the currency is in a state of constant fluctuation. It.
secures to the public, a greater proportion of time and la-
bour, which otherwise would be spent in speculating,
drinking, gambling, and in other vices highly injurious to
the civil and religious interests of a commonwealth. A re-
dundancy of money and a depreciating currency are a
fruitful source of these evils. A depreciating currency is
a public fraud, as it is a constant tax on the sober industri-
ous part of the community, for which they receive no bene-
lit, but suffer much injury. It defrauds all men who live

taHAP. III. CONNECTICUT. 47

upon salaries, of a part of their just dues. It in various Book IL
M ays injures the creditor, and is a temptation to every ..^r-s/^^^
debtor to defraud, by paying the creditor less than his just 1714,
dues, and by keeping him out of his money as long as he
possibly can. By this means many industrious, honest
men, fair traders, and useful members of society are ruined,
and their property goes into the hands of speculators and
dishonest men, who are of little honor or advantage to the
pommunity. It is in a great variety of ways a source of
oppression, of publick and private injustice, and highly in-
jurious to the morals of a people. Every legislator there-
fore, who wishes to maintain public and private justice,
and to preserve the morals of the people, Avill be particu-
larly solicitcjus to have a fixed currency.

Of the importance of this the legislature, at this time, ap-
pear to have been deeply apprehensive. They acted v.dth
peculiar caution relative to the einission of bills of credit,
and the establishment of funds for their seasonable redemp-
tion. The Assembly, in October, 1713, had enacted, that
20,000 pounds in bills of credit, should be emitted : but as
the war was terminated, and as the debts contracted by it,
had been in a considerable degree discharged by the taxes
which had been collected ; and as they would be still fur-
ther discharged by others which had been levied, it was
determined to emit the twenty thousand pounds in parts,
and at different periods. At the same time it was deter-
mined to be calling in, and burning the old emissions ; so
that they might prevent a redundancy of bills, and by these
means guard against their depreciation. When the legis- ,, .^^ ,,
laturemet, in May, 1714, it was enacted, that the treasur-
er should issue two thousand pounds only of the said bills,
and a fund was made for their redemption in 1724. In
May 1713, the legislature ordered that nine hundred andMaylTlS.
iifty eight pounds should be emitted as another part of the
twenty thousand pounds. In the session in October, one
thousand and two hundred pounds more were put into cir-
culation. These small emissions, which had little exceed-
ed the quantity of bills called in, within the same term,
had no ill effect upon the currency. The bills which had
been emitted, at five per cent, from the year 1709 to the g^^ig p^
present time, had suffered no depreciation. In the scarci- the curren-
ty of money, they had faciJitaied trade, served the conven- ^J^ Oct.
ience of the inhabitants, and been of general utility. The J^^t^^f t],e
Assembly therefore enacted. That the bills of credit of Assembly
this colony, should be allowed as a just payment of all respecting-
debts, except those in which the contract had been made '**
foi- money, or a^-ticles particularly specified, until thn
vegir,I727.

43 HISTORY OF Chap. Ill

Book IT. To jjrescrvc the bills from depreciation, llie Assembly
v.^'^''^**/ levied four pence on the pound, for the calling in of six
1719. thousand ])oundsof bills which had been emitted in June,
17J 1. Two pence on the pound was levied in May, and
ihe other half in October. As preparations for the de-
fence of the country against the Indians, and the necessity
of sending men to keep garrison on the frontiers, had in-
creased the expenses of the colony, it was enacted, at the
Oct. 1722. session in October, 1722, That ibur thousand pounds in
bills of credit should be em.ittcd. In coiisecjuence ofthis-^
the Assembly ordered two thousand ])ounds to be issued in
May 1725. May, for the discharge of the public debt. In May, 1725,
(he other two thousand pounds were issued. Funds were
provided at the same time, for the redemption of the bills,-
As many of the outstanding bills had been in circulation a
number of yeai-s, and were either torn or defaced, a nev/
emission of four thousand pounds was granted, in October
1 728, for the purpose of calling the old bills into the treasu-
ry and burning them.
3Iay 1729. In May 1 729, six thousand pounds more were emitted for
the same purpose. Sometimes new emissions v/ere order-
ed for the purpose of exchanging them for the same amount
of a former emission. For the saving of expense, new
emissions were sometimes impressed wath the same plates
^vhich had been used in former ones. This was the case,
when torn and defaced bills were replaced. The Assem-
bly also, at several times, when large sums had been
brought into the treasury, by taxes, gave orders for the re-
issuing of these sums in part, or in whole. In this econom-
ical manner, did the legislature conduct the affair of their
bills of credit. Small sums Avere emitted from time to
time, and others of equal amount were called in and put
out of circulation. The amount in circulation Avas nearly
the same, or if it exceeded, it was not beyond the increase
of the people, and of the business and trade of the colony.
There was therefore noconsiderablc depreciation of the bills
Ort. 1733. in circulation. In 1733, thccolonyandits trade wereconsid-
and I'olui- crably increased and it w^as conceived drat a greater number
iu.? oi'i.ille ofbills might be put into circulation without injuring their
oi credit, credit. The legislature therefore ordered twenty thousand
pounds to be emitted. By act of the Assembly, the bills
were to be redeemed at the rate of twenty shillings to eve-
ry ounce of silver, Troy weight. It was enacted by the
Assembly, That a considerable part of the bills shou^l be
loaned, at six per cent, and for double the amount of the
bills in land security : and that each county in the colony,
should have such a proporlion of it as was equal to their

Chap. lit. CONNECTICUT. 4^

respective lists. It was designed that all the people might Book II»
have an equal benefit by the bills. N.-^-v-Xi^

Until about the year 1735, the colony had been so hap- Provision
PV, that no attempts had appeared to have been made for ^S^*"**, .

1 . r •,• c -^ T-> X 1 ^ xi • X- counterfeit

the counterreitmg ot its currency, but about this time biHs Oct.-
there arose a set of villains, who counterfeited the five 1735.
pounds, the forty, and the ten shillings bills. Numbers of
these bills appeared to be circulating, in various parts of
the colony. The legislature, to prevent the mischief
which the circulation of counterfeit bills might eftect, en-
acted, That twenty-five thousand pounds should be imme-
diately emitted, with a different stamp^ and exchanged for
the old bills which had been counterfeited.

War having been proclaimed against Spain in October The war
1739, and letters having been received from his majesty, !1')^.^„^'°

. . 1 . r 1 1 • *\. . "^ occasions

requiring the assistance of the colony, in an expedition a new
against the Spanish West Indies, the Assembly, in their pmifion
session in May, passed a resolve to the following effect : '' J^ °^
That whereas the expenses of this government were likely jyiay 1740;
to b& very great, by reason of the expedition directed by
his majesty against the Spanish West Indies, and those
necessary preparations for the defence of our borders, sea.
coasts and navigation, and as the medium of exchange is
exceedingly scarce, bearing but a small proportion to the
demand which there is for it, therefore be it enacted. That
thirty thousand pounds, in suitable bills, shall be emitted.
On the face of the bill it was said. By a law of the colony
of Connecticut, this shall pass current within the same,
for twenty shillings in value, equal to silver, at eight shil-
lings per ounce, Troy weight sterling, in all paymeiits and
at the treasury. The Assembly enacted, That eight thou-
sand pounds of this emission, should be issued for the
payment of the public debt ; and that the remaining twen-
ty t\vo thousand pounds should be loaned to freeholders
and inhabitants of the colony. It was also enacted, That
the eight thousand pounds should be redeemed in five
years, by five equal payments, annually, until ^he whole
should be redeemed.

As the government had engaged to provide transports
for the troops to be raised in the colony, and to victual
them, until they should arrive in the West Indies, it Avas
resolved, at a special Assembly, that fifteen thousand juiy 8th,
pounds more should be emitted in bills of credit : That
five thousand pounds should be retained in the treasury for
the redemption of old outstanding bills Avhich had been
torn and defaced, and that the other ten thousand pounds
should be issued by the treasure^-. At the same time a

G

1740.

50 HISTORY OF Cuap. IIIv

Book II. tax of ten thousand pounds was levied on the grand list of
<u^->^-%i*' the colciiy, for the payment of the Avhole within ten years.
1740. About this time letters were received from the Lords
commissioners of trade and plantations, requiring an ac-
count of the tenor and amount of the bills emitted, by the
Assembly ; and its opinion on the best mode of sinking
them. Their Lordships also faulted them, for making the
emission of thirty thousand pounds a lawful tender, as, in
their opinion, it was contrary to the act of the sixth of
Special Quceu Anne, ascertaining the rates of foreign coins in
^ssenibly |^}^g several plantations. The answer of the legislature to
i7°?fj **^'''' their Lordships'* letters, will evince that before the emis-
sions occasioned by the war with Spain, the colony had
but a small amount of bills in circulation. They represent
that the bills outstanding, which had been issued to de-
fray the expenses of the government, were nearly or quite
sunk, by the taxes of the years 1 738 and 1 739 : That ot
the bills loaned before the commencement of the war with.
Spain, three thousand pounds had been drawn in for inter-
est in the year 1740, and that the whole would be dis-
charged by the year 1742 : That the emission of four
thousand pounds Old Tenor, and- of eight thousand pounds
in bills of the New Tenor, in May last, and ten thousand
pounds in July following, was for the sole purpose of ena-
bling tl>em to comply with his majesty's instructions res-
pecting the expedition against the Spanish West Indies^
and for die necessary defence of the colony. They afhrm-
rd that without these emissions it was impossible for them
lo have answered his majesty's expectations, or to have
provided for the common defence. With respect to the
i^wenty two thousand pounds in New Tenor, which had
been loaned, they represented, that k had been emitted
and loaned to supply the Avant of a medium of exchange,
ijiid that one half of it would be paid in within four, and
the other within eight years : That the bills v/hich woul4,
be discharged in the year 1742, and the twenty two thou-
sand pounds, were the only bills ever loaned by die colon}.
IVith reference to the act of May, for the emission of
•ihirty thousand ]:»ounds, in bills of the New Tenor, they
aiuswercd, that tiie clause making it obligatory on all per-
sons to receive said bills, in all payments, was added Avith
an honest intent, to prevent their depreciation. They
pleaded further, that they had been encouraged to do it
from the example of the neighboring government of New-
York, and from the information Avhich they had received
of its good eflect, in preventing the discount of their bill-^'
of credit.

•Chap. 111. CONNECTICUT. 51

In relation to the inconsistency of that act with the act of Book TX.
Queen Anne, they pleaded, That they had not the least ^-^-v^w^
apprehension of it, and that they had never received the 1740.
Jeast insinuation of his raajes1:y's pleasure, nor of that of Nov. 36fli>
the house of commons on that subject : And that, on the
first intimation of his majesty's pleasure, they had repeal-
ed that clause in the act which made the bills a lawlul ten-
der. They concluded by observing, That by the lav.-.s
which were there transmitted, and by the returns thev
made, their Lordships would be certified of the tenor and
amount of the bills which had been emitted ; and that they
persuaded themselves, that their Loi"dships, in view of the
whole matter, would not be of the opinion, that they had
made large and frequent emissions of paper currency, as
had been represented : That the sums they had emitted,
reduced to sterling, or compared with the emissions of
some of the other colonies, would appear but small. The
legislature gave their Lordships assurance, that special at-
tention should be given to his majesty's intentions, and to
the opinion of the house of commons.

From these statements, it appears that there had been
no redundancy of a circulating medium in the colony, and
consequently that there had been little or no depreciation
of the bills of credit before the Spanish v/ar in 1740. It
appears that then as small a number of bills was emitted as
would comport with his majesty's requisitions, and a prop-
er d-efence of the colony. From this time the number of
bills in circulation was constantly diminishing. In two
years the first bills loaned were all paid into the treasury.
The twenty two thousand pounds, v/as in four years to be
one half reduced. The times for calling in a considerable
amount of the outstanding bills had expired, and they had
been sunk by the provisions made for that purpose by the
year 1744, when the French war commenced. During 1744,
this term of about four years, there was not a single emis-
sion. At this period, therefore, the bills of credit must
jiave been rather in a state of appreciation than of discount.
The credit of the bills appears to have been well support-
ed until after the commen,cement of the war with France
3nd the expedition against St. Louisburg.

SS HISTORY OF Chap. IV.

CHAPTER IV.

The colony in fear of losing their Charter. Measures adopted
to prevent it. Mr. Winthrop complains of the Colony.
In an Appeal to his Majesty in Conncil in a case betzocen
him and Thomas Lynchmrre, Esq. he obtained a sentence,
in which a certain law of the colony, entitled an Act for the
settlement of intestate estates, was rendered null and twid.
The colony declare, that they will not surrender their
charter, and pray for the continuance of the act relative
to intestate estates.

Book II. A LTHOUGH the colony had been able to maintain
^>-^<-,te^ J.\. their charter privileges against the intrigues of Dud-
ley, Cornbury and other enemies, in 1712, and 1713, yet
the danger was not yet past. There were strong parties in
England, and some in the colonics, who were unfriendly
to the charter governments, especially to those of New-
England. They Avere considered as too independent of
the crown and government of England. A bill was there^
fore brought into parliament for a repeal of the chartr^rs
which had been given to the colonies. Mr. Dummer, the
agent for the colony, in a letter to the Governor, dated
August 1715, had given information of the measures which
' ^' the ministry were pursuing, and had sent over a copy of
the bill which was pending in the parliament relative to the
charter governments. No sooner were the Assembly con-
vened in October, than a committee was appointed to ex-
amine all papers and documents relative to that affair, and
to make report what were the best measures for the legis-
lature to adopt for the preservation of their charter. The
arguments in vindication of their charter rights, and the
instructions to former agents relative to them were so com-
plete, that nothing new on that subject could be added.
The committee therefore, after a full examination of the
I'etters and instructions which had been sent to former a-
gents, at different times, and especially on the 27th of Oc-
tober 1712, reported, That those Avere the best instruc-
tions which could be given in this case : and that those in-
structions and documents Avere sufficient to support all the
articles in the case of the colony, a report of which had
been printed by their agent. They gave it as their opin-
ion, that those articles being substantiated, they might
hope that Connecticut AA'ould be kept out of the bill. They
further gave it as their opinion tlijit it Avould be advisable

Chap IV. CONNECTICUT. 53

to encourage the agent and engage him to make the best Book II,
defence in behalf of the colony, and to supply him with ^.^^-s^-^^
money sufficient to answer the extraordinary charges which 1715,
it might occasion.

The Governour was desired to return the thanks of the
legislature to Mr. Dummer, their agent, for his faithful
care and great diligence on all occasions ; and especially
in this critical juncture, for the general good qf this colo-
ny, and in the defence of their invaluable privileges : and
to encourage him to employ his utmost endeavors to save
the colony out of the bill pending in the house of com-
mons. He was instructed to spare no cost which he should
judge necessary for that purpose, and the strongest assur-
ances were given him, that the colony would cheerfully
reimburse him. Mr. Dummer exerted all his powers in
defence of the charter governments 5 and by his plea, on
that occasion, not only did singular service to his country,
but great honor to himself, both in Europe and America,
The charter v/as preserved, and the fears of the colony with
respect to the loss of their charter rights, for a number of
years subsided.

The colony however was put to great expense, and
found peculiar difficulties, at this time, in making pay-
ments in England. Governor Saltonstall therefore gene-
rously offered to give the colony credit there to such an
amount as was necessary. The Assembly accepted his
proposal, and returned him thanks for his generosity.

The colony were again brought into great fear and trou-
ble with respect to the loss of their charter privileges, and
the repealing of their laws relative to all testamentary mat-
ters. A number of circumstances united to awaken their
concern. The agreement between his majesty and seven
of the Lords proprietors of the Carolinas, that they should
resign their titles to that country, and the jurisdiction of it
to his majesty, and an act of parliament enabling his ma-
jesty to purchase the lands belonging to those colonies, and
establishing the government betv/een his majesty and them,
clearly manifested a desire in his majesty and the parlia-
ment to bring the colonies into a state of more entire de-
pendence on the crown and parliament, and to have them
more immediately under their government. The opposi-
tion which the Province of Massachusetts had made to
their Governors, Shute and Burnet, and the obstinate re- ^
fusal to vote them a permanent salary, according to the ex-
press requisition of his majesty, were considered, by Con-
necticut, as having an unfriendly aspect upon the charter
governnjents. This controversy had been beared by his

54 HISTORY OF Chap. 1\,

Book II. majesty in council, and after a full hearing of all which
v,^->,,-^^ could be pleaded in their vindication, the conduct of the
province had been condemned, and the Goveitiors had
been justified. His majesty had been advised to lay the
affair before the parliament. The province of Massachu-
setts had lost one charter before, and it was very much ex-
pected that they would now lose a sccoikI, and that it
would have an ill effect on the other colonies.
Reasons Another ground of fear was this, that it had been pro-
for fearing posed to the colony to resign their charter. In addition to
the loss of these circumstances, John Winthrop, Esq. son of the last
;^er, ' Governor Winthrop, Irad become disaffected towards the
government, and had made a voyage to England with
complaints against the colony. He had conceived the
idea that his family had boen injured, and that his ances^-
tors had not been rewarded according to the public ser-
vices which they had rendered to the colony. He imagin-
ed that there were monies due to him, which the colony
did not consider as due, and were unwilling to pay. He had
been engaged in a long controversy with Thomas Lynch-
mere, Esq. a brother in law of his, relative to their pater-
nal inheritance. The court of probate, as he imagined,
bad made an unjust and illegal settlement of the estate in.
favor of his sister, Mrs. Lynchmere ; he therefore, after go-
ing through a course of law in the courts of this colony, in
which he was unable to obtain redress, appealed to his
majesty. Upon the hearing of this case, between the par-
ties in England, in which Connecticut did not view itself
as particularly concerned, and in which it was not heard,
the law of the colony respecting intestate estates was re-
pealed. It was judged repugnant to the laws of England^
as not securing the lands to male heirs, and admitting
daughters to a share in the paternal estate, which the Eng-
lish law did not warrant. These circumstances threw the
colony into a state of great fear and alarm. They not on-
ly feared the los^ of their charter, but that all former set-
tlements relative to intestate estates would be set aside,
and that not only families, but the whole commonwealth
would be brought into a state of great trouble, animosity
and confusion ; and that the laws of England relative to
such estates, would be established in this colony.

By the answer of the legislature, and their instructions

to their agents, it appears that they were in great fear,

and almost in a state of despondency relative to the preser-

July 3d, vation of their former rights and privileges. On the recep-

,1728. tion of a letter from their agent, Jeremiah Dummer, Esq.

certifying, that a certain law of the colony, entitled " An

QjTAP. IV. CONNECTICUT. ^3

act for the settlement of intestate estates, was rendered null Book IL
and void ;" a special Assembly was called and a commit- ^.^I'-^^'x*^
ioe chosen, consisting of the deputy governor, Jonathan 1728,
l»aw, Esq. Roger Wolcott, James WadsAvorth and Hezeki-
ah Wyllys, Esquires, to search the records of the courts
and files, and to take out all such copies of acts and records
as they should judge necessary to transmit to their agent.
They were also to assist the governor in draughting in-
structions to him, both with respect to the complaints of
Mr. Winthrop against the colony, and relative to the law
respecting intestate estates.

The legislature viewed the consequences of annulling
the law relative to intestate estates as so terrible, that they
determined to spare no pains or expense to prevent it.
They resolved to employ another agent, Jonathan Belcher,
Esquire, afterwards Governor of Massachusetts, to assist l!;'^*»""c-
agent Dummer in his defence of the colony, and in plead- agents
ing for the continuance of the law respecting intestate es- Jiily 3d,
fates. The agents were instructed to apply themselves to ^'^*^-
his majesty king George the second, in behalf of the cor-
poration of this colony, praying his majesty, that the said
law might be continued, in its full force, and that intestate
estates might be divided as had been usual, for a long course
of years : that it had been allowed in all preceding reigns
from the first settlement of tlie colony : That in this coun- Reasons
try it was reasonable and useful, tending to a more gene- for coniin-
ral settlement of the country : That the abrogation of it "'"?
would be an occasion of numerous law suits, of great ex- j.g|l^^^^^g to
pense to individuals and to the colony ; would disturb the intestate
jieace of families, in many instances do injustice, and injure estates,
the general peace and goofl order of the colony : and that
the continuance of it would tend t,o its general growth,
peace and welfare. But notwithstandiug the exertions of
die legislature and the agents, the aspect of affairs be-
came still more unfavourable. The Assembly the next
year were still more alarmed with respect to the loss of
their charter, and appear to have been nearly in a state of
despondency with respect to his majesty's continuing tlie
law relating to intestate estates.

TheGovernoi' was desired, in the name of the General Oct. 9tli^
Assembly, to write to die agents Dummer and Belcher, that 1729.
they were unwilling to surrender their charter : for they j"*^^"!*^',!^
accounted it the choicest part of their inheritance, and that a"-cuts.
they should not upon any terms be persuaded to part with
it ; and that they would therefore avoid all occasion of haz-
arding it. He was particularly to represent to them, that
ihey ;vere greatly concerned respecting the conduct of the

5ii HISTORY OF Cjiap. IV%

Book II. y\s.scuil)Iy of Massachusetts, fearing; that it would have au
v^«^->/-^^ ill iniluence on their aflkirs if it should be brought into the
1729. parliament. Therefore to instruct the agents to use their
utmost caution that they should not be, in the least degree,
involved with the Massachusetts, when their affairs should
he brought into parliament* The Governor was further
io instruct the agents, that if upon mature consideration
i hey should judge that the charter would be endangered by
(heir going into parliament, that then they should suspend
the affair for the present, and until they should have fur-
ther instructions from the Assembly. But if the agents
should be of the opinion, that the colony might with safety
petition the parliament to continue their ancient law, that
then they should pray for the same : or if they should judge
that the parliament would ])e more easily induced to enact
that the descent of their lands should be to the sons only •,
to the eldest a double portion, and to the younger single
shares, then that this should be matter of the petition. But
if nothing further could be obtained than a confirmation of
what their courts of probate had already done, that they
should pray for that only. This they judged must be left
to the fidelity and prudence of their agents.*

The agents conducted the affairs of the colony with such
wisdom and success that the charter was preserved and the
colony were allowed to proceed in their former practice
with respect to intestate estates. The agents were the
next year both dismissed from the service of the colony.
Mr. Dummer was dismissed on account of his ill state of
health, which obliged him to retire into the country. The
colony returned him their tha'nks, for his m^any good ser-
vices. Mr. Belcher, on the dcathof governor Burnet, Avas
appointed Governor of ]\Iassachusctts, and arrived at
Boston, the seat of his government, the beginning of Au-
gust 1730.
May 1730. At the scssion of the Assembly in May 1730, it was ex.^
pected that governor Belcher would assume his government
before the session of the next Assembly, and Roger Wol-
cott and James Wadsworth, Esquires, were appointed a
committee to wait on his Excellency on the first notice of
his arrival at Boston, and in the name and behalf of the
Assembly, to congratulate him on his safe arrival at hi^
seat of government ; and to render the thanks of the Assem-
bly to him, for his great care and pains in his agency in
behalf of the colony. They were also particularly to en-
quire of him relative to the state of their affairs at the court
of Great Britain.

* Records of the Colony, volume v. under the years 1728 and 1729.

Chap. V. CONNECTICUT.

57

At the session in October, Francis Wilkes, Esq. of the Book II.
city of London, was appointed agent for the colony. \.^'>r>»m^

The favourable turn which their affairs had taken in the
court of Great Britain, relieved the general anxiety rela-
tive to the charter, and the dividing of inheritance*, and
gave peace and joy to the people.

CHAPTER V.

fVar with the Eastern Indians. Attempts to quiet them by
treaty. The attack and plunder of Canso. A treaty zvitk
them is promised^ but prevented by the measures of the
house. Letter of the Indians to the governor. Death of
Toxus. A new Sachem, and change of affairs. Attempt
on Morridgewock. The Indians revenge the insult, cap-
tivate a number of the English and burn Brunswick. War
is proclaimed against them. Governors Shute and Bur-
net apply to Connecticut for assistance in the war. The
t.nemy surprise Canso and other harbors, and take a num-
ber of fishing vessels. Elliofs and Robinson^ s success in
attacking them. Remarkable deliverance of the captives.
Attack on Arowsick Island. Westbrook'' s and Harman'^s
expedition. Attempts of the English to engage the six na-
tions in the war against the Eastern .Indians. They send
delegates to Boston. Coleby^s action with the enemy.
Attack on Scarborough, Falmouth and other places. Reso-
lutions of the legislature of Connecticut relative to the war.
Men killed in various places. Captain Winslow and his
men killed, shallops and schooner taken. The English
take and destroy Norridgewock. Numbers of men sur-
prised and killed in various places. Application is made
again to Connecticut for assistance. T/ie reasons why the
legislature would not join in offensive war. Captain Lov-
elPs fight. Peace is made. Observations.

THOUGH a profound peace had been settled between t)ifficul-
the two crowns of Great Britain and France, and it J|*g j^Ji^
was hoped that in consequence of it there would have been ans,
a long peace between the Indians and the English colo-
nies, yet within a few years, there appeared to be consid-
erable uneasiness and complaints among the Eastern In-
dians. They had always been under French influence,
and by them instigated to v/ar against the English. Espe-
H

^S filSTORY Of Chap. V,

Book II. cially, father Ralle, a French Jesuit, who was minister tO
^**''v->»/ the Indians at Norridgewock, where he had gathered a
church, had great influence over them, and constantly em-
ployed it in making them discontented, and in stirring
t'hem up to insult and annoy the English settlers. He Vvras
a man of great art and intrigue, and insinuated to the In-
dians in that part of the country, that the English had en-
croached on their lands ; that they had obtained them un-
justly ; that the English traders among them, defrauded
ihem, and that by vending strong liquors among them they
debauched their morals, and prevented the good work he
was carrying on among them. It was therefore judged ex-
pedient to treat with them to remove all matters of uneasi-
iiess, and to conciliate and confirm, their friendship with
(he English. It was designed also, if possible, to draw'
them off from the Roman catholic to the protestant reli-
gion. For these purposes, governor Shute, the summer
after his arrival at the seat of government, in Massachu-
setts, me^ the Indians at Arowsick Island, accompanied
by a number of the council of Massachusetts and New-
Ifampshire, and other gentlemen.
Treaty The governor opened the conference by presenting the

•6(ith them, Indians with a bible in English and Indian. He acquaint-
I7n^ cd them that this contained the religidn of the English,
He recommended to them Mr. Baxter, a minister, who
went v/ith them as a missionary, who, he represented ta
them, would explain the bible and instruct them in the
principles and duties of religion. They readily replied,
^ That they loved their own ministers, and as to the bible
^ they wished to be excused from keeping it : That God had
given them teaching, and that if they should go from that
they should displease God."

The Governor then proceeded to hear their complaints*
They complained of encroachments upon their lands, and
ihat so many forts were built. They alledged that, in a
treaty at Canso, they understood that no more forts should
be erected. They said they should be pleased with king;
George if no forts were built in the Eastern country.
They acknowledged the title of the English to the lands on
the west side of Kennebeck river ; but said they were sure
ihat they had sold nothing on the east side of it. The
Governor produced one of the original deeds given by
their sachems. He assured them that the English would
not part with an inch of land which belonged to them.

The Indians were so offended at this that they rose im-
mediately, went to their canoes, apparently with great
resentment, and passed to tjieir head (juarters upon another

€hap. v. CONNECTICUT. $9

island. They left behind them an English flag, which the Book II.
Governor had given them. In the evening several oi\-^->^'^^
theih returned, with a letter from Ralle to the Governor, 1717,
acquainting him that the French king did not allow that in
any treaty he had given away the lands of the Indians to
the English, and that he would protect the Indians against
the English encroachments. The Governor acquainted
them that he highly resented the insolence of the Jesuit in
intermeddling in the business. The Governor concluded
that the treaty was at an end, and determined to return in
the morning. But the old men were afraid of war. They
were unwilling to leave their villages and accommodations
at Norridgewock and Penobscot, and encamp in the VAOods ;
or what was worse, depend on the French, v/ho, when it
would serve their interest, would flatter and cajole them ;
but they sajd, treated them as dogs, when they had no im-
mediate occasion for their services. These considerations
induced them in the morning to send two messengers to
the Governor, acknowledging that they had been rude and
unmannerly in their yesterday's conference, and earnest-
ly requesting to see him again. He assured them that he
would see them upoxi no other terms than their renouncing
their pretentions to the lands which belonged to the Eng-
lish. The messengers promised that this should be done ;
and in evidence of their desires to treat, expressed their
Welshes that the English colours which they had slighted
might be returned. The Indians came again to the trea-
ty, chose a new speaker, and expressed their willingness
that the English should settle where their predecessors
had. They confessed that some of their inconsiderate
young men had violated the treaty made at Portsmouth in
1713. But they said they desired to live in peace, and
to be supplied with such articles in trade, as were neces-
sary and convenient for them. The governor assured
them, that as the English would not part with their land,
so they would not take any of the Indians' lands : That
the forts were not built for their injury, but for the protec-
tion both of the English and themselves : They renewec^
the treaty of 1713, and the conference ended.

Notwithstanding this renewal of the former treaty, the
Indians were pot quiet, but often insulting and menacing
the inhabitants of the Eastern frontiers. They kept the
frontiers in such a state of fear and alarm, that very little
progress had been made in their settlement for about seven
years after the general pacification. Within about three
years after the renewal of the treaty at Arowsick, the na-
.tiVes became sq. troublesome, that most of the frouUer set-

60 HISTORY OF Ghap. V.

Book II. dements which had been made after die peace, were de-
^^^-^r^*>mj serted, and a new war with them was daily expected. The
1717. governor was for pacific measures. He wished that pres-
ents might be made them, and that trading houses might
ibe erected to supply them with all such things as were
necessary and convenient. But such were the contentions
between him and the house of representatives, that they
prevented the measures which might otherwise have been
adopted for the peace of the country. The house were
so overheated with their controversy with him, that they
seem to have done nothing coolly ; but they obsdnately
thwarted him in all his measures, however wise and pa-
cific. The Indians therefore, under the influence of the
French, and the frauds and impositions of the private
English traders, became more and more exasperated, inso-
lent and daring.
Canso sur- A party of them in 1720 fell upon Canso, within the pro-
prised, vince of Nova-Scotia, and killed three or four of the in-
poQ ^^''' habitants, and plundered the settlement. They surprised
• ■ ' the English in their beds and stripped them of every thing
they could find. A number of Frenchmen, from Cape
Breton, w^re in confederacy with them. They claimed
the lands, and said they would carry off whatever they
found upon them. The Frenchmen came the next night
in their vessels and can-ied off the plunder. Among other
articles, they carried off about two thousand quintals of
fish. A sloop arriving the next day, the Captain offered
his service to pursue them and make reprisals. He was
soon furnished with men and with two or three small ves-
sels. They overtook the French, and brought in six or
seven small vessels which all had English property on
board. But the English were supposed to sustain a loss
of twenty thousand pounds in the cuiTcncy of that day,
which Avas nearly as good as lawful money. Canso, in
the summer was peopled in a great measure from Massa-
chusetts, so that much of the damage was done to them.
Complaints Avere made to the French governor at Louis-
burg ; but he excused himself from intermeddling with In-
dian affairs. He alledged that they were not French sub-
jects, and no redress could be obtained.

The surprising of Canso alarmed the people in the Eas-
tern part of Massachusetts, and Colonel Wanton Avas dis-
patched Avith a party of soldiers for the defence of that
part of the country. But the Indians continued their in-
sults, killing the cattle of the inhabitants, and threatening
the lives of the OAvners. But as the governor Avas yet, ii
possible, for preserving tlK; ^cace qf die country, he.

Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 61

with the advice of his council, gave orders to Colonel Book IT.
Wanton to accjuaint the Indians that commissioners should s^^'^s/'s^
he appointed to treat with them. The Indians appeared 172Q,
pleased with the proposal of a treaty, and agreed to attend.
But before the time appointed for the treaty, the General
Court were convoked. The house, when they came to- '
gether, resolved, that an hundred and fifty men, Avith suita-
ble officers, should forthwith be ordered to march to Nor-
ridgewock, and compel the Indians who should be there,
or in those parts, to make full satisfaction to the English
for the damages which they had done, by killing their
swine and sheep, or by stealing provisions and clothing,
or by injuries which they had otherwise done them.
They also resolved that the sheriff of the county of York
should have a warrant for seizing Ralle, the Jesuit, and
bring him to Boston. If he could not be found, the Indians
were to be commanded to bring him in, and resign him to
the sherifi'. If the Indians should refuse a compliance with
these demands, the commanding officer was directed to
take the most effectual measures to apprehend the Indiana,
who should refuse and bring them to Boston.

Governor Shute considered this, in effect, a declaration
of war, and an invasion of his prerogative as commander
in chief, and as a measure which would prevent the treaty
on which he had agreed with the Indians. He foresaw
that a new war would certainly be the consequence. He
was therefore totally opposed to the resolution. The
council also, as they wished for peace, refused to concur
with the house.

This conduct of the house prevented the treaty. The
Indians continued their insults, but yet there was no open
war.

The oext year about two hundred Indians, with two '^"? ^"^^^^
French Jesuits, under French colors, came to Georgetown, ^^^ q^^._
on Arowsick Island, and left a letter for the governor, ernor.
containing heavy charges against the English. It com-
plained of them for unjustly invading their property, and
taking away from them the country which God had given
them. Mr. Ralle, their spiritual father, was their patron
also in these affairs. But either from a consciousness that
they had conveyed the lands to the English, or from a de-
sire of peace, perhaps under the influence of both, they
seemed averse to war. But through die influence of Mr.
Ralle and other Frenchmen, they would seem at turns to
be filled with a high degree of resentment ; and would ap-
pear on the very point of waging war, and yet they would
pyol down again and seciii as tljough they would be c^uiet.

m HISTORY OF Chap. V.

Book II. In this state of affairs, Toxus, sachem of the Norridg^-
y-^^-^'^sm^ wocks, died. The old men who were averse to the war,
1721. pitched upon Ouikoniroumenit, to supply his place, who
had always been of the pacific party. In consequence of
this choice and the influence of the old men, hostages were
sent to Boston, as sureties for their good behaviour and for
the payment of the damages which die Indians had done.
French at- Nothing could have been inor,e disagreeable to father
tempt to Ra]le than these measures. He immediately wrote letters
Indians to ^^ ^^^ governor of Canada, acquainting him with the disa-
v;a.r. greeabie measures adopted by the Norridgewocks. The

governor was alarmed at these proceedings of the Indians
at Norridgevvock, and with father Ralle spared no pains
to rouse them to Avar. Vaudreuille disapproved of the
choice which they had made of their sachem, and of their
sending hostages to the English. He represented that
they had betrayed the interest of their tribe, and that the
utmost care should be taken to prevent so great a misfor-
tune as the submission of the Norridgewocks to the Eng-
lish. He went immediately, on the reception of the news
of the change among the Norridgewocks, for Montreal,
St. Francois and Besancour, and prevailed with the In-
dians in those several places vigorously to support their
brethren at Norridgewock, and to send messengers to let
the English know, that if they continued their injuries,
they should not have to contend with the Norridgewocks
alone. He and the intendant wrote a letter to father Le
Chase, a Jesuit, to take a journey to Norridgewock, and
Penobscot, to engage the Indians in those parts to be firm,
and to support the cause in which they were engaged.
They gave notice that it was determined to supply them
with ammunition.* Massachusetts made heavy com-
plaints of the French governor for instigating the Indians
to war in a time of profound peace, between the two
crowns, and for supporting them in their warfare. But
he was able to justify himself to his master.

Ralle was considered by the English as an infamous vil-
lain. His intrepid courage, his fervent zeal for the
Roman Catholic religion, and for the interests of his sove-
reign, were the principal causes of the prejudices of the In-
dians. He contemned and often insulted the English. The
French governor Vaudreuille, and Charlevoix, the French
historian, seem to suppose, that the English settlers were
mere intruders, and that the English nation were guilty of
great injustice in dispossessing the aborigines of their
country. But in this they were under a great mistake,
* Gov, Hutchinson, II vol. p. 262, 263.

Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 03

The first s€tflers of Plymouth and Massachusetts made Book II.
conscience of paying the Indians to their satisfaction for v»,<-v-'s^
all parts of the territory which they setded, unless it were 1721.
such as had been depopulated, deserted and left without
a claimer.

The English charged the Indians with perfidy and
breach of the most solemn engagements. The Jesuit de-
nied it and justified the Indians. He pretended that the
Indians had been under duress in their treaties, and that
the bargains made with them for their lands Avere unjust.

In this state of affairs the General Court came together, August 23,
and resolved that three hundred men should be sent to the
jaead-quarters of the Indians, and that proclamation should
be made, commanding them, on pain of being prosecuted
with the utmost severity, to deliver up the Jesuits and the
other heads and fomenters of their rebellion, and to make
satisfaction for the damage they had done : and that if they
j-efused to comply, as many of their principal men as the
commanding ofticer should judge necessary, should be
seized, together with Ralle, or any other Jesuit, and sent
TO Boston ; and that if any opposition should be made,
force should be opposed to force. The council concurred^
and the governor was persuaded to give his consent. Judge
Sewall scrupled the lawfulness of the resolution, and en-
tered his protest against it.

The governor, though he had consented to the resolu-
tion, yet as the hostages were still in the hands of the le-
gislature, and as he wished to preserve the peace of the
country, gave no orders for raising the men. But the
liostages »ot long after making their escape from the cas-
tle where they had been kept, he considered war then as
inevitable, and gave orders for raising the men. The
hostages were taken and sent back, and the orders were
countermanded. The governor had promised the Indians
that trading houses should be erected, that smiths and ar-
mourers should be sent down at the expense of the pro-
vince, and that they should be supplied with clothes, pro-
visions and other necessary articles, in exchange for their
furs and skins. Though this seems to have been a pacific
and judicious measure, yet as the house would not approve
of it, and the general court, on whom he depended to ena-
ble him to fulfil his engagements, would not assist him,
nothing of that nature could be done.

When the General Court met again in November, the General
house expressed their dissatisfaction, that the governor j^q^^ 172]^
had not carried into execution, the resolution of the whole
court, with respect to the Indians, and resolved, That the

u " History oP CkAP. \h

Book II. ^ovtrnmeiit luid sufficient reason ibr prosecutihg them for
'oii^'v^fcto' their many breaches of covenant. The council, after some
explanations of the resolution, concurred. The conse-
quence was the sending of a party of men toNofridgcAvock.
The Indians it seems, had been apprised of their comings
and had taken care of their spiritual father, and fied with
him into the woods. No Indians were to be found, and
the party elTected nothing more than plundering father
Ralle of a number of his books and papers.

This insult on one of the chief towns of the Indians, and

the plundering of their beloved father Ralle, they did not

suffer to remain long unrevenged. They did no mischief

for several months, but were meditating revenge, and pre-

Pi-'wbnGrs paring to give the blow. The next year, they went with

taken at about sixty men in twenty canoes into Merry Meeting

MectiD"- B^y? ^^^ took nine families prisoners f but they left no

Cay. June marks of their usual rage and barbarity. Some of the

17.22. prisoners they released immediately and others soon after.

They Were careful however to retam a sutficient number

to make sure the return of their hostages.

Another party made an attack upon a fishing vessel from
Ipswich, as she lay in one of the Eastern harbours ; but
as the fishermen were armed, they defended themselves.
They killed two or three of the party, and the rest re-
treated.

About the Same time the collector of the customs at An-
napolis Royal, Mr. Newton, with John Adams, son to onci"
of the council for Nova-Scotia, as they were going thence
with Captain Blin, went ashore at one of the Passimaquo-
dies, and were all taken prisoners, wkh a number of ocher
passengers, by a party of French and Indians. The peo-
ple who were left on board the sloop cut the cables and
made their escape to Boston.

Another party of Indians burned a sloop at St. Georges
river. They took a number of prisoners, and attempted"
to surprise the fort.

Intelligence of these hostilities came to Boston while the
General Court were in session ; but instead of that rage
for war which had so remarkably appeared in the house
before, under far less provocations, nothing more was-
proposed than sending the hostages, which the Indians
had given, back to the Eastward, to be set at liberty upon
the restoration of the English captives ; and sending a
message to the Norridgewocks, demanding the reasons of
their conduct, the restoration of captives and satisfaction
for damages.

The friends of the Englisl;!, wlio had been captivatedy

Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. €5

were importunate with the government to take effectual Book II.
measures for their restoration. With a view to this, it is v-^-v-^^^
probable that a declaration of war was so long delayed. 1722.
While the General Court were sitting, or soon after, the
Indians burnt Brunswick, a village between Casco bay and
Kennebeck. Captain Harman, who was posted on the
frontiers, with part of his forces pursued them, killed a
number, and took fifteen of their guns. On the arrival of I>eclara-
this news at Boston, the governor immediately, by the ad- j °" oc^^*^
vice of his council, published a declaration of war. 17^^. '

The General Court had been prorogued until August. Aug. 8th<,
When it cam^ together the governor represented the ne-
cessity of laying aside all animosities, private piques and
self interest, that there might be an unanimous and vigo-
rous prosecution of the weighty affairs which were before
them. He particularly remarked, that he feared if his
bands and the council's were not left at greater liberty
than they had lately been, affairs would be carried on with
little or no spirit. The house approved of the governor's
proclamation of war, and promised all necessary and
cheerful assistance. It was detei-mined that three hun-
dred men should be selected and sent on an expedition to
Penobscot, and that the rest of the troops should be sta-
tioned at different posts on the frontiers. But notwith-
standing the arrangements which had been made, the ene-
my found means to surprise several parts of the country
and to do much damage.

The neighboring Indians, especially the old men among
the Norridgewocks, were opposed to the war ; the Pe-
nobscots were still more so 5 and even after it commenced,
expressed their desires of an accommodation. But, as
has been observed, Ralle and the French urged them to
it, and with difficulty persuaded them to engage. The In-
dians at St. Francois, on the borders of Canada, the St.
Johns and the Cape Sable Indians, being at a greater dis-
tance, did not fear the destruction of their villages. They
therefore, under the influence of the French, were fierce
for war; and joining with the Norridgewocks and Penob-
scots, made the war general.

In July they surprised Canso, and other harbors in the July,
vicinity, and took about seventeen fishing vessels, belong-
ing to Massachusetts. Governor Phillips, who was occa-
sionally there, caused two sloops to be manned, partly
with volunteer sailors, from merchant vessels which were
there loading with fish, and sent them, under the command
of John Elliot of Boston, and John Robinson of Cape
Ann, in quest of the enemy. As Elliot w^s ranging the

^Q HISTORY OF C;hap. \\

WrLy, in full expectation of another prize, roare

ut,l-ike,'Endish do^gs, and -me aboard for you ai.^^^^
prisoners. Elliot answered, 1 will make a I the has.e^ l
r The Indians perceiving that they n.ade no attemp
to escape, soon began to suspect a surprise, and cut ttieu
• c' nkU<lesigntorun ashore ^nd make thc^r escap .
Elliot immediately boarding them I-^f^;;^^ jf ^^ [ ^
DOS- and after a brave resistance, for about hab an nom ..
ffey began to leap into the hoM for safety. H-e he nand
p-renade^ ^vhich Elliot threw among them made "ch aes-
l^uction, that those who were not killed, leaped into th.
water, where they were a fair marK for the ^ngl^^h t^J<^
onlv of the whole number made their escape. Seven % es-
- s'lJ with several hundred quintals of fish, and fifteen cap-
iv?; were recovered from the enemy. They had sen
manv If the prisoners away, and had killed nine in cold
blood The Nova-Scotia Indians had th« character ot
beinc^more savage and cruel than the other tribes.

Elliot was bacUy wounded in the action, one of his men
was killed and several wounded. ^ ^ „ , i , ^
Robinson did not return unsuccessful. He re ook two
vessels, and killed a number ot the enemy. The othei
vessels the Indians had carried far up the bay above the
harbor of Malagash, so that they were out ot his reach.
The enemy were so nmiierous, that he had not a sufficient
number of men to land and dnve them off.

This was an unfortunate atfair to the Indians. 1 he loss
of so many men filled them with the utmost rage ; and
thev detemiined to revenge themselves on the poor fisher-
men whom they had made prisoners. About twenty oi
Sese were yet in their hands. These they destined to be
sacrificed to the manes of their slaughtered fellows. 1 h(
fires it seems were kindling, the powowing and other cere-
monies of destruction were performing at Malagash, wheii
Captain Blin appeared in a sloop, off the harbor, and
, made a signal, or sent in a token, which had been agreed
upon, beuveen him and the Indians, when he was their
prisoner, to be his protection. Three Indians came
on board his vessel, and an agreement was made for the
ransom both of the captives and vessels. Ihe ransom
was paid, and the vessels and captives delivered to him.
This was a most providential and signal deliverance ot thf-
captives from an untimely and barbarous death.

Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 61

Captain Blin, on his return to Boston, took three or four Book 11.
of the Indians. CajDtain Soiithack, about the same time, ^-<«<>^^-v^
Took two canoes with three in each. One was killed and 1722.
live were made prisoners.

Meanwhile the enemy were not idle. In September, Attack on
four or five hundred of them, made an attack on the inhabi- c!°rfrfl'
tants and fort upon Arowsick Island. They were discov-
ered by the soldiers of the garrison at some distance, so
that the inhabitants had time to secure part of their eftects
and to make their escape to the fort. The enemy began
their attack immediately upon the fort. This was defended
by forty soldiers under Captains Temple and Penhallow.
They made so gallant a defence, that the enemy after kill-
ing one man drew off from the fort, and falling upon the
aattle killed about fifty head. They then plundered and
burnt the houses, about twenty six in number. The in-
habitants saw v/ith great distress, from the fort, the burn-
ing of their habitations, and bewailed their insufficiency of
numbers, to prevent the mischief.

Captains Walton and Harman, who were posted on the
frontiers, on the first alarm, made all possible dispatch to
^■einforce the garrison, and before night arrived with thirty
men, in two whale boats. With this joint force, consist-
ing of seventy men, they made an attempt to repel the en-
emy ; but their numbers were so unequal, that in a bush
fight behind trees, they found there was no chance of suc-
cess, and they retreated to the fort. The enemy drew ofT
in the night ; and passing up Kenncbeck river, they met
the province sloop, and firing upon her, killed the master,
Bartholomew Stretton. They proceeded to Richmond,
and made an attack on the fort there, and thence went to
Norridgewock, their head quarters.

The enemy concluded the mischief of this first year of
the war, by killing a man at Berwick.

Before this. Colonel Walton had selected three hundred
men for the expedition against Penobscot, and they had
actually marched for the place of their destination : but
on the appearance of such a formidable body of the enemy
on the frontiers, he countermanded the troops, and sent
immediately to the governor, acquainting hirn with what
he had done. The council advised to keep ihe force on
the frontiers for the defence of the inhabitants, and to sus-
pend the expedition to Penobscot until winter. They judg-
ed that the winter would be a more seasonable opportunity
for the enterprise. The expedition was therefore suspended.
As war had been proclaimed against the eastern In-
dians, and they had dgne so i?iuch inischief in the war,

68 HJSTORY OF Chap. V.

BooK/II. Govenior Shute, of Massachusetts, and Governor Burnet,
v.^-v'-^/ of New- York, wrote letters to Governor Salstonstall, de-
1722. manding supplies of ammunition and men, or the command
of a certain part of the militia, to assist in the war agaigst
the common enemy.
Qct, nth. When the letters were laid before the assembly in the
October session, it was resolved. That the insults of the.
eastern Indians, who were comparatively few in number,
were not such an invasion of the frontiers as was under-
stood by his majesty, to call for the assistance of all his
majesty's subjects, in North America, from New-Hamp-
shire to Virginia, and that on that account the colony ex-
cused itself from affoixling assistance in the war. At the
same time, the assembly gave assurance to their excellen-
cies, Shute and Burnet, that in time of general war and
danger, they would be as ready as any of his majesty's
subjects to comply with his requisitions. This was not
the only objection of the assembly to engage in the war;
they were not satisfied that it was lawful.

Nevertheless, the legislature, not knowing how far the
mischief might spread, sent a detachment of about fifty
men to keep garrison and scout in the county of Hamp-
shire, and to cover that part of the country. Some sol-
diers were also posted in the frontier towns of this colony.
General jj^ November, the general court of Massachusetts came

Massachu- together. The court immediately entered on the affairs of
setts, Nov. the war. Among other measures, they appointed commis-
15th, 1722. sioners to treat with the six nations of Indians, who were
in friendship with the English, and to engage them to use
their influence with the eastern Indians, to persuade them
to make satisfaction for the damages they had done, and
to be at peace for the future. They were also to offer
them certain premiums for all the scalps and captives of
the enemy which they should bring in.

But they soon renewed their controversy with the go-
vernor ; censured him for not carrying into execution the
expedition against Penobscot, insisted that Colonel Wal-
ton should be recalled, because he had kept the whole of
the troops on the frontiers, though he had done it by the
express orders of the governor, by advice of his council.
The house took it upon them to examine Colonel Walton,
independently of the governor and council, and refused to
vote any pay to Walton and other officers, and in short,
to support the war, unless some of the officers in chief
command were displaced and others appointed to com-,
mand. They encroached on the prerogative of the go-
vernor as commander in chief. They so entirely coun*

Chap V.. CONNECTICUT. 69

teractecl him in all his measures, and manifested such to- Book II.
tal disaffection to his person and government, that he left v^^^^^s.^/
the court while it was in session, and embarked for En- 1723.
gland.*

The weight of government now fell on the deputy go-
vernor, Dummcr. The house in various respects en-
croached on his prerogative, but for the good of the pro-
vince, and, that proper provision might be made for a vi-
gorous prosecution of the war, he for the present yielded
to the necessity of the times. Colonel Westbrook was
appointed to the chief command, in the room of Walton,
who resigned. Two winter expeditions were determined
on ; one under the command of Colonel Westbrook, and
the other under Captain Harman.

The expedition under Captain Harman was first in rea- Expedition
diness. On the 6th of February, he set out with about an ^P'".'f
hundred and twenty men for Norridgev>^ock ; but the rivers wock,Feb.
were so open and the grounds so full of water, that they 6th, 172D.
could not proceed. Having advanced with much difficulty
as far as the upper falls of Amascoggin, they divided into
scouting parties and returned. In their whole route they
discovered not an enemy.

Five days, after Captain Harman began his march, Co- Feb. nth.
lonel Westbrook set out, with two hundred and thirty men, ^'^'^^^
in small vessels and whale boats, and ranged the coast as brook's
far as Mount Desart. Upon his return, he proceeded up expedi-
Penobscot river, where, about thirty two miles above the ^io°-
anchoring ground for transports, he discovered the Indian
village and castle. The castle was fortified with stock-
ades, seventy feet in length, and fifty in breadth, encom-
passing twenty three well finished wigwams. Without the
ibrt was a church sixty feet long and thirty wide, decently
finished within and without. There was also a very con-
venient house for the minister ; but all were deserted.
Nothing more was effected than the burning of this little
village. On the 20th of March the troops returned to St.
George's.

No sooner was the spring well opened than the enemy
commenced thei^ operations. Small parties kept the fron-
tiers in constant alarm and terror. Notwithstanding all
the vigilance and exertions of the troops, they sometimes
were successful.

In April they killed and captivated eight persons at Scar^

* The extraordinary conduct of the house towards Governor Shute,
may be found faithfully represented, and the difficulty and danger in which,
it involved the Province, in GovCTnof Hutchiusoa's History, Vol. II. from
page ^16 to page 300.

70 HISTORY OF Chap. V.

Book 11. borough and Falmoi'th. Among the dead was one Chubb,
>,rfi»^.,^-«»^ a sergeant of the fort, whom the Indians supposing to be
1723. Captain Harman, fifteen of them took aim at liim at the
same time, and lodged eleven bullets in his body. This
was a means of the preservation of the lives of others,
though fata! to him, as more made then* escape to the fort,
than otherwise would have done. The next month they
killed two men near Berwick, one at Wells, and two be-
tween York and Wells.

In June they made an attack on Roger Dearing's garri-
son at Scarborough, killed his wife, and two other persons,
and made captives of three of his children. Soon after
ialy. they visited Saco. Five of them attacked one Dominicus
Jordan, one of the principal proprietors of the town, in
his field ; but as he kept his gun constantly presented at
them Avithout firing, they were afraid to come very nea,r
him, and he made his escape to the fort, after having re-
ceived three wounds by them. On the 14th they surprised
Captain Watkins on Durel's Island, and killed him, and
A'j"- 13th. three or four of his family. In August, a party of about a
dozen of the Indians, killed fvvo men at Northfield, and the
ijext day they surprised a father with four of his sons, as
they were making liay in a meadow at Rutland. The fa-^
ther made his escape, but the sons fell a prey to the ene-
my. At the same time., Mr. Willard, the minister of the
town, fell in Avith the party and was killed. He was arm-
ed, and before he fell, killed one and wounded another.
Towards the end of the month, they killed a man at Co-
checo, and killed or captivated another at Arundel. While
these misfortunes were happening on the frontiers, the
General Court of Massachusetts came together, and in con-
iriequence of the measures which had been adopted, in send-
ing commissioners to the Six Nations, sixty-three Indians
Aug. 21st. went to Boston, while the court were in session. A formal
Treaty treaty was held with them, and a large sum was drawn
with the fj.Qjjj (j^Q government in valuable presents ; but it was all
Indians of *^ mi i i • • i

the Six to no purpose. 1 he delegates were too cautious to involve

Nations, their principals in the war. All that tiiey would do rela-
tive to it, was to give liberty to any of their young men
who should desire it, to go out with any parties of English
who should be engaged in the military service. Two
young Mohawks only offered their service, and were sent
on to the eastward, to join the troops on the frontiers.
Having arrived at the fort at Richmond, on Kennebeck
river. Captain Heath, v/ho commanded, ordered his ensign,
Coleby, and three of the garrison, to go out with them on
a scouting party up the river. After they had travelled

Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 1l

about Ihree miles, they judged, from the smell of fire, that feooK II.
a party of the enemy must be near. The Mohav,'4vS refu- v^-v^'w'
sed to proceed any further, until they were reinforced.
They sent back their ooat for as many men as she could
carry. Thirteen were sent. Soon after they had formed
a junction witli the other party, about thirty of tiie enemy
appeared. A smart skirmish commenced, but the enemy
vvcre beaten and fled to their canoes, leaving their packs
behind them.. They carried off two of their number, either
dead, or so wounded as to be unable to walk. Coleby,
who commanded the party, was killed, and two others
wounded. The two Mohawks appeared to have had enough
of the service, and as they could not be prevailed on to
taiTy longer, were sent back to Boston.

Meanwhile the enemy continued their depredations. In
October, seventy of the enemy attacked the block-house at
Northfield, and killed or wounded four or five of the Eng-
lish. Fifty Connecticut soldiers, who had kept garrison Oct. il,
there through the summer, had been drawn off the day be- 1^23-
fore. It is not improbable that the enemy had obtained
the knowledge of this circumstance, and that it embolden-
ed them to make the attack. Colonel Stoddard marched
immediately from Northampton, with fifty men, to reinforce
the garrison. The same month one CogsAvell, with a boat's
crew, was surprised by the enemy.

At the beginning of winter, about sixty of them laid siege Dec. 25t1i,
to the fort at Muscungus, or St. Georges. They surprised ^'^^'^^
two of the garrison, from whom they obtained information,
that the fort was in a weak and miserable condition, which
encouraged them to commence and press the siege. But
the chief officer, Kennedy, was a bold and resolute man,
and he kept his ground until Colonel Westbrook arrived
with a sufficient force to put the besiegers to flight.

The English kept parties constantly marching back-
wards and forwards on the frontiers, but they discovered
no enemy. They were careful to avoid them. Captain.
Moulton, with a party of men, marched to Norridgewock,
and brought off some books and papers of the Jesuit Ralle,
by which they discovered that the French were the insti-
gators of the Indians to the war. The enemy had all made
their escape, so that not one was to be seen. He came oi?
without destroying the houses or the church. He was no
only a brave, but discreet man, and probably judged that
such an instance of m.oderation, might induce the enemy to
treat the English in the same manner.

The continuance of the war with Massachusetts, and
the attack of so large a body of the Indians upon Northfield,

72 HISTORY OF Chap. V.

Book II. seems to have called the attention of the legislature of Con-
'-^"v^-^ necticut. to a more particular enquiry into the state of the
Ilesolu- war. When the assembly came together, in October, they
tions of the pg^ggg^-] r^ number of resolves to the following effect : That
General i 111 i • 1 i r tit

Assembly the governor should correspond with the governor 01 iVlas-

of Con- sachusetts Bay, and endeavour to know how said war com-
necticut inenced ; what were the real, or pretended causes of it ;
the war '-^^^^ particularly, what was the result of the late treaty with
Oct. 1723. the Maquas, or western Indians, and what effects might be
expected from it? — What plans they had formed for the
prosecution of the Avar ? That a proper regard might be
had to them by the scouting parties, which should be em-
ployed for the security of the frontiers. It was further re-
solved, as the opinion of the assembly, That if there was
danger of the enemies' falling in a body upon any of the
western frontier towns in this colony, or in the county of
Hampshire, in Massachusetts province, the most proper
method of covering them, would be to support the advanced
posts of Deerfield and Northfield with such a garrison,
that good marching parties might be kept out, both west-
ward to Ousatunnuck, and eastward to Manandunck. That
the scouts employed by this colony, shall, if it may be con-
sistent, be pardy of our friendly Indians, who shall have-
encourag;ement to enter into the service.

Provision was made, that during the time of danger,
there should be a committee of war, in and about Hart-
ford, which might be easily conv^ened, and afford assist-
ance on the most sudden attack of the enemy : and they
were furnished with such commissions and instructions, by
the governor, as enabled them, on any emergency, to send
out such a number of troops, immediately, as should be
necessary to repel the enemy attacking any of the towns
on the frontiers of this colony, or in the county of Hamp-
shire, in the province of Massachusetts.

Directions were also given, that if the governor and
council, on acquainting themselves with the state of the
war, and on corresponding with the Governor of Massa-
chusetts, should judge that the safety of the frontiers re-
quired it, they might join with Massachusetts in keeping
the posts at Deerfield and Northfield, or either of them,
and in keeping out scouts and good marching parties,
north, east, and west, to cover the frontiers, and to make
discoveries. They were empowered to impress sixty men,
and no more, unless an extraordinary attack should be
made, by a large body of the enemy. They might also
add the same number of Indians.

The province of Massachusetts sustained a considerable

/HAP

. V. CONNECTICUT. 75

loss of lives and property in this second year of the war ; Book II.
but they were more unfortunate the next, especially in the v^~>''"n-^
former part of it. In March the enemy killed sergeant March
Smith, at the fort of Cape Porpoise. In April one Mitch- ^^'^' ^'^^'^
ell was killed at Black Point, and two of his sons were ta-
ken. About the same time, three men were killed at a
sawmill, on Kennebeck river. The next month the ene- May.
my killed one Thompson at Berwick ; one of his children
they captivated, another they scalped and left for dead ;
but it soon revived and was carried home alive. They
killed elder Knock, at Lamprey river, and George Chap-
ley and a young woman at Oyster river, as they were go-
ing home from public worship. At Kingston they capti-
vated one man and three boys.

In the beginning of June, a scout of thirty men from
Oyster river, were attacked before they left the houses.
Two of them were instantly shot down. The rest ran so
furiously upon the Indians, that they fled, leaving their
packs and one of their number, who was killed in the skir-
mish. At Hatfield one Englishman was killed and two ta-
ken prisoners. Another, Avith a friendly Indian and their
horses, was killed between Northfield and Deerfield.

About the same time an unfortunate affair took place
with respect to captain Josiah Winslow, and part of the
garrison belonging to the fort at St. Georges river. There
went seventeen men from the fort in two whale boats. The
Indians, it seems, discovered them, and waited the most
convenient time and place to attack them : as they were
returning, the day after they went out, they found them-
selves suddenly sun'ounded with thirty canoes, whose com-
plement must have been an hundred Indians. They at- June 1st,
tempted to land, but were intercepted, and nothing re-
mained but to sell their lives as dearly as possible. They
made a gallant defence, but every Englishman was killed.
Tliree Indians who were of the number only returned to
the fort to relate the melancholy news. This was a heavy
loss. Captain Winslow was a fine young officer, of hon-
orable descent, and had but just finished his studies at col-
lege. His father was one of the council. His grand-
father and great-grandfather had been governors of Plym-
outh colony. He had a mind formed for usefulness, and
his death was much lamented.

Animated with this success, the enemy made a stiU
greater attempt by water. They took two shallops at the
Isles of Shoals, and afterwards they took several other
fishing vessels, in different harbors. Among the rest,
they took possession of a large schooner, Avitji twt> swivd
K

T4 HISTORY OF Chap. V,

Book II. guns. Tuc y manned her and cruised along shore. It \va?i

^-*'"""'''^»' judged that, a small force would be sufficient to conquer
1 724. the.^e raw sailors. The lieut. governor commissioned
doctor Jackson of the Province of Maine, in a small
schooner, with tAventy men, and Sylvanus Lakeman oi*
Ipswich, in a shallop with sixteen men, to go in quest of
them. They soon came up Avith them ; but the enemy
were too strong for them. They returned with their rig-
ing much damaged with the swivel guns, and Jackson and
several of his men were wounded. The only account:
they -could give of the enemy was, that they were gone in-
to Penobscot. Other attempts were made to recover the
A essels and bring them in ; but all were unsuccessful.
The enemy took eleven vessels, with forty five men, twen-
ty two of whom they killed, and carried twenty three into
captivity.

Aug. Cd. They killed a man at Groton, and lost one of their own
number. In August they killed three men, woundecJ"
another, and took one prisoner at Rutland. About the
same time four of them attacked a small house at Oxford,
which had been erected under a hill. The house was de-

6lh. fended only by one courageous woman. She loaded two

muskets and two pistols ; one for each of them. They
finally made a breach in the roof, and as one of them was
entering, she put a charge through his belly. This finish-
ed the attack ; the others took their dead companion, and

I6tlj., retreated. About ten days after, they killed a man at
Berwick, wounded another, and carried a third into cap-
tivity. On the 26tli, they killed one and Avounded another
at Northampton. The nest day they surprised the house
of one Joim Hanson, a quaker, at Dover, and carried oft'
his wife, maid and six children. Hanson was absent, at
a meeting of the friends.

Discouraged with the ineffectual attempts to intercept
the enemy, by scouting parties marching on the back ot
the frontiers, another expedition was resolved upon, to
surprise them at their head quarters, or principal village.
NorridgCAvock.

Four companies, consisting in the Avhole of two hundred
and eight men, under the command of captains Harman.
?-Ioullon and Bourne, were ordered up the river Kenne-
beck for that purpose. Three Mohawks AVere engaged to
go out on the expedition.

The troops left Richmond fort, on the Kennebeck river.
the 19th of August; the 20th, they arrived at Taconick.
where they left their Avhale boats, under a guard of forty
men, out of the two hundred and ei2:ht. On the 21st. thr\

Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 75

<'ommenced theii' march, by land, for Norridgewock. Book 11.
The same evening they discovered, and fired on two wo- v^^'v^N.p^
men, the wife and daughter of the famous and well known 1724,
warrior Bomazeen. His daughter was killed, and his wife
was made prisoner. ]By her they obtained a full account
of the state of Norridgewock. On the 23d, a little after
noon, they came near the village. As it was supposed
that part of the Indians might be in their cornfields, which
were at some distance from the village, it was judged best
to divide the army. Captain Harman, who was comman-
der in chief, took eighty four men and marched to the corn-
fields, and Captain Moulton with the same number march-
ed directly to the village. This, about three of the clock,
opened suddenly upon them. There was not an Indian to
be seen ; they were all in their wigwams. The English
were ordered to advance as softly as possible, and to keep
a profound silence. At length an Indian came out from The des^
one of the wigwanis, and looking round, discovered the tructioa of
English close upon him. He gave the war Avhoop and ran ^^^.j^ ' "
in for his gun. The whole village took the alarm ; and Aug. SSd,
about sixty warriors ran to meet the English, while the ^'7-4
old men, women and children fled for their lives. Moul-
ton, insteadx)f suffering his men to fire at random through
the wigwams, charged them, on pain of death, not to fire
a gun till they had received the fire of the Indians. He
Judged they would fire in a panick and overshoot them.
So it happened ; not a man was hurt. The English dis-
charged in their turn and made great slaughter. The Eng-
lish kept their ranks ; the Indians fired a second time, and
fled towards the river. Some jumped into their canoes,
but as their paddles had been left in the wigwams, they
made their escape but slowly ; others jumped into the river
and swam; some of the tallest were able to ford it. Some
of the English furnished themselves with paddles, and took
to the canoes which the Indians had left; others waded in-
to the river, and so pressed upon them, that they were soon
driven from all their canoes and from the river. They were
shot in the water, and on the opposite shore, as they were
making their escape into the woods. It y/as imagined by
the English, that not more than fifty of the whole village
made their escape.

Having put the enemy to flight, the English returned to
the village, where they found the Jesuit Ralle, firing on a
number of our men, who had not been in pursuit of the
enemy. He had in the wigwam an English boy, about
fourteen years of age, who had been taken about six
months before. This boy he bad shot through the thigh,

7ii HISTORY OF Chap. V.

Book II. ar>d afterwards stabbed in the body ; but by the care of
v-^-^o*/ surgeons, he recovered.* Mouhon had given orders not
1 724. to kill the Jesuit, but as by his firing from the wigwam, one
of the English had been wounded, one lieutenant Jaque^
broke open the door and shot him through the head. Ja-
ques excused himself to his commanding officer, alledging
that Ralle was loading his gun Avhen he entered the wig-
wam, and declared that he would neither give nor take
quarter. Moulton allowed that some answer was given
which provoked Jaques, but he doubted whether it was the
same which was reported. He ever expressed his disap-
probation of the action. Mog, a famous Indian chief and
warrior, was found shut up in another wigwam, from which
he fired and killed one of the three Mohawks. This so en-
raged his brother, that he broke down the door and shot
him dead. The English in their rage, followed and killed
his wife and two helpless children. It is painful to relate
the inhumanity of war, and the unnecessary shedding of
blood which is the mere fruit of revenge, or at least of a
great want of benevolent feeling.

Haying cleared the village of the enemy, the troops fell
to plundering and destroying the wigwams. The plunder
of an Indian village afibrded no considerable booty. As
it was near harvest, there was but little corn ; a few blan^
kets, kettles and guns, with about three barrels of pow-
der, was all they could find to bring oft', except the plate
of the church, which they judged to be no sacrilege to bring
away. They expressed some zeal against idolatry in
breaking the crucifixes and other imagery which they
found.

Harman and his party, who went to the corn fields, did
not come up till nearly night, when the action was over.
The whole army lodged in the wigwams that night, under
a guard of forty men. The next morning they counted
twenty seven dead bodies, and they had one woman and
three children prisoners. Among the dead were Boma-
zeen, Mog, Job, Carabeset, Wissememet, and Bomazeen's
son in law, all noted warriors. As the troops were anxious
for their men and whale boats, they marched early for Ta-
conick. Christian, one of the Mohawks, was sent back,
or went of his own accord, after they had begun their
march, and set fire to the wigwams and to the chm'ch, ^.nd
then rejoined the company. On the 27th, they returned
to the fort at Richmond.

This was a heavy blow to the enemy : more than one

* Governor Hutchinson says, " I find this act of cruelty in the account
given by Harman upon oath." Hist. vol. II. p. 312.

Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 77

half of their fighting men were killed or wounded, and Book II.
most of their principal warriors. Charlevoix says, " Al- v..^->y-->»,/
though more than two thousand shot had been fired upon 1724.
them, yet there were no more than thirty killed and four-
teen wounded." He paints the cruelty and profaneness
of the English in very strong colours ; especially in killing
and mangling father Ralle, the Jesuit, and in breaking the
images, the latter of which he terms profaning the adora-
ble body of Jesus Christ.

The English, encouraged by their success at Norridge-
wock, engaged in several other enterprizes. Colonel
Westbrook marched with three hundred men across the
country from Kennebeck to Penobscot, with a view to sur-
prize the enemy in that quarter. But the only advantage
of the expedition was the exploration of the condition of
that part of the country, which before was but little known.

Other parties were ordered up Amaseconti, and Ama-
rescoggin, and a second attempt was made on Norridge-
wock, but no Indians were to be found in thos.e places.
The old men, women and children had been removed, and
the warriors were lurking in secret places, and watching
every opportunity to alarm and harass the frontiers.

In September, a party of English, consisting of fourteen
men, went out from Dunstable in search of two men who
were missing. About thirty Indians lay in wait for them,
and shot down six and took three prisoners. A second
went out and lost two of their number. The western fron-
tier was better guarded. Though often alarmed, little
damage was done. At the eastward much loss had been
sustained both in men and in vessels. No advantages had
been derived by the war. The people of Massachusetts
found it a much more serious business than their house of
representatives, or they themselves, had imagined.

At the session in October, colonel Stoddard was sent to Colonel
Connecticut, earnestly soliciting, that the General Assem- Stoddard's
bly would unite with Massachusetts in offensive operations f- f %he
against the enemy. The legislature however could not be General
persuaded to do any thing more than they had done. Assembly
They agreed that they would defend their own frontiers, °^^?"'
and those of the county of Hampshire. Oct. 1724

They observed, that they were not satisfied with respect and the
to the justice of the war : that though governor Saltonstall assembly's
had been to Boston, and at the desire, and upon a resolu-
tion of the assembly, had taken much pains to inform him-
self of the grounds of it, they had not been satisfied ; nor
had they now obtained satisfaction from the representations
of colonel Stoddard, They further observed, That the

7a HISTORY' OF Chap. V.

Book 11. government of Massachusetts had not consulted them, but
S^"v'">-' proclaimed and began the war without their consent, or
1725. even given them notice. They wished the government of
Massachusetts would coolly and seriously consider the
grounds of the war, lest much innocent blood should be
shed. At the same time they professed their esteem and
friendship for their brethren of Massachusetts, and that if
they had full satisfaction relative to the reasons of the war,
they should be ready to engage in it with greater alacrity
and spirit. What effect this answer of the assembly had
on the general court and people of Massachusetts is not
known ; but it is probable that it was very considerable,
as they soon after gave intimations of their willingness to
be at peace with the Indians.

The government of Massachusetts, to promote enterprize
and encourage volunteers, raised the premium for Indian
scalps and prisoners to an hundred pounds for each. This
induced one John Lovell, to raise a company of volun-
teers on purpose to hunt the Indians, and bring in their
scalps. On his first scout he got one seal]) and one pri-
soner, which he brought into Boston on the 5th of Janu-
ary, 1725. He took them more than forty miles above the
lake of Winnepesiaukee. On a second enterprize, he dis-
covered ten Indians round a fire, all asleep. He ordered
part of his company to fire on them as they lay, and the
other part to fire on them as they rose. Three were
killed by the first fire, and the other seven as they rose.
On the 3d of March the ten scalps were brought to Boston.
Animated by these repeated successes, he made a third at-
tempt with a company of thirty three men. On the 8th of
May, they discovered an Indian on a point of land which
joined to a great pond or lake. They were suspicious
that he was set there to draw them into a snare, and that
there might be many Indians at no great distance. They
therefore laid down their packs, that they might be pre-
pared for action. They then marched nearly two miles
round the pond, to kill or take the Indian whom they had
discovered. At length, when the English came within gun
shot, he fired and wounded Lovell and one of his men
with large sjjot. He was immediately shot and scalped.
In the mean time, a party of about eighty Indians seized
the packs of the English, and, at a place convenient for
their purpose, waited for their return. When they return-
ed, the enemy rose with the Indian yell, fired and ran upon
them with their hatchets, in great fury. Lovell, to se-
cure his rear, retreated to the pond, and the English, though
their number v/as so unequal, continued the action five or

Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 79

six hours, until night. Captain Lovell, his lieutenant, Book IT.
Farwell, and ensign Robbins, were mortally wounded early v^-v->*,^
in the action, and five more were afterwards killed. Six-
teen escaped unhurt, and returned, but they were obliged
to leave eight of their wounded companions in the woods,
without provisions and without a surgeon. One of them
was Mr. Fry, their chaplain, of Andover, who had be-
haved Avith great bravery, had killed and scalped one In-
dian in the heat of the action, but finally perished for want
of relief. Two of the eight afterwards got into the En-
glish settlements. Fifteen in the whole were lost, and
eighteen saved. This unfortunate affair discouraged all
scalping parties for the future.

From this time the war languished, and nothing mate-
rial was transacted. The English and Indians were both
weary of it, and wished for peace. After the death of
Ralle, the Indians were at liberty to follow their own in-
clinations. The Penobscots began war with the greatest
reluctance, and were now considered as most inclined to
peace. To discover their feelings, an Indian hostage was
suffered to go home near the close of the winter of 1724,
with a captive, on their parole. They came back to the
fort at St. Georges on the 6th of February, accompanied
with two others of the tribe. They related, that at a meet-
ing of the Penobscots, it was agreed to make proposals of
peace. One of the Indians, who was a sachem, was sent
back with the other Indian, to bring a deputation of several
other chiefs, for the purpose of concluding a peace. In
consequence of these measures, some time in June, pre-
liminaries of peace were settled, and a cessation of arms
was agreed upon. Soon aft-er, four delegates came to
Boston and signed a treaty of peace.

The next year, this peace was more publicly ratified at
Falmouth, in Casco bay. Lieutenant governor Dummer,
of Massachusetts, with several gentlemen of the council,
John Wentworth, Esq. lieutenant governor of New-Hamp-
shire, and Paul Mascerene, Esq. one of the council, and
a commissioner of the government of Nova-Scotia, were
parties in this treaty.

Thus, after much loss of blood and treasure, both to the
English and the Indians, and without the least advantage
to either, ended this unhappy war. The province of Mas-
sachusetts had their frontiers ravaged for a great extent,
lost between one and two hundred brave men, and had
many wounded and taken prisoners, with eleven vessels,
besides all the trouble and expense which they had in-
curred.

80 HISTORY OF Chap. V.

Book II. It was some thousands of pounds damage to Connect!-
"w^v^^/ cut. Besides maintaining soldiers at their own out posts,
about fifty or sixty were sent every year, during the war,
into the county of Hampshire, to cover and defend that
part of the country.* These were paid by Connecticut,
The whole colony was put into a state of warlike defence,
but suffered no loss of lives.

The treaty which was made with the Indians at Fal-
mouth, has been greatly applauded as the best treaty ever
made with the Indians in that part of the country. From
that time, there was a long and profound peace with them.
But this cannot be attributed at all to any peculiar excel-
lence in the treaty, but entirely to other circumstances.
The treaty was nothing different in any thing important
from former treaties. They had felt the ruinous conse-
quences of war ; the Indians were left more to their own
inclinations, and were less under Jesuitical and French in-
fluence. The province of Massachusetts treated them
with more policy and friendship. The Indians had long
been desirous of trading houses, to supply them Avith ne-
cessaries, and take off their furs and skins. Governor
Shute promised them that this should be done for them,
but, as has been observed, the general court would make no
provision for it, at that time. But now provision was
made, and trading houses were erected at St. George's,
Kennebeck and Saco rivers. The Indians soon found that
they could purchase goods on better terms at these houses,
than they could of the French, or even of the private En-
glish traders among them. This broke up their trade
with the French and with the private traders, by whom
they were imposed upon, defrauded and provoked. Had
these measures been adopted before, as governor Shute
had proposed, it would doubtless have prevented the war.

* Governor Hutchinson observes, " Justice should be done to the go-
vernment of Connecticut; they generally, at the request of Massachusetts,
sent forces every year during the summer, in this and former wars, and
paid their wages, the provisions being furnished by this government.'*
Vol. II. p. 304. Connecticut gave the men three pounds per month.

Chap. VL CONNECTICUT. «1

CHAPTER VL Book II.

Grants and settlements of the lands in the colony which had
not been granted and settled before the year 1713; prin-
cipally in the counties of Windham and Litchfield. A
more particular account of the settlement of the toxvns of
Lebanon and Meiv-Mllford^ than had been given in the
first volume of this history. Settlement of the towns of
Ashford, Tolland^ Bolton, Stafford, and Litchfield. Coun~
ty of Windham formed. Somers and Willington settled.
Incorporation of East-Haddam. Extraordinary noises
formerly heard in that tozon. Settlement and incorporation
of Union. Controversy between the government and th&
tozons of Hartford and Windsor, relative to the lands with-
in the county of Litchfield, and the disorders and troubles
created by if, in the colony. Agreement betwem the goV"
ernment and the said tozons. The lands in controversy
divided into townships and measured. Orders for the sale
of those of them belonging to the colony, at auction, at dif-
ferent times and places. The money arising from the sale
to constitute a permanent fund, for the benefit of schools in
the colony. Nezo-Fairfield settled and incorporated. De-
scription of the new toivnships; their progressive saU and
settlement,

'HE township of Lebanon originally consisted of a num-
ber of parcels of land, purchased by different persons,
and at different times, but finally united by particular agree-
ments in one town. There were four proprieties, as they
were called. That which has been called the first, was a
purchase of five miles in length and three in width, extend-
ing from Windham line on the north-east part, south-west-
erly to the bounds of Hebron and Colchester. This pur-
chase was made of Owanecho, sachem of the Mohegans.
This grant bears date in 1698, and is called the five mile
purchase. The second propriety, as it has been called,
was a tract of five miles in length and one in width, lying
south of the five mile purchase and adjoining to it. This
is called the Fitch and Mason, or mile purchase. It was a
grant made by the aforesaid Owanecho to the Rev. Mr.
Fitch and the famous Major John Mason. This grant
was made in 1695, and the tract originally belonged to
the town of Norwich.

The third propriety was termed the Clark and Dewy
purchase, from the names of the first owners and settlers >
L

^2 rilSTOllY OF Chap; VL

Book II. This tract was obtained in the year 1706. This adjoined
s.^'>r>t^ the five mile purchase on the northerly side, extending
from the Windham bounds on die easterly part, to Hebron
on the westerly ; and fi'om the said five mile purchase,
southerly, to the Mansfield and Coventry bounds on the
iiorth side. It was of a triangular form, leaving a small
gore between the five mile and Windham bounds. Thf
greatest length of the hypothenuse of the triangle was about
eight miles, and the greatest breadth or perpendicular at
the Hebron line was nearly six miles, ferming a very acute
angle at the north-eastern extremity.

The fourth propriety, the small gore already mentionedy
lying between the five mile and the Clark and Dewy pur-
chase, wa;s called the Whiting purchase. This was about
half a mile in length, and from ten to two hundred rods in
width. This was annexed to the town of Lebanon about
the year 1715, This completed the original dimensions of
the town.^

These several parcels were united, by agreements be-
tween the settlers, about the year 1700. The settlers oii
the one mile propriety, wished, for the convenience of pub-
lic worship and ecclesiastical purposes, to be joined to
those of th-e five mile purchase, and an agreement was
ma-de on this condition, that the meeting-house should be
placed in the centre line of the two tracts north and south.

The inhabitants of the northern tracts united with the
southern, in beginning a town with them. A certain part
of the inhabitants of the northern purchase, called the vil-
lage, lying north of five mile purchase, upon their desire,
were admitted to associate in their public worship with the
first society, until they should be able to support the gos-
pel among themselves, upon this express stipulation, that
they would make no attempt to disturb the then established
place of public worship.

New-Milford, which is the second town in the county of.
Litchfield, and was the chief seat of the Indian kingdom, in
I hat part of the colony, also merits a more particular de-
scription than was given of it in the fij'st volume. Upon
the petition of the people of Milford, in May, 1702, the
General Assembly granted them liberty to purchase a town-
ship at Wyantenock,* and directed them to make a report
of .their doings to the assembly* The next March they
made an extensive purchase of the natives. In October.
1TO4. 1704, the legislature eoacted, that the tract purchased by
the people of Milford, should be a township, by the name

* This is the spelling on the Records; but it is spelt, Oweanlonogo,.
moivgeaeraliy.

€map. VI. CONNECTICUT. 8.3

r)f New-Milford ; and that it should be settled in five years. Book IL
The town plot to be fixed by a committee appointed by the ^.^^-v^**^
assembly.! The town is situate on both sides of the Hon- 1704.
fiatonick,! or Stratford river. The river enters it at the
north-west corner, and running a meandering course of
about twenty miles, goes out at the south-east corner. The
longest straight line of the town, from north-west to south-
east, is about eighteen miles. Its original limits were much
more extensive than its present boundaries. Two consid-
erable defalcations have been made from the original town-
ship. One at the south end, west of the river, which forms
a part of the town of Brookfield ; and another on the north-
past corner, which is now part of the town of Washington,
comprising a large part of the society of New-Preston.
About two miles below the centre of the town, is a fall in,
the river, which the Indians called Metichawon ; the Eng-
lish, the Great Falls. These stopped the progress of the
large fish, and made it formerly one of the best fishing-
places for shad, herring, &c. in the colony. But by rea-
son of seines and embarrassments below, it is noAvmade of
iittle importance for fishing.

This township was the principal seat of the Indians in
the county of Litchfield. The seat of the chief sachem
was near the Great Falls. His name was Wehononague,
a man of uncommon powers of mind, sober and regular in
his life, who took much pains to suppress the vices of the
Indians. When die English were first acquainted with
him, he was supposed to command about two hundred war-
riors. The whole number of Indians might be one thou-
sand. The other clans of Indians in the county, at Pom-
parague, (Woodbury ;) Bantom, (Litchfield ;) Piscata-
cook, (Kent ;) \yeatauge, (Salisbury ;) and the adjacent,
parts, were supposed to be in the strictest league of friend-
ship with the Indians at Wyantenock, otherwise Oweantq-
noge. The palace of the chief sachem, where he com-
monly resided, was near the Great Falls. The tradition
is, that it was constructed of barks, with the smooth side
inwards, on which were pictures of all known species of
beasts, birds, fishes and insects ; drawn by an artist sent to
him by a friendly prince, from a great distance.

There was no white man settled in the township until
1707. This year John Noble, from Westfield, began the
eettlement. Sometime after he was joined by John
Bostwick, from Stratford. But the settlement was retard-
jed and went on slowly, by reason of a dispute relative to the

f IVecprds of thp yolony, $ Sometimes spelt Ousatonic. '

84 HISTORY OF Chap. VI,

Book II. title. One John Read laid claim to a considerable tract,
v«^-v-^ by virtue of a purchase which he had made of the natives :
and the better to support his title, he now moved on to the
land and took formal possession. This was the occa-
sion of a tedious law suit, and much discouraged the set-
tlers under the company's title. In 1712, there were but
twelve families in the town ; but the next year a consid-
erable number joined them, and the town was incorpo-
rated.

The first minister was the Rev. Daniel Boardman, or-
dained, November 21st, 1716. Finding Wehononague,
the Indian sachem, to be a discreet and friendly man, he
took much pains to instruct him, and from the character
he gave of him, it appears that he professed repentance
for his sins and faith in Christ, and died a christian. Ir^
a letter to a particular gentleman, he calls him, " That
" distinguished sachem, whose great abilities and eminent
" virtues, joined M'ith his extensive dominion, rendered him
" the most potent prince of that or any other day in this
''' colony : and his name ought to be recorded by the faith-
" ful historian as much as that of any crowned head since
^^ his was laid in the dust."

These Indians, about the years 1742 and 1743, were
visited by the Moravian missionaries, under count Zinzin-
dorf. These missionaries tarried with them several years,
and appeared to be very religious, peaceable, inoffensive
men. At this time there appeared to be almost a perfect
reformation among those Indians. Almost their whole dis-
^ course, when among the English, was upon religious sub-

jects. Nearly an hundred and twenty were baptized,
principally at Piscatacook, or Kent. They spent much of
their time in religious worship, public and private. After
some time, the missionaries prevailed with them to remove
to Bethlehem, in Pennsylvania. This change of climate
proved fatal to many of them, especially the old people,
The remnant of them, discouraged by sickness, returned
to Piscatacook. They appeared to forget their religion,
fell into intemperance and appeared to be wasting away.*
As the settlement of the lands granted by the royal char-
ter was an object constantly kept in view by the legisla-
ture, and which they were anxiously engaged to effect,
they selected convenient tracts of land and laid them out
into townships, and gave all proper encouragements to ad-
venturers who were willing to encounter the hardships and
dangers of new settlements. As there was a good tract of

* Manuscripts of an aged worthy gentleman of New-Milford, coinpar«d
with the Moravian printed account of missionso

Chap VL CONNECTICUT. -^5

land lying west of Ponifret, and north of Mansfield, ad- Book II.
joining Crystal Pond, they, in 1706, granted a township s-^o-v^"^
six miles square, by die name of Ashford. The setde-
ment of the town, however, did not commence until 1710,
when two families moved on to the lands. In about four ^^j^f^j.^^
years the inhabitants were so increased, that upon their incorpo-
petition, in 1714, the Assembly vested them with the priv- rated,
ileges of a distinct town. Their first minister was the ^^^■*'
Rev. James Hale, ordained, November 26th, 1718. The
Crystal pond, mentioned in the grant of the township,
is at the north east corner of the town. It is about a rnile
in length, north and south, and half a mile in breadth.
Why it was named the Crystal pond, is not known at
this day; the conjecture howev&r is, that it was derived
from the clearness of the water, and the whiteness of the
sand at the south end of the pond.

About the same time measures were adopted for the set-
tlement of another township in the same vicinity. A num-
ber of gentlemen in Windsor, made a purchase of the na-
tive proprietors of a tract six miles square, lying north of
Coventry, and east of the ancient boundaries of Windsor.
In 1713, they appointed a committee who laid out a num-
ber of lots, and made grants to such as were willing to be-
come purchasers. Upon the petition of the Windsor claim- Tolland
ants, the Assembly, in 1715, incorporated them by the '."^ted,"'
name of Tolland. It was bounded south on Coventry, east 1715.
on Willamantic river, and is now bounded west partly on
Bolton and pardy on East-Windsor, or what is called
Ellington. Its north boundary was also East- Windsor, or
Ellington. Two families the same year began die settle-
ment of the town. But the progress of the settlement was
very slow. In 1720, the number of families was but twen-
ty eight. About one half of the township, comprising the
south part, was claimed by a number of gentlemen, who
v/ere legatees of Joshua Uncas, sachem of the Mohegan
Indians. This proved to be a source of great difficulty
and trouble ; and, doubtless, very considerably retarded
the settlement of the town. The legatees commenced
suits at law against the settlers : and while the title of the
land was in controversy, the legislature declined giving
them a patent. The affair finally came to this issue. The
proprietors holding under the Windsor claimants were
obliged, at a dear rate, to purchase quitclaims of the le-
gatees of Joshua. In consequence of this, the patent of the
town was granted, by the governor and company, in 1728o
In the beginning of the year 1720, Mr. Stephen Steel,
then a candidate for the ministry, began to preach in thii^

S& yiSTORY OP Chap. Y-J.

Book II. town, and after laboring about two years with the people,
^-•^-N^^sw/ he was ordained, in February 1722, pastor of the church
1716. and congregation in Tolland. He continued in the minis-
try about thirty seven years. He was a worthy minister,
greatly loved and revered by his people until his death.

Nearly at the same time, when the settlement of Tolland
commenced, the governor and company sold the tract of
land, since named Stafford. It was surveyed in 1718, and
Stafford the next spring the settlement began. The principal set-
^Tio*'''' ^^^^^ were twelve ; two of them, Mr. Robert White and
Mr. Matthew Thompson, were from Europe. The War-
ners, Samuel and John, were from Hadley ; the Bloggets,
Daniel and Josiah, were from Woburn ; Cornelius Davis
svas from Haverhill, Daniel Colburn from Dedham, John
Paijko from Enfield, Josiah Standish from Preston, Joseph
Orcutt, from Weymouth, and Benjamin Rockwell, from
Windsor. Mr. John Graham was their first pastor, call-
ed to the ministry January 17th, 1723, and soon after or-
dained.*
Descrip- This town is famous for the mineral springs which have
sTV^d b^^^ discovered in it ; and for the remarkable cures
Springs, which have been effected by their waters. The springs
are two in number. That which was first discovered con-
tains iron held in solution by the carbonic acid, or fixed
air, natron or native alkali, a small portion of marine fialt,
and some earthy substances. The other, which was first
used about seven or eight years since, is charged princi-
pally with the hydrogene gas of sulphur : it also contains
a very minute portion of iron.j The spring first discov-
ered, has been pronounced by chemists, to be one of the
best of the chalybeate springs in the United States. The
Indian natives made the first discovery of these mineral
waters to the English inhabitants, and recommended them
as beneficial in various complaints. For a number of years
after the settlement of the town commenced, they annually
resorted to the springs, drank the waters, and bathed in
them. They represented to the English, that the waters
made them feel lively. But it was not until about the
year 1765, that these mineral waters came into general use
and reputation. In the summer of that year, a Mr.
Field, of East Windsor, Avho had for many months been
afflicted with an obstinate cutaneous complaint, which had
entirely resisted all previous applications, had recourse to
the mineral waters of Stafford, and obtained a perfect cure.

* The May following.

t Professor Sillimau examined these springs in 1810, and differs in
opinion from Doctor Willard relative to them. He is positive that ther?
is a very essential diffeyeace betweea the waters in the twq springs.

CONNECtiCtJT. 87

He soon made public the wonderful relief which he had Book II.
experienced by the use of these waters. In consequence v^^>^>»».^
of his publication, visitors soon began to flock to the springs 1719.
from all quarters, and for almost all complaints. From
that time to the present, there has been a greater or less
resort annually, to these springs, for the benefit of their
mineral waters. For the last four or five years, the annual
resort has gxeatly increased. Within that term of time,
the number of visitors has been from about six to nine
hundred annually. The receipts from the hotel and the
Qther boai-ding houses, amount, by estimation, yearly, to
five or six thousand dollars. During the season for com-
pany, this resort forms a good market for the farmers in
the vicinity, and is a Very considerable emolument to the
town.

The complaints in which these waters have been most
beneficial, are, cntaneons afiections generally ; obstinate
>ilcers of almost every description ; loss of appetite and
indigestion; dropsies inthe first stages; almost all cases
of general debility ; nervous head-aches, weakness of the
eyes, and several kinds of fits. They have also been
found very beneficial in various complaints peculiar to the
fair sex. The waters have a strong ferruginous taste, and
when first drank, frequently occasion nausea, even to
puking. They also often operate as a cathartic ; and,
almost universally, as a diuretic. As a permanent tonic,
these waters are estimated as superior to almost all others
in America.

The springs are situated on the principal turnpike road*
from Hartford to Boston. The natural state of the country
about the springs is pleasing, wild and romantic. Much
has been done by art, to render the beauties of its situation
still more attractive and captivating.

Stafibrd is not only famous for its mineral springs, but for ironmani^
the quantity and excellency of the iron which is annually factories,
manufactured by its inhabitants. In 1779, Mr. John
Phelps, and company, built a blast furnace on a large scale,
which annually produces frotn 80 to an 120 tons of hollov/
ware and other castings. Cannon, cannon shot, and a vast
variety of patterns for manufactures, and other descriptions
ofmachinery are cast at this furnace. In 1796, a new fur-
nace was erected by Mr. Nathaniel Hyde, and company.
The products of this furnace, have averaged about 90 or
92 tons annually. All the varieties of castings are done
at this furnace, that of cannon excepted, which have been
effected at the other. The price of hollow ware, in 1814,
was 60 dollars per ton; and iron of solid castings 5 cents

83 f^STORY Op Chap. VI.

Book IL per pound* The Staftbrd iron is of an excellent quality ;
^-rf'-^/-^N^ it is esteemed softer and tougher than any other in New-
1719. Enoland. It is preferred to any other, Tor the numerous
cotton mills, and other machinery in the various parts of
the country. The ore used in these furnaces is the low-
land, or bog ore. This is obtainable in almost all parts
of the town, and several of the neighboring towns. There
are two forges in the town for the manufacturing of refined
and bloomery iron. Two cotton mills have been erected
within the town, a few years since, from which considera-
ble advar>tages are expected.

Besides these sources of emolument, there is a fine
quarry of white fire proof stone, in the northerly part of
West Stafford, which has been exported to a great dis-
tance for furnace hearths. This has been a capital source
of revenue to the proprietor.

The face of the country in Stafford is generally hilly,
and in West Stafford it is mountainous : the land is rough
and hard of cukivation, but the soil is strong, and repays
the husbandman, with good interest : the land is generally
excellent for grazing and orcharding, and the beef and
cider of the town, are said to be of a superior quality : the
air is pure and salubrious : the uneven face of the coun-
try, and the plenteousness of its waters, afford a number of
excellent scites for mills and manufactories. In the im-
mediate vicinity of the mineral springs, the two branches
of the Willamantic, afford water sufficient for a manufac-
turing village, which, in a number of years, may not im-
probably be realized.

Bolton was as early a setdement as Stafford. It was
granted, and to be laid out in fifty allotments. One was
to be reserved for the first minister, and forty nine were to
be settled ; and each allotment was to be taxed forty five
shillings annually, for four years, for the settlement and
maintenance of a minister. The town is about nine miles
and an half in length, from south to north, and three miles
in breadth. It is bounded south by Hebron, on the east,
partly by Coventry and partly by Tolland, north, partly by
Tolland and pardy by Ellington, and west, partly by East
Windsor and East Hartford, and partly by Glastenbury.
The first settlers were Pitkins, Talcotts, Loomises, Olcotts,
Bisselis, Bishops, Strongs and Darts, principally from the
towns of Hartford, Windsor and Wethersfield. The set-
tlement of the town began about the year 1616, or 1617,
Bolton in- ^^t i\^q f^^gt town meeting was not until 1720. In Octo-
17^^'^'^^^^ ber, the same year, the town was incorporated. In May,
1725, the inhabitants obtained liberty of the General As-

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 89

sembly, to form a church. The first minister of the town Book II.
was the Rev. Thomas White, ordained October 2Gth, ^.^ir-v^^^
172.5. 1721.

While these settlements were making in the north east-
ern part of the colony, a number of gentlemen from Hart-
ford and Windsor, undertook the settlement of the town of
Litchfield, in the north western part, on the lands claimed
by the governor and company, and, in dispute between
them and the towns of Hartford and Windsor. The town-
ship, in extent, was about ten miles east and west, and nine
north and south. It is bounded east by Waterbury river,
south by Plymouth, VVatertown, Bothlem and Washington,
west by Shepaug river, and north by Goshen and Torring-
ton. A small number began the settlement in 1720. The LitchGelc!
next year, a considerable number moved on to the tract ^^^^''^^
from Hartford and Windsor. A company also went on
from Lebanon, and carried with them a Mr. Collins, who
was a candidate for the ministry, to preach Avith them.
The town was surveyed, and laid out in sixty four rights
or allotments. Three of these were reserved for public
uses. One was to be given to the first minister, to be his,
and to descend to his heirs for ever. A second right was
to be reserved for the use of the minister during his minis-
try. The third was reserved for the benefit of a school.
Sixty one rights were sold at public vendue.

Mr. Timothy Collins, who went on with the company
from Lebanon, was elected the first minister of the town ;
and was ordained June 19th, 1723.

As this was then a frontier town, and as mischief was
in several instances done there, three houses were for-
tified with pickets, one on town hill, and one east and
west of it, at a mile's distance or more. A garrison was
kept there in time of danger, for the defence of the
inhabitants.*

* In 1723, two Indians surprised and captivated one Jacob Griswold,
as he was labouring in his field ; bound him, and carried him into ttie wil-
derness about twenty miles. They then stopped and made a fire, and
«fastening him down, one of them laid himself down to rest, and the other
•watched him. Griswold, unnoticed by his keeper, disengaged himself
from all the cords which liad bound iiim, except the one which bound hia
elbows. When the Indian appeared to be awake, and to have his eye
upon him, he lay as still as possible, but when he drowsed and had not his
eye upon him, fie employed all his art and vigor to set himself at hberty.
At length he disengaged himself from the cord which fastened his arms,
and perceiving that the Indians were asleep, he sprang, caught both fbeir
guns, and leaped into the woods. Their powder horns were hung upoa
their guns, so that he brought off both their arms and ammunition. He
secreted himself by a rock until the morning appeared, and then st'^ered
for LifchfiePd, guided by a brook which he imagined would lead I'lm to
the town. The Indians j^ursued him ; but when they approached him, h^

M

go HISTORV OF Chap. V!.

Book II. Nearly at the same time, Willington was laid out, an4
v»^^>^'">-' settlements were made. At the session in May, 1720,
1726. it was sold, and granted, by the governor and compa-
Wiliins:ton ny^ for five hundred and ten pounds, to the following,
12th V7% gendemen ; Roger Wolcott, Esq. of Windsor, John BurF,
' ' * ' of Fairfield, John Riggs, of Derby, Samuel Gunn and
George Clark of Milford, John Stone and Peter Pratt, of
Hartford, and Ebenczer Fitch. A few families had set-
lied on the lands before the sale of them. The town
is about seven miles in length, from north to south, and
about five in breadfeh. It is bounded north by Stafford,
west on Willamantic river, which divides it from Tolland ;-
on the south by Mansfield, and on the east by Ash-
ford. The planters Were from various parts of New-Eng-
land, and they moved on to the lands, one after an-
other, in a very scatterirtg manner. In 1728, the town
liad such a number of inhabitants as to be able to set-
tle a minister, and on the 20th of September, the Rev.
Daniel Fuller, was ordained to the pastoral office over
the church, and congregation.* The rateable inhabit-
ants at the time of his ordination were no more than
twenty seven.

The eastern part of the colony was now generally set-
tled, and the number of towns was so increased, that the
legislature, at the session in May, 1 726, judged it expedi-
ent to form a new county in that cjuarter. It was enacted.
That the towns of Windham, Lebanon, Plainfield, Canter-
bury, Mansfield, Coventry, Pomfret, Killingly, Ashford.
Voluntown, and Mortlake,t should be a distinct county, of
which it was ordained that Windham should be and con-
tinue to be the county or head town.

About the same time Somers, East-Haddam, and Union.

ivould lay down one gnn and present the other, and they would draw back
and hide themselves, and he made his escape ta the town. A guard of
thirty men was immediately dispatched to Litc^ifield, to keep garrisoit
there. No further mischief was done in the town that 3ear, But the
next year, at the commencement of the summer, the Indians killed one
Harris, as he was laboring in his field.

* So remarkable was the health of the town, that for fotirteen years
after Mr. Fuller's ordination, but one head of a family died out of it.

t Mortlake was a township of land originally granted by the legislature
of Connecticut to one Mr. Blackwell, an English gentleman, supposed tr>
have been a native of Mortlake, a village in Surry, in England, on the river
Thames. Mr. Blackwell, for a considerable time, kept the possession ot*
it, without making settlements upon it, as had been expected at the time
of the grant. He afterwards made sale of it to Governor Belcher, of Mas-
sachusetts. But he also neglected the sale, and settlement, excepting ia
some few instances. The General Assembly therefore annulled the grant,
and affixed the said tract to the town of Pomfret, to which it adjoined, it.
'lie* principally, if not wholly, in the parhh of Brooklyn,

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 91

were settled, and soon after incorporated. Somers was Book II.
the south-east part of the ancient town of Springfield, grant- v^^v'-v-/
cd by the General Court of Massachusetts to Mr. Pynch-
con and his company. It was afterwards incorporated with
the town of Enfield, and was part of the same ecclesiastical
society, and so continued to be until about the year 1726, Somecs
when it was made a distinct ecclesiastical society, by the made qij
General Court of Massachusetts, by the name of East-En- ecciesia?-
iield. The town of Enfield, when incorporated, extended ty 1726, '
from Connecticut river to Staftbrd, ten miles ; and was
more than six miles in breadth. When the line was run
between Massachusetts and Connecticut, in 1713, a gore
was cut off on the north-east corner, in the form of a trian-
gle. The breadth of the gore at the east end, is about
three quarters of a mile, and runs to a point, after extend-
ing to the west about five miles and an half. This is the
breadth of the present town of Somers, at the north end.
The length of the town is about six miles. The first per-
son who moved on to this tract, was Benjamin Jones, of
Welch extraction. He was from Enfield ; and in 1706 mov-
ed on to the lands, where he resided in the summer, but
moved back in the winter, and at other times when danger
was apprehended. But no permanent settlement was made
until 1713, when Edward Kibbe, James Pease, Timothy
Root, and Robert Montgomery, with their families, joined
with Jones, and made a durable settlement. Soon after,
several other families became residents in the town. Their
first pastor was the Rev. Samuel Allis, who was ordained
on the 15th of March, 1727. At the time of his ordination,
the society consisted of thirty families. In 1734, the Gen-
eral Court of Massachusetts incorporated the society, vest-
ing it with all the privileges of other towns in the province,
by the name of Somers. It is said to have been thus na- Somers jn-
med at the request of governor Belcher, in honour of lord ted^i734
Somers, for whom he had a peculiar friendship and vene-
ration.

The same year East-Haddam was made a distinct town.
It was made a distinct society in October, 1 700. The first
minister was the Rev. Stephen Hosmer. He was gradu-
ated at Cambridge, 1699, and ordained May 3d, 1 704. In
1713, the assembly granted the inhabitants liberty to tax r. . « ,
themselves, apparently as a distinct town ; but they were ^j^^ incor-
not incorporated, and completely vested with all town pri- porated,
vileges, until May, 1734. ^'^^•

The Indian name of the town was Machemoodus, which,

, in English, is the place of noises ^ a name given with the

Utmost propriety to tljte place. ThQ accounts given of th,Q

92

HISTORY OF

Chap. VL

Book II, noises and qiiakings there, are very remarkable. Were it
^"'"'^'''^•^ not that the people are accustomed to them, they would
1734. occasion great alarm. The Rev. Mr. Hosmer, in a let-
Account of ter to Mr. Prince, of Boston, written August 13th, 1729,
mon m^*!^^ S*^^'^ this account of them: — "As to the earthquakes, I
m East- " have something considerable and awful to tell you.
Haddam, " Earthquakes have been here, (and no where but in this
" precinct, as can be discerned; that is, they seem to have
" their centre, rise and origin among us,) as has been
" observed for more than thirty years. I haye been in-
'" formed, that in this place, before the English settlements,
" there were great numbers of Indian inhabitants, and that
•' it was a place of extraordinary Indian Pawaws, or, in
'"' short, that it was a place where the Indians drove a pro-
" digious trade at worshipping the devil. Also I was in-
'■' formed, that, many years past, an old Indian was asked,
'•• What was the reason of the noises in this place ? To
" which he replied, that the Indian's God was very angry
'' because Englishmen's God was come here.

" Now whether there be any thing diabolical in these
'■■ things, I know not ; but this I know, that God Almighty
" is to be seen and trembled at, in what has been often
" heard among us. Whether it be fire or air distressed in
' " the subterraneous caverns of the earth, cannot be known ;

" for there is no eruption, no explosion perceptible, but
" by sounds and tremors, which sometimes are very fearful
" and dreadful. I have myself heard eight or ten sounds
" successiyely, and imitating small arms, in the space of
''^ five minutes. I have, I suppose, heard several hundreds
" of them within twenty years ; some more, some less tcr-
" rible. Sometimes we have heard them almost everyday,
" and great numbers of them in the space of a year. Often
" times I have observed them to be coming down from the
^' north, imitating slow thunder, until the sound came near
" or right under, and then there seemed to be a breaking
" like the noise of a cannon shot, or severe thunder, which
" shakes the houses, and all that is in them. They have
" in a manner ceased, since the great earthquake. As I
" remember, there have been but two heard since that time,
' • and those but moderate."

A worthy gentleman, about six years since, gave the
following account of them. " Thy awful noises, of which
" Mr. Hosmer gave an account, in his historical minutes ;
" and concerning which you desire further information,
" continue to the present time. The eftccts they produce,
" are various, as the intermediate degrees, between the
-^ roar of a cannon and the noise qf a pistol. The concuS'^

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 93

" sions of the earth, made at the same time, are as mnth Book IL

" diversified as the sounds in the air. The shock they n,^-vs^

" give to a dwelling-house, is the same as the falling of logs

" on the floor. The smaller shocks produced no emotions

" of terror or fear in the minds of the inhabitants. They

*' are spoken of as usual occurrences, and are called Moo-

" du; noises. But when they are so violent as to be felt

*' in the adjacent towns, they are called earthquakes. Du-

" ring my residence here, which has been almost thirty-sis

^' years, I have invariably observed, after some of the most

" violent of these shocks, that an account has been pub-

" lished in the newspapers, of a small shock of an earth-

" quake, at New-London and Hartford. Nor do I believe,

" in all that period, there has been any account published

" of an earthquake in Connecticut, which was not far morn

" violent here than in any other place. By recurring to

" the newspapers, you will find, that an earthquake was

" noticed on the 18th May, 1791, about 10 o'clock, P. M.

■ ' It was perceived as far distant as Boston and New- York.

" A few minutes after there was another shock, which was

" perceptible at the distance of seventy miles. Here, at

" that time, the concussion of the earth, and the roaring of

" the atmosphere, were most tremendous. Consternation

" and dread filled every house. Many chimnies were un-

" topped and walls thrown down. It Avas a night much to

*' be remembered ; for besides the two shocks which were

*' noticed at a distance, during the night there was here a

" succession of shocks, to the number of twenty, perhaps

" thirty : the effects of which, like all others, decreased, in

" every direction, in proportion to the distances. The

" next day, stones of several tons weight, were found re-

" moved from their places ; and apertures in the earth, and

" fissures in immoveable rocks, ascertained the places

" where the explosions were made. Since that time, the

" noises and shocks have been less frequent than before ;

" though not a year passeth over us, but some of them are

" perceptible."

The town of Union, which was the last settled in the Settle-
north east part of the colony ; and the next in the order of pent and
time, to those whose history has already been given, was ("q^ of"^^'
pold for the benefit of Yale College. The lands are hoi- Union,
den of the governor and company. It is bounded north on
Sturbridgc, Holland and South-Brimfield, in Massachu-
setts, or on the north line of the State ; east on Wood-
stock, south on Ashford, and west on Stafford. It is five
miles on the north line, four miles on the east, six miles
.ji;id one hundred and eighty rods on the south, and four

94 HISTORY OF Chap. VI.

Book II. miles and sixty rods on the west, containing 14,420 a-

The setdement of the town began in 1727. The first
and principal settlers were William McNall, John Law-
son and James Sherrer, from Ireland. The progress of
settlement appears to have been slow. The town was not
Incorpo- incorporated until October, 1734. In 1738, the church
rated, here was formed, and the first minister, the Rev. Ebenezer
Oct. 1734. Wyman, was ordained. He died in 1745, a young man,

and was greatly lamented.
v^-^ New-Fairfield is the next oldest town to Litchfield, in

^-mnted ^^^^ county. At the session in October, 1707, the legis-
settled and lature granted to Nathan Gould, Peter Burr, Jonathan
incorpo- Wakeman, Jonathan Sturgis, John Barlow and others, of
ra,ted. jj^^ j^^j^ ^f Fairfield, a township of land bounded west on
the colony line between Connecticut and New-York, south
on Danbury, east on New-Milford, and north on lands of
the colony, afterwards granted to the town of Kent. The
tract extended northward fourteen miles from the north
line of Danbury. Several circumstances retarded the set-
tlement of the township for nearly thirty years. The In-
dians in that part of the colony were judged to be les^
friendly than usual, during the war, and there were re-
ports of a designed attack of a large body of French and
Indians from Canada, M^hich alarmed the people. The
war continued until 1713. The line between Connecti-
cut and New- York, was not run until 1725, and it was
not finally settled until 1731. The grant of Connecticut
of the tract, called the Oblong, to New- York, as a com-
pensation for lands setded on the Sound, disappointed the
proprietors, and narrowed the township several miles, as
to its western extent. All these circumstances united their
influence to obstruct the settlement. This began on the
south part, called the lower seven miles, probably, about
JTarch the year 1730. On the 27th of April, the same year»
" ' there was a meeting of the proprietors, in which it was
voted. That the tract of land called New-Fairfield, should
be laid out in fifty two allotments : and that fifty two home
lots should be laid out in said tract. It ^yas also voted,
That 400 acres should be laid out to each of the twelve
original proprietors, or to their heirs and assigns. The
allotment of the town, nevertheless, was not effected until
3 737.

It was agreed that the town should be divided into twp
parts, called the lower and the upper seven miles. The
allotment of the upper seven miles was not made until
1740. A tract of 100 acres was laid out in each part of
the town, for ^he first minister <,

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 95

May 8th, 1 740, the town was incorporated. Tlie' fii'st Book II.
minister, in the lower seven miles, was the Rev. Benajah s.^-v^niJ'
Case, who was ordained, November 9th, 1 742. The first
pastor in the upper seven miles, was the Rev. Thomas
Lewis, ordained, March 23d, 1744.*

While people were effecting the settlement of these
towns, there arose an unhappy controversy between the
legislature and the towns of Hartford and Windsor. In the
troublesome times of Sir Edmund Andrus's administration,
to save the lands of the colony from his grasp, and pre-
vent his enriching himself and his minions by the sale of
them, the legislature, in a hasty manner, made a convey-
ance to the above named towns, January 26th, 1686, in
the words following : " This com-t grants to the plantations
" of Hartford and Windsor, those lands on the north of
" Woodbury and Mattatuck, and on the west of Farming-
*' ton and Simsbury, to the Massachusetts line north ; to
" run west to Housatonick, or Stratford river ; provided
"- it be not, or part of it, formerly granted to any particu-
" lar person to make a plantation, or village."!

The design of this conveyance was that these towns
should hold the lands thus granted, for the governor and
company, until those times of danger and trouble should
be past ; but not as their property. They had never pur-
chased nor giverj the least valuable consideration for them,
and had no deeds nor patents of them. Nevertheless, by
virtue of this grant, they laid claim to all the lands within
the limits expressed. So tenacious were they of their
claim, that, in contravention of the most express laws of
the colony, they proceeded to locate and vend the lands
in controversy.

The governor and company claimed the lands as fully
as though no grant of ajiy kind had been made to those
towns. And as the town of Litchfield had been setded
by the Hartford and Windsor people, and they persisted in
their claim, and in locating and vending the land in con-

* In the upper or north seven miles, is a natural and artificial curiosity.
There are two ponds, one fed by a small stream which runs into it, the-
©ther by springs, generally invisible. The latter is on a mountain, fifty
feet above the other. The ponds are about three quarters of a mile dis-
tant from each other. To conduct the water of the upper pond into the
lower, an aqueduct has been constructed, by great labor and expense ;
at one place for nearly twenty, and at the other about sixteen rods.
More than half these distances it is perforated through a solid rock. The
aqueduct is twenty five feet below the outward surface of the water.
The water drawn from these ponds, carries a grist mill with two
runs of stones. The mill is over shot. The water strikes one wheel and
carries one run, then collects Jincl strikes a ?econd, and carrieg anotUeV
ruii.

T Records of (he colony,

9(5 tilSTORY OF Chap. VT.

Book II. tioversy, some of the principal delinqnciils it seems were
-K^^r-^ys^ ari'ested and punished by the superior court ; some were
committed to the common prison in Hartford. The peo-
ple of Hartford and Windsor determined, nevertheless, to
oppose the legislature, and by force of amis to liberate
their neighbors. On the 1 1th October, 1722, the assembly
having information, that a number of disorderly persons,
in the county of Hartford, were about to appear in arms, in
a riotous manner, against the authority of the government,
Resoiu- fi'icl to oppose the execution of the laws, resolved, that
tion, Oct. colonel William Whiting, sheriff of the county of Hartford,
nth, 1722, |,p authorised to call out the whole militia of the county to
a^riof. '^'^ his assistance; and the legislature enjoined it upon all
the officers and privates, on the penalty of five pounds, to
assist him as occasion should require, in suppressing all
riot and disorder, and in guarding any delinquents who
might be taken, and in committing them to confinement,
until such time as theycouid be legally proceeded against,
and punished.
Riot at Notwithstanding this precautionary act of the assembly,

Hartford. ^]^^Ye was a not at Hartford ; the common gaol was broken
open, and the delinquents were set at liberty ; even while
the assembly were in session. A further resolution was
therefore passed, to the following effect : That as the com-
mon gaol in the county of Hartford, had, in the present ses-
sion, been broken open, with a tumultuous and strong hand,
and a number of persons, committed for the non-payment
of certain charges, arising upon their prosecution before
the county court, in and for the county of Hartford, were
delivered out of the custody of the law, and many high
misdemeanors and breaches of the peace, and ot'n r crimes
were committed, the legislature, by a special act, author-
ized the judges of the superior court, or any three of them,
by jury or otherwise, according to la^v, to enquire into,
hear and determine all crimes committed in the transac-
tion, and all things relating thereunto; and to award exe-
cution thereon according to law. The chief judge, or
any of the three judges, or any assistant, was authorized
to issue writs for apprehending, securing and bringing
<he rioters to justice ; and for bringing every person
before them whom they should judge proper to examine.
It was also resolved, that every person who should be ta-
ken, should be bound to make his appearance before the
court, and to his good behaviour, in a bond of one hun-
dred pounds, or be committed to the common gaol. It
was further resolved, that if jurors should be called to
judge in the aflair, tkey should be taJcen from such paxts of

Chap. VT. CONNECTICUT. ^?

the county as should be judged to have been the least pri- Book II.
vy to the transaction, and in which thei'e had been the v.*^-v-'>-/
fewest ofl^enders. It was further enacted, that unless the 1723.
persons who had made their escape, should, before the
sixth of November, then next ensuing, pay the charges
for which they were committed, or deliver themselves up
to imprisonment, the sheriff should pursue, apprehend,
and commit them. He was authorized, if it should be ne-
cessary, to call the militia of the whole county to his as-
sistance.*

In consequence of this riot, the legislature made the act,
empowering the sheriffs and constables to keep the king's
peace ; and the act for the prevention and punishment of
riots and rioters.

Notwithstanding the firm and determinate measures the
assembly had adopted, they had information, that in ex-
press violation of the law, certain persons were undertak-
ing to lay out, and to dispose of the lands which lay north,
east, and west of Litchfield, and west of Farmington and
Simsbury, for their own use and benefit, and for such pur-
poses as they pleased ; and that they were actually en-
gaged in the business. A committee was therefore ap-
pointed to inquire into the affair, and authorized to arrest
any person or persons, who were thus trespassing, and
to command all assistance which might be necessary foe
that purpose, and to bring them before the assembly.

At the same time, vigorous and effectual measures were
taken to arrest and punish the rioters who had broken the
common gaol. But they were so turbulent, and their par-
ty so strong, that it was with much difficulty and danger,
they were arrested and brought before the court. Some
of the magistrates were afraid to prosecute them even
upon complaint. But those resolute men, colonel William
Whiting and major Joseph Talcott, and others, whom
they engaged to assist them, finally arrested and brought
them before the court. But so extraordinary were their
exertions, expense of time, and the dangers to which they
had been exposed as to life and limbs, that the legislature
judged that the common fees in such cases were by no
means a proper compensation for their services. A com-
mittee was appointed to consider their expenses and
dangers, and to make them a reasonable compensation.

The rioters were fined twenty pounds a man, beside
costs, which were not less than about five pounds for each
man. When they found that they must submit to the au-
thority of the government, they preferred a petition to tjie
* ilecords of the colony-

N

9S HISTORY OF Chap. YL-

Book II. assembly, praying for an abatement of their fines. Thf:
v-^'-v^s-/ legislature made them some small abatement, but it cost
1722. them about twenty pounds a man.

These were indeed evil times. Men, with an uncom-
mon obstinacy, resisted the laws, and trampled on the au-
thority of the legislature. Though they had adopted such
firm and spirited measures to prevent trespass, and pre-
serve the lands in dispute for the benefit of the colony, ye^
a number of bold men, John Seymour, Samuel Catlin and
William Baker, of Hartford, and Thomas More and Jol.'
Ellsworth of Windsor, ventured to lay out a whole town-
ship of tlie colony's land on the north of Litchfield,* and
pretended to claim the land as their own.

When the assembly were convened in May, they order-
ed the king's attorney, for the county of New-Hav«n, to
prosecute them and all such offenders, in the name of the
governor and company, and to demand of them the penal-
lies annexed to the laws.

This controversy had already occasioned a general
ferment, and great animosities among the people, and
there was danger that it might be attended with still more
serious consequences. The Hartford and Windsor claim-
ants found it to be a diflicult business to contend with the:
governor and company. Governor Talcott, Matthew Al-
0(t, lOUi, lyn and* Roger Wolcott, Esquires, therefore preferred a
*^^'*' petition tia the General Assembly, praying that the difficul-
ties relative to the ancient grant of the western lands to the
towns of Hartford and Windsor might be amicably settled ;
and that a committee might be appointed in behalf of the
assembly for that purpose* Upon this application, James
Wadsworth, and John and Hezekiah Brainard, were ap-
pointed to examine the claims of Hartford and Windsor,
to receive such propositions as should be made to them,
and to report to the assembly ; that the difficulties subsist-
ing might be quieted. It was resolved that the charges o?
!he committee should be defrayed by the petitioners.

The committee found it ta be an affair of great labor

and difficulty to examine the claims, and to obtain such

concessions and propositions, as they judged reasonable,

or as the assembly would accept. After laboring in the

business nearly two years, they made their report. The

legislature wishing to preserve the peace of the colony,

and to settle the lands in controversy as expeditiously as

might be, on the report of their committee. Resolved,

May 26t"b That the lands in controversy, should be divided between

17^6. the colony and the towns of Hartford and ^Vindsor : thae

* This appears to have beea Goshen >

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 0^

the colony should have the western, and Hartford and Book 1L
Windsor the eastern division. It was agreed that Litch- v,s»-v-^.'
field should not come into the division, and also that the
Jands which the towns of Hartford and Windsor had con-
veyed away, particularly to Benjamin Fairweather, and
to the town of New-Milford, should not be reckoned to
it. The division having been made, some time after, be-
tween the colony and the proprietors in Hartford and
Windsor, the governor and company, on the 22d of May,
1729, gave a patent of one half of said lands to them ; and ^^y^^
about three years after. May, 1732, an act was passed, 1729.
empowering Matthew Allyn, Roger Wolcott, Samuel Ma- May ^i^"*-
ther, and other inhabitants in the town of Windsor, to
make a partition of the moiety of the lands thus patented
to the said towns ; bounded north, on the line of Massa-
chusetts ; west, partly on lands belonging to the governor
and company, and partly on the toivn of Litchfield ; south,
partly on the town of Waterbury, and partly on the town
of Farmington ; east, partly on the town of Farmington,
and partly on the town of Simsbury, and partly on land
belonging to the governor and company. One half of this
tract was granted to Hartford.

The proprietors in Windsor, made a partition with the
proprietors in Hartford by a deed, executed February
11th, 1732; in which partition, four smaller parcels, ly-
ing within this large tract, were deeded to the town of
Windsor. The proprietors in this town, on the 7th of
April, 1732, at a proprietor's meeting, made a division of
i^e said four parcels of land among themselves, allotting
out each of the said four parcels to a certain number of
patentees or proprietors, to have, ar)d to hold the same, m
severalty to them, and their heirs for ever. These prepare
atory measures having been adopted by the proprietors,
the General Assembly passed an act of incorporation, vest-
ing them with all powers necessary for the disposing of
said lands, and for securing them for ever to those who
should purchase them : and particular parcels convenient
for townships were particularly named. It was enacted,
'' That the first parcel of land mentioned in said instrument
of partition, containing 20924 acres, and bounded partly
on Litchfield, pardy on land belonging to said patentees
in Windsor, called the half township, east and north on
land belonging to the grantees of Hartford, west on land
belonging to the governor and company of Connecticut, is
hereby named, and shall for ever hereafter be called and
named Torrington : and Matthew Allyn, Roger Wolcott,
EsquireSj and the rest of the proprietors of Torrington. or

100 HISTORY OF Chap. VI.

Book II. any five of them, are hereby enabled to call a meeting of
■.-^-v-x-/ said proprietors, to be held in the town of Wind->or, by
1 732, applying themselves, or any five of them, to some assistant,
or justice of the peace, in the county of Hartford, for a
warrant for calling such meeting ; and such assistant, or
justice of the peace, is hereby empowered to grant his
warrant, expressing the time, place and business of such
meeting, to one of the proprietors asking the same, re-
quiring such proprietor to warn all the proprietors of Tor-
rington of such their meeting, by setting up attested co-
pies of such warrant, under the hand of the assistant, or
justice of the peace, in three public places in the town of
Windsor, at least ten days before such meeting." And it
was further enacted, " That the said proprietors of Tor-
rington, in their proprietors' meeting, assembled as afore-
said, by their major vote, to be computed according tp
their interest, shall be empowered, and they are hereby
empowered to choose their proprietors' clerk, who shall
take the following oath, viz. You, N. W. &;c. And it is
hereby enacted and declared. That the entering of any
deed, mortgage or alienation of lands lying in Torrington,
in the office of said proprietors' clerk, shall fully secure
the same from being voided by any grant, deed or mort-
gage, from the grantor entered afterwards. And be it fur-
ther enacted, That the said proprietors of Torrington, be
empowered by their major vote as aforesaid, and they are
hereby empowered, at their proprietors' meeting, to choose
one or more agents, or attorneys, in their name and stead,
to sue, prosecute and defend before any court or judge,
and to final judgment and execution pursue, in any action
or case, for maintaining or defending their title, or posses-
sion in the said lands ; as also to make orders for the im-
provement, or division of their land ; as also to lay taxes
upon themselves, according to their interest, for the raising
of such sum or sums of money as they shall judge needful,
for the defraying of any suit or suits ; as also to appoint •
rates and rate makers, and collectors of such taxes, who
are hereby empowered to gather and collect the same ; and
shall be accountable for such rates to the proprietors' com-
mittee, or treasurer, under the same penalties, and as fully
as the collectors of the town rates are empowered and ob-
liged to : and the said proprietors, at their proprietors'
meetings, are empowered to adjourn said meeting, to such
time and place as they shall think proper, and to call after
meetings in such manner as they shall order and agree.
And all partitions of land, made according to their interest,
by said proprietors, in their legal meetings, by their majo^"
vote as aforesaid, are hereby declared valid and lawful."

Chap VI. CONNECTICUT. 101

It was enacted, That the second parcel of land, men- Book II.
tioned in said instrument, containing 20531 acres, bounded v-^-v^n^
eastwardly on the town of Simsbury, south and west on 1732.
Hartford grantees, and partly on land belonging to Wind- Barkhumi-
sor grantees, should be named and forever afterwards be ^^ead
called Barkhampstead ; and capt. Thomas Moore, and lieu- ^nd the
tenant Jonathan Ellsworth, and the rest of the proprietors, propiie.
were vested with the same powers and privileges as the ^'"'^ mcon.
proprietors of Torrington had been. it32. '

With respect to the third parcel of land mentioned in
ihe instrument, already noticed, containing 18199 acres,
bounded northerly on the colony line, southerly on land
belonging to the Hartford grantees, and partly on land be-
longing to the grantees of Windsor, westerly on land be-
longing to the governor and company of the colony of
Connecticut, and easterly on land belonging to the pa-
tentees of Hartford ; it was enacted, that it should for ever
be called Colebrook, and the same powers and privileges Colebrook
were granted to captain Samuel Wheeler, and to Mr. Henry "h^'^propri^
Wolcott, and the rest of the proprietors, which had been etors in-
granted to the proprietors of the towns before mentioned. corpora-
It was enacted, that the fourth parcel, named in the in- ^^^'
strument aforesaid, containing 9560 acres, bounded, be-
ginning north at the north east corner of Litchfield, in the
forks of Waterbury river, thence running east eight de-
grees and thirty minutes south, 778 rods, to a heap of
stones laid about a white oak tree ; thence sputh six miles
and forty rods to a heap of stones ; thence west to Water-
bury ; thence northwardly to the river, to the first corner,
that it should be for ever called Harwinton. The same Harwin-
powers and privileges were granted to Samuel Allen and ton named,
Daniel Bissel, and the rest of the proprietors of Harwin- ^"'^ **!*'
ton, which had been before given to the proprietors of Tor- [o™^7ncor-

rington. porated.

The Hartford patentees, the honorable Joseph Talcott, ^iie Hart-
Esq, captain John Shelden, and others, on the 1 1th of Fe- tentees%^
bruary, 1 732, made a partition of the large tract of land be- vide their
longing to them into four lesser parcels. At a proprietors' Jands.
meeting, lawfully holden on the 5th day of April, 1 732, and
continued by adjournment until the 27th day of September
following, it was determined, by their votes, in what man-
ner the aforesaid four parcels should be divided among
them ; which was completed by a deed of partition,
dated September 25th, 1732. This was unanimously
confirmed on the 27th aforesaid.

The business having been thus prepared, the Gene-
ral Assembly, in the session in May, 1733, enacted^

102

UISTORY OF

Chap. V-I.

1733.

Harlland
named,

Wiaches

Book IL That the first parcel named in the instrument of partition,
s.,^-v-x^ containing by estimation 1 7654 acres., bounded south on
Barkhampstead, and west on Colebrook, east, partly on
Simsbury west line, and partly on land belonging to the
governor and company of this colony, and north on the
colony line, should for ever, hereafter, be called Hart-
land; and that the honorable Joseph Talcott, Esq. and
captain Shelden, and the rest of the proprietors, should en-
joy the same powers and privileges granted to the pro-
prietors of the other townships, under the Windsor pro-
prietors. It was further enacted, That the second par-
cel, called the middle west part, containing 20380 acres,
bounded west on land belonging to the governor and
company, east on Barkhampstead, north on Colebrook, and
south on Torrington, should be for ever hereafter called
Winchester, Captain Thomas Seymour, and captain Whi-
ting, and the rest of the proprietors, were vested with
the same powers and privileges as the proprietors of
the other towns had been»

It was enacted, That the third parcel, called the soutl^
part, containing, by estimation, 23940 acres, bounded
partly on land belonging to Harwinton, and partly on
land deeded to the proprietors of Hartford, and partly
on the town of Farmington, east on Simsbury west line,
north on Barkhampstead, and west on Torrington, should
for ever hereafter be called New-Hartford. Nathaniel
Stanley, Esq. and captain Marsh, with others, were the
proprietors, vested with the sanie powers already men-"
tioned.

The fourth parcel, called the half township, containingj
by estimation, 8,590 acres, bounded east on Farmington,
south on land belonging to the Hartford patentees, west on
"land being the other part now called Harwinton, it was
enacted, should for ever hereafter, in conjunction with the
other part, be called Harwinton. The proprietors of this
half township, were HezekiahWyllys, Esq. Joseph Skin-
ner, and others, enjoying the same powers and privileges
which had been granted to the proprietors of the other
townships.

While the legislature had been making these provisions
for the sale and settlement of the lands ceded, by agree-
ment, to the towns of Hartford and Windsor, they had
been devising measures for the sale and settlement of the
seven townships belonging to the colony. A committee,
which had been previously appointed to view those lands,
and report concerning them, now made their report as foi=
loweth :

New-
jfjartford,

ChXp. Vh CONNECTICUT. l(5a

1. That an act be made and passed, at this assembly, BookIL

granting all the monies which shall arise from the sale of v-^'^n^-^-^

the seven townships, which are now to be settled, to the Report of

towns in this colony which are noW settled, to be divided ^^^ ^om-^

to them, in proportion to the list of polls and rateable lative to

estate, in the year last past, to be secured and improved the seven

for ever to the use of the schools kept in the several towns, t^^"^i"P^'
J- . 1 'MaylOth,

accordmg to law. ^1733

2. That in order to the selling and settling of those
townships, a committee should be chosen in each county,
who should enter the names of all persons, who shall de-
sire to be purchasers of said townships, and to settle the
same, under such regulations as the assembly shall order,
with the sum which each person shall offer to pay for a
share in such township ; there being fifty shares, besides
three shares which shall be set arpart, one for the first min-
ister who shall be settled in the town; to be conveyed to
him in fee ; one to be sequestered for the use of the stand-
ing ministry for ever ; and one for the use of the school, or
schools, in said town, for ever.

Three or four years elapsed, before the assembly were
able to locate and allot the townships, and adopt measures
for their sale and settlement to advantage. Bot in the ses-
sion in October, 1737, it was enacted. That the townships October
in the western lands, on both sides of the Housatonick riv- ISthjllSl.
er, should be divided into fifty-three rights, exclusive of
the rights granted to college,* and all former grants made
by the assembly. Two were appropriated to the ministry,
and one to the schools, agreeably to the report of the com-
mittee ; and the remaining fifty rights were to be sold at
public vendue, to the highest bidder. But it was ordered,
that they should be sold to his majesty's subjects of Con-
necticut, and to them only. Every purchaser was obliged
to build and finish a house eighteen feet square, and to sub-
due and fence, at least, eight acres of land, in said town,
within the term of three years after his purchase. No per-
son was to have any benefit by virtue of his purchase, un-
less he should himself, or by his agent, pay all the taxes,-
and perform all the duties, required in the act of settlement.

The legislatui'e then proceeded to resolutions relative
to the settlement of the several townships. It was resol-

* On tke petition of the trustees of Yale College, the legislature had, in
1732, granted a tract of 300 acres, to be laid out in one entire piece, in
each of the five townships on the east side of the Housatonick river, at a
distance from the several tovi^n plots, and enacted, that when said tracts
containing 1500 acres in the whole, should be laid out, a patent should be
given under the seal of the colony, confirming tho graiht to- the trustees of
said coJle^e,

104 HISTORY OF Chap. \t

Book If. ved, That the township which joined upon the colony line,
'■^^->'^^**mf and upon Hartford and Windsot lands, should be sold at
1737. the court-house in Hartford, to the highest bidder, on the
second Tuesday in April next, and to be continued by ad-
journment until the whole should be sold. The township
adjoining to Litchfield north line, and eastward on Tor-
rington, was to be sold in like manner, at New-Haven, on
the first Tuesday in December next : The north-western
township, bounded west by Housatonick river, was order-
ed to be sold in the same manner, at the court-house in
New-London, on the first day of January", 1738. The
middle township, bounded west on the Housatonick, was
ordered to be sold in like manner, at the court-house in
Fairfield, on the first Tuesday in February. It was ordered
that the southern township, bounded west on the Housaton-
ick, should be sold at Windham, on the first Tuesday in
March ; and the north-west township, on the west side of
the river, should be sold at Hartford, on the third Tuesday
in May.

At the session in May, the towns were named. That
which was sold at Hartford, on the second Tuesday in
April, was called Norfolk ; that sold at New-Haven, Go-
shen ; that at New-London, Canaan; that at FairfieM,
Cornwall ; and that sold at Windham, Kent ; and that sold
in May, at Hartford, was named Salisbury. The purcha-
sers of the said townships were incorporated and empower-
ed, in all respects as the proprietors of the townships set
oft' to Hartford and Windsor, and they were all, by an act
of the assembly, annexed to the county of Hartford.

As such a number of townships were offered for sale and
settlement so nearly together, and as the purchasers were
none but the inhabitants of Connecticut, it was many years
before they could all be sold and settled. It does not ap-
pear that they were all sold at the particular times appoint-
ed for that purpose. The following is a true history of
their sale and settlement. In several of them, settlements
had been made antecedently to any acts of the legislature
respecting them.
Settle- Torrington, the second of the fourteen townships settled,

nientof was allotted to the Windsor proprietors, containing twenty
tdn"]737 thousand nine hundred and twenty-four acres. It was
named at the session in May, 1 732. The number of pro-
prietors was one hundred and thirty-six. At their first
meeting in Windsor, September 10th, 1733, they voted to
make a first division of lots in Torrington ; and that there
should be one acre to the pound on the list of each propri-
,etor. A comi:^ittee was appointed to lay out this division.

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 105

A survey of the totvn was completed in 1734. On the 14th Book II.
of March, 1737, the proprietors voted a second division of v«^>'''>^
the lands, and to lay out one acre to the pound, on the list 1737.
of each proprietor. About five years after, another divi-
sion was voted. But this last division was not completed
till about ten years afterwards.

Several young men laboured in the town in the summer
of 173S, but there was no family in the town until 1737,
when Ebenezer Lyman, from Durham, moved on to the
tov«/nship, with a young family, consisting of three persons
only.* Towards the close of the year, Jonathan Coe, who
was also from Durham, and had laboured in the town for
two summersj married, and a second family now commen-
ced. The principal settlers were from Windsor and Dur-
ham. The settlement of the town was very slow. In four
years from the setdement of the first families, there was an
a'Jdition of twelve only. When the first minister, the Rev-
Ncuthaniel Roberts, was ordained, in the summer'of 1741,
there were fourteen families in the town. It was incorpo-
rated in 1744.

Harwinton, the first of the fourteen new townships which HarwintoR
was setded, consisted of two half townships, one part be- ?^ttled and
longing to the Hartford and the other to the Windsor pro- '^°^°''P°'"*^^
prietors ; the eastern half belonging to the proprietors of
Hartford, and the western to those of Windsor. The whole
township contains about 18,130 acres. Its first settlers
were from Ha^'tford and Windsor. The five first were
Messenger, Hopkins, Webster, Phelps, and Wilson. These
were on the lands before the division and sale of them, in
1732. The settlement of the town is considered as having
been made in 1731. It was incorporated in October,, 1737.
The first minister was the Rev. Andrew Bartholomew, or-
dained about the year 1736*

About the same time Kent, another of the new townships, Kent set^
was settled. It was sold at auction, at the court-house, in *'^^ ^"^ "i°
Windham, on the first Tuesday in March, 1738^. The set- ted 1739.
tlement commenced the satne year. The town was laid
out in fifty-three shares. The principal settlers were from
Colchester, Fairfield, and Norwalk. Payne, Washburn,
Wright, Ransom, and Piatt, were from Colchester; the
Comstocks were from Fairfield ; and the Slausons, Can-
fields, and Bassetts, were from Norwalk. The town was
incorporated, and vested with the privileges of the other
towns, at the session in October, 1739. The first minis-

* Mrs. Lyman, the first woman who moved into the town, was alive in
1800, in the 89th year of her age. As this was then considered as a fron-
tier town, a fortificatioa was erected not far from the centre of the town^

o

406 HISTORY OF Chap. VI.

BookII. ter wns the Rev. Cyrus Marsh, ordamed May 6th, 1741.
v-^^v-^sw^ The settlement of the town was rapid. In May, when Mr-
1738. Marsh was ordained, the church consisted of ten males
only •, but before the end of the year, there was an addi-
tion of lifty-three persons, male and female, principally by
recommendations from other chm-ches.

There is, in this town, convii^cing ev^idence, that it wa.?/
0 grand seat of the native inhabitants of this country, before
the Indians, who more lately inhabited it, had any resi-
ts j- ^ • dence in it. There are arrow heads, stone pots, and u
Kent. sort of knives, and various kinds of utensils, frequently
found by the English, of such curious workmanship, as ex-
ceeds all the skill of any Indians, since the English came
into this country, and became acquainted with them-
These were not only found when the town was first set-
tled, but they are still found on the sides of Honsatonick
river.

The history of the Indians in the town when the settle-
ment of it commenced, is well known. Mowehue, a sa-
chem who a few years before had removed with his In^
dians from Newtown to New-Milford, about the year 1728,
built him a hunting house at Scatacook, in the north west
])art of Kent, on the west bank of the Housatonick river.
Me invited the Indians at New-Milford, from the Oblong,
in the province of New- York, and from various other
places, to settle with him at Scatacook ; and it appears
that he was a man ofso much art and popularity, among
the. Indians, that m about ten or eleven years, about the
time when the town was settled, he could muster an hun-
dred warriors. The whole number, probably, was about
five or six hundred. These, like the other Indians in this
sivAc, and in most of the other states, have been greatly
diminished. Their w^hole number, at this time, is noi:
more than forty.
Missiona- '^'^^ Moravian missionaries visited these Indians about
Ties from the time of the great religious concern in this country.
t lie Mora- They came first, in the year 1740, and visited the Indian
vAns. village called Chekameka, in the Oblong, in the pro-
vince of Netv-York. They, about the same time, came
and preached to the Scatacook Indians, and in 174 3.
according to their account, the Scatacook sachem was
baptized by them. In this place they formed a church,
and had a flourishing congregation. They baptized an
hundred and fifty of the Kent Indians. It is universally-
testified, that these missionaries were very inoffensive
people ; that they were w^ell esteemed, and kindly treated
by the people of the lov/n while they tarried.. They,.

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. lOT

however, complain of themselves as ill treated, persecuted, Book II.
and imprisoned ; but it could not be by the people of Con- V'^'~^'''>«i^
necticut. 1738.

What became of the Indians, Avho were first on the
ground, before the English had any settlements there, is
not known. When they moved away, or to what place,
cannot be ascertained. The probability however is, that
they were connected with Philips' Indians in the war
against New-England ; and that in the slaughter which
the Connecticut troops made of the Indians, on the Housa-
tonick, at the close of that war, numbers of them were
slain, and that the rest were so alarmed, that they remo-
ved into Canada, as many other Indians did about the
bame time.

In this town, a large bed, or mine of iron ore, was dis-
covered in the south part, about the time of its settlement.
From this, twenty three forges are principally supplied
with ore annually. There are six forges in Kent, which
annually manufacture one hundred and fifty tons of iron
for market, exclusive of what is used by the inhabitants of
ihe town.

Goshen was settled nearly at the same time with Kent. Settlement,
The township was sold, at New-Haven, on the first Tues- and history
day in December, 1737. It is nine miles in length, from*^ °^ ^"'
north to south, and four and an half in breadth from east to
west. Its boundaries are, Norfolk on the north, Torring-
ton and Winchester on the east, Litchfield on the south,
and Cornwall on the west. Its settlement commenced in
1738, or in 1739. The first inhabitants were principally
from New-Haven, Wallingford and Farmington. It in-
cludes a considerable quantity of the highest lands in the
state. In one part of the town, from the same spot may
Hie seen, the Catskill mountains on the west of Hudson's ri-
ver, and a very considerable extent of country east of
Connecticut river, including a prospect of more than an
hundred miles in the whole. There is this rare and pecu-
liar circumstance, with respect to what is called the east
street, in Goshen ; that, the rain which falls on the front
;of the houses descends into the Housatonick river, and
that which falls on the back side into the Waterbury river.

The elevation of the town, and its exemption from
marshy grounds, renders it peculiarly healthy. It nevei'
has been visited with a general and mortal sickness, from
the commencement of the settlement to the present time.
Though a small proportion of the town is rough and moun-
tainous, yet the lands are generally strong, and excellent
Sof mowing and pasturage. Hence, large quantities of

108

HISTORY OF

Chap. VL

1739.

Canaan
settled and
made a
town.

Book II. beef, butter and cheese, arc annually sent to market from
^=«*r^''>»^ this town.* The first minister in the town was the Rev,
Stephen Heaton, from North-Haven. He was ordained in
in 1 740. A charter of incorporation was given in Octo-
ber, 1749,

The townships of Canaan and Sharon, were sold and set-
tled nearly at the same time. Canaan was sold at auc-
tion, in New-London, on the first Tuesday in January,
1738. It is bounded, west by Salisbury, or Housatonick
riyer, which is the dividing line between the two town-
ships ; north on the boundary line between Connecticut
and Massachusetts ; east on Norfolk, and south on Corn-
wall. The town is nine miles in length, and four miles
and an half at one end, and five at the other. The settlcT,
ment of the town began in June, the same year in which it
■was sold. The first inhabitants were, Daniel and Isaac
Lawrence, John Franklin, and others, who joined them in
the settlement about the same time. The town was incor-
porated in 1739. The first minister of the town was the
Rev. Elisha Webster. He was ordained, October 1st,
1740.

Sharon was setded in the years 1738 and 1739. In the
spring of this year, between fourteen and twenty families,
from Colchester and Lebanon, made settlements in the
town. The next spring, a larger number, from New-
Haven, joined them, so that the inhabitants soon became
very considerable. The town was incorporated in Octo-
ber, 1739. Soon after the settlement of the town, (per-
haps about 1740,) one Mr. Pratt, was called and settled
for their first minister : but he continued in the ministry not
more than four or five years.

Salisbury, aiwther township belonging to the governor
and company, Avas sold at Hartford, in 1737. It is bound-
ed, on the north, upon the line between Connecticut and
Massachusetts, seven miles and an half; on the west, by
the dividing line between Connecticut and New- York,
eight miles and three quarters ; it is bounded south, seven
miles on Sharon ; east, on Canaan, or the Housatonick.
It had been laid out into lots in 1732, about five years be-

* The quantity of cheese, manufactured in the town, and carried to
market in 1801, was supposed to amount at Jeast to 270,000 weight,
making ati income to the farmers of about 24,000 dollars. This is sup-
posed to he nearly equal to all their income from other sources. In this
town, there was a great abundance of the hard maple trees, and great
quanti*-es of maple sugar have heen annually made by the inhabitants. In
some years, the quantity manufactured has been estimated at 20,000i
pounds. Of late years, owing to the diminution and decayed state of the
tree? J the quantity has been much lesso

Sharon set-
tled and iu-
corpora-
teci.

Settlement
and histo-
ry of Salis-
bury.

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT, 109

fore the public sale of it. A few persons made settlements Book IJ.
upon part of the lands at an early period. About the year v,*»-vy-x^
1720, three families made settlements on that part of it 1741.
called Weatog. There was a family of Duchers, another
of VanDeursens, and one of Whites. The two former were
Dutch people, but White was an Englishman. This little
settlement gradually increased, and was the only one within
the limits of the township, until about the year 1740. At
that period, there were eleven English, and five Dutch fa- ^"^°'"P!2^^*
milies in the town. The next year it was incorporated, and '
made a distinct town.

When the settlement of the town commenced, there was
a considerable number of Indians in the town. In 1 740,
there v/ere seventy wigwams, all in a cluster, at Weatog,
where the first inhabitants of the town planted themselves.
These Indians were friendly and hospitable to the white
people, and encouraged their settling among them. The
town was called Weatog, and Housatonick, until it was
named by the assembly, when it was called Salisbury, from
a gentleman of that name, who was one of the principal
planters of the town.*

This town is distinguished by the large and excellent
iron ore bed which it contains. It was discovered and
opened about the year 1730. It was found in the lands of
one Bissel, and in those given hy the colony for the benefit
of Yale College, It comprises a tract of about one hun-
dred acres. For sixty years past, there has annually been
taken from this bed, two thousand tons of ore. It is rich,
making from two and two and an half tons of ore, one ton
of pig iron. About four tpns will n^ake a ton of bar iron.
The metal is of the best quality. There is ore found in
various other parts of tke town. As early as the year
1 740, a furnace was built at Ancram, about twelve miles a
little north of west from the great ore bed. In 1763, one
was erected by one Mr. Hazelton and others, in this town ;
and in 1770, it was rebuilt. The iron at this furnace is
generally made into pigs, small ware, and pot ash kettles.
Cannon have also been cast here, from four to thirty two
pounders ; especially, during the American revolutionary

* There is a very rare tradition concerning this Salisbury. That he
removed into the state of New- York, some time after the settlement of
the town, and having an unruly servant girl, who ran away from him,
he pursued her, and having taken her, tied her to his horse, and rode iji
such a manner as to throw her down, and so worried and wounded hei",
that she died. In consequence of this abuse of the girl, he was tried for his
life, and condemned to be hanged when he should arrive at the age of lOO
years. ' In 1799, he arrived at that term of life, and then obtained a re,
l^rieve for a certaia time.

110

HISTORY OF

Chap. VL

Settle-
ment and
history of
Cjornwa!!.

war. Many were also cast afterwards, in the years 1797
and 1798. The tAvo furnaces ah-eady mentioned, and a-
bout fifteen forges in the vicinity, depend almost entirely
on this great ore bed, for their ore. The furnace in Salis-
bury, is generally kept in blast from four to five months in
a year, and manufuctures from eighteen to twenty tons per
week. Another furnace was built in Salisbury, in 1 805.

There is a pond Avhose surface contains about seven
liundred acres of water. This supplies the furnace, a
jurist mill and a carding machine with water.* There arfe
eight other ponds in the town ; one is larger than that
Vvhich supplies the furnace : the others are smaller.
There are also a great number of creeks scattered over
the town, which afford many excellent seats for every kind
of works, which can b^ carried on by water. A gentle-
man of ingenuity observes, " The abundance of ore, the
" quantity of wood, the variety of seats for water works,
"■' afibrd a prospect, that at some future time, this town
" m.ay rival Sheffield and Birmingham, in the extensive-
*' ness of its iron manufactures." Besides these advan-
tages, the town abounds with all kinds of grain, especial-
ly with wheat. It furnishes fine tracts of pasturage, and
many excellent dairies are kept in the town. No one
town, perhaps, produces a greater abundance of all the
necessaries and comforts of life than this.t

The first minister of the town was the Rev. Jonathan
Lee. He was ordained on the 23d of November, 1744.
At the time of his ordination, there were not more than
eighteen or twenty families in ihe town. The town at first
was fortified in several places, and guards were kept on
Uie sabbath.

Cornwall, the middle township on the Housatonick,
sold by the colony, was laid out in fifty three allotments,
or rights. It contained 23,654 acres, and was sold at
Fairfield, on the first Tuesday in February, 1738. It
was sold for fifty pounds per right. There was no per-

* This pond was called by the Indians, VYanseopomick. The remarka-
ble falls in the river between this town and C-maan, have been noticed in
the first volume of this history. These, it is supposed, are nearly equal
lo any thins; of the kind in the United States, except the falls of Niagara.

t There is a tradition in this town, that many years before its settle-
ment, a colonel Wbiting pursued a body of Indians, as far as the nortii
•rast part of the town, and there on the banks of the Housatonick, sur-
prised and defeated them, with great slaughter. About seventy Indian
graves are visible there unto this day. The name of the officer seems to
iiave been mistaken. Major Talcott pursued the flying Indians at the
close of Philip's war, and made considerable slaughter among them. This
was in August or September, 1676. See the first volume of this history
it was reported that seventy Indians were killed. Major Talcott lost ope
mar) only.

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 11 i

manent settlement in the township, until the spring of the Book IL
year, 1740, or 1741. The first inhabitants were from va- v,^-v->ii^
rious parts of the colony. The Aliens and Griffins were 1741.
from Litchfield ; the Fullers and Roberts' from Colches-
ter; the Holloways were from Middlebury, in Massachu-
setts : but the greatest number, the Jewetts, Spauldings,
Barrets, Squires' and others, were from Plainfield. There
were a number of others from Norwalk, Tolland, and other
towns. Such a number of inhabitants planted themselves
in the town at once, that they were able to support the gos-
pel from the commencement of the settlement. On the
third Wednesday of August, 1741, the Rev. Solomon Pal-
mer, was ordained to the pastoral oflice over them. He
continued with them in peace, until March, 1754, when on.
the sabbath, to the great surprise of the people, he declar-
ed himself to be an Episcopalian in sentiment. He soon
after went to England, and obtained orders. He was
originally of Branford, and had his education at Yale Col-
lege.

The face of the country is rough and mountainous, but
no part of the town is barren. The mountains to the very
tops are covered with lofty timber ; the vales and sides of
the mountains, are rich and productive ; the waters ex-
cellent and abundant. It is supposed, that it has plenty
of iron ore ; some has been dug, but as no furnace has
been erected in the town, and the other furnaces in the
county are amply supplied from ore in their vicinity, little
attention has hitherto been given it. There is in the
town, a rich mine of black lead, in what is called mine
mountain, near the Housatonick.

The township of New-Hartford, was granted to the ]Vew-
Hartford patentees. It is bounded west on Torrington ; Hartford
south, partly on Harwinton and partly on Farminston ; r^^*'*^^ ^^
east, on Simsbury, and north on Barkhampstead. It con- rated,
tains 23,940 acres. The settlement of the town commenc-
ed about the year 1733, and it appears soon after to have
been incorporated. The first and principal planters were
from Hartford. They were John, Cyprian and Zechariah.
Watson, Joseph Gillet, Noah Merril, deacon Martia
Smith, Thomas Olcott, Stephen Kelsey, Matthew Gillet,
John Andrus, Jonathan Marsh, Daniel Shepard, Samuel
Douglass, Eleazer Goodwin and others. The first minis-
ter of the town, was the Rev. Jonathan Marsh, son of the
Rev. Jonathan Marsh of AVindsor, ordained the second,
Wednesday in October, 1 739. He continued in the min-
istry between fifty four and fifty five years. As this was a
forntier town, some fortifications were erected for the de-
fence of the inhabitants.

113 HISTORY OF Chap. VL

Book IT. ITartland was another township belonging to the Hart-
Si^'^''^^' ford patentees. It is bounded north on the dividing line
Hartbnd between Connecticut and Massachusetts, south on Bark-
settled. Iiampstead, east on Granby, and west on Colebrook. It
contains, by estimation, 17,654 acres. The proprietors
held their first meeting at Hartford, on the 1 0th of July,
1733. But the lands did not sell ; and during the term of
twenty years, there was no permanent settlement made on
the lands, either by the proprietors themselves, or any
other person. The first family that moved into the town,
was John Kendal and his wife, in the spring of 1 753. But
the next year he moved away for fear of the Indians. The
same year, deacon Thomas Giddings from Lyme, made a
permanent settlement, with his family, in the township.
The next year, 1755, two more families joined them. In
jyK-' 1757, four families more, from Lyme and East-Haddam,
were added to the settlement. At this period, there were
eight or nine families in the town. In 1 760, several other
families, from Lyme and East-Haddam, joined themselves
to the former settlers. The settlement was very slow, so
that it was about eight years from this time, before their
numbers and estate were sufficient to support a minister.
The first church in the town was gathered, consisting of
seven males and four females, May 4th, 1 768 ; and on
the 18th of June following, the Rev. Sterling Graves, from
East-Haddam, was ordained.
]Vrorfo!k The town of Norfolk, which was the first town appoint-

sold and ed to be sold for the colony, at Hartford, on the second
Battled. Tuesday in April, 1738, was not sold until about sixteen
years from that time ; as such quantities of land were selling
by the Hartford and Windsor people, and by the colony ;
and as some of the other townships were judged to be pre-
ferable to it, both as to soil, and as they wei'e nearer to
the old setdements. At the time it was first offered for
sale, one bidder only was found for a part of the town-
- ship. The assembly therefore suspended the sale of it for
about two years. In May, 1 750, it was enacted, that the
rest of the township should be sold at Hartford, at public
vendue, on the third Tuesday of December, then next en-
suing ; and that the vendue should be continued until the
sale of it should be finished. This was not done till about
four years from that time. The proprietors held their first
meeting after the sale was completed, in December, 1754.
The town is nine miles in length and nearly seven in
breadth. It is bounded north, on the line between Con-
necticut and Massachusetts ; east on Colebrook ; south,
partly on Winchester andparUy on Goshen : and west, on

.ChapVI. CONNECTICUT. 113

Canaan. At the time when the township was sold, tliere Book II.
were twelve or fourteen persons on the lands, who became ^^^-^r-^m^
proprietors. The first inhabitants were from Hartford, 1758,
Windsor, Simsbury, and Danbiiry. The town was incor-
porated in 1758. At tliis period the inhabitants consisted Incorpo-
of twenty-seven families only. There were fifty proprie- rated,
tors, and it was a condition among the proprietors, that ^
each proprietor should settle one family upon each right
in five years. This so expedited the setdement, that, in
about three years, they increased to seventy families. The
i?rst minister, the Rev. Ammi R. Robbins, was ordained
in October, 1761.

The township of Winchester belonged to the j^atentees Winch"?-
of Hartford. It is bounded north on Colebrook, east on ^er incor-^
Barkhampstead, south on Torrington, and west on Goshen ^° ^
;ind Norfolk. It contains, by estimation, 20,380 acres.
The township v/as laid out into distinct lots in 1758. In
May, 1771, it was incorporated, and vested with the privi-
leges of the other towns. The Rev. Joshua Knapp was
ordained the first pastor of the church in the town, Novem-
ber 11th, 1772.

Barkhampstead was a township granted to the people Bark-
of Windsor, and contains, by estimation, 20,530 acres. Its hampstead
boundaries are Simsbury on the east, New-Hartford on *^
the south, Winchester on the west, and Hartland on the
north. The first person who made a permanent setdement
in the town, was Pelatiah Allyn, from Windsor, about the
year 1749. He remained the only person on the ground,
for ten years or more, His plantation was toward the
south part of the town, not far from the dividing line be-
tween that town and New-Hartford. As there were fre-
quent alarms, on account of the Indians, he used, in times
when danger was apprehended, to repair to a fortified
post in the northern part of New-Hartford. He took spc=
cial measures to guard himself against a surprise at his
own house. The next man who made a settlement in the
town, was Israel Jones, from Enfield, about the year 1759.
There were very few residents in the town, until after the
French war, in 1762. About this time, William Austin,
from Suffield, and Amos Case, from Simsbury, became resi-
dents in the town ; but the settlement was slow. The in-
habitants were so few, that they were not calkd upon to
do military duty until 1774. The town was incorporated
in 1779. The Rev. Qzias Eells, the first minister in the
town, was ordained January 24th, 1787.

Colebrook was the north township granted to the town Cole-
<3f Windsor. It is bounded north on the colony line, south !'/",°^ ^^<'

114 HISTORY QF Chap. VII.

Book II. on New-Hartford, west on Norfolk, and east on Hartland.

^.-^'v-s^ It contains, by estimation, 18,199 acres. The tirst and
1762, principal settlers of the town, were Joseph Rockwell, Na-
than Bass, and Samuel Rockwell, from East-Windsor ; and
Joseph Seymour, from Windsor. The settlement began
in 1762. To the town, or first society, is added a mile
square from the town of Winchester. The church in the
town was gathered in the year 1795. On the 31st of De-
cember, in the same year, the first pastor, the Rev. Dr.
Jonathan Edwards, Avas installed.

These were all the original towns in the colony. The
other towns, of later date, have all been made, in whqle or
in part, out of the original ones. Tims, in about one hun-
dred and thirty years, the whole tract comprised in Con-
necticut, east of the line of New-York, became settled, and
a vast wilderness, which had not been sown, full of savage
beasts, and wild and savage men, was turned into fields,
orchards, and gardens ; planted with Protestants, formed
into distinct and regular "churches ; and through the whole
tract, houses erected, at convenient distances, for the wor-
ship of Gfod.

The county of Litchfield was settled in about seventy-
five years from the commencement of the settlement of the
county town, and the inhabitants of every town had called
and settled a minister.

CHAPTER VII.

Separation at Guilford, Rev. Mr, Ruggles was ordained at
Guilford, against a large minority, who were in opposition
to him. The minority separate from the church and soci-
ety. The legislature interpose, and attempt a reconcilia-
tion. The minority persist in their separation: Qualify
themselves for a distinct ecclesiastical society, by conform-
ing to the act of William and Mary. Resolutions of the
Consociation of the County of New-Haven respecting Irfiem,
They refuse to comply zvith said resolutions. In conse-
Quence of it, forty-six church members roere suspended
from the communion, by Mr. Ruggles and the first church
in Guilford, from zvhom they had separated. Acts of the
General Assembly, and councils, concerning thein. Great
pains were taken, and repeated attempts, for many years^
were made to unite the parties, but were all unsuccessful.

EARLY at the same time when the controversy be-
tween the colony and the towns of Hartford aijd

Chap. vil. CONNECTICUT. i 15

Windsor, i*elative to the western lands, commenced, and Book II.
occasioned so much trouble, an unhappy affair, of an ec- v,-^--v-^w
clesiastical nature, took place in Guilford, which was the 1729.
occasion of much trouble and perplexity, both to the town
and colony. Soon after the death of the first Mr. .Thomas
Ruggles, in 1 728, the first church and society proceeded to
invite his son, Mr. Thomas Ruggles, to preach with them,
and finally gave him a call to settle with them in the work
of the gospel ministry, and obtained his ordination, against Unhappy
a large and respectable minority, who had opposed him ^J g"J||.'°'^
from the beginning. They alledged that he was not such ford,
a distinguishing, experimental, and animating preacher, as March,
they desired •, that they were not edified by him, and could ^'
not choose him as their minister. As the majority of the
church and society had not regarded them in the call and
ordination of their minister, and as they conscientiously
judged that they could not be edified by his preaching,
they separated themselves from the fir?t church and socie- Serration
ty in Guilford, and set up the public worship of God among [q^^ 1729,
themselves. They invited a young gentleman, Mr. Ed-
mund Ward, to preach for them, who had received an edu-
cation at Yale College, been examined by the Association
of New-Haven county, and approbated, as a suitable can-
didate for the gospel ministry. The separation was large,
consisting of nearly fifty members of the church, besides
many others who belonged to the society. The minof
party rated more than three thousand pounds in the list.
They considered themselves as well able to support the
gospel ministry and the divine ordinances, among them-
selves, and earnestly desired to do it. They declared their
disapprobation of the Saybrook Platform, and that they
totally renounced it.

At the session of tlie General Assembly in May, they, ^^J''^''^^^*
therefore, presented their memorial to the legislature, pray-
ing to be made a distinct ecclesiastical society, with the
same powers and privileges granted to other societies.
The assembly rejected their petition, and resolved as fol-
lows: "This assembly, observing that the inhabitants of ^^*°*^*^®
" Guilford have lately been at great expense in raising a Assembly.
" meeting-house, which stands conveniently, and has ca-
" pacity to accommodate the whole society, as it now is,
" are thereupon of opinion, that the peace, religion, wealth
" and good order of the inhabitants, will be best promoted
" in their keeping together in one society, if the present
■" misunderstandings among the people can be removed ;
" which good thing, it is hoped, may be attained by coun-
"' sp|. h is therefore resolved, and this assembly do ap-

i 1 6 HiSTORY O'F Chap. VI'L

Book II. " point the Rev. Mr. Timothy Woodbridge, Mr. Eliaphalet
v^.^-v'-x-/ " Adams, and Mr. William Russell, to repair to Guilford',
1729. "and to hear, consider and advise both parties, in that
" society, as they shall find there is reason in their case ;
" and by all proper means, endeavour to effect an accom-
" modation of the divisions that are there ; and bring that
" people to unite themselves together in love and peace, in
" carrying on the worship of God, in the house of prayer
" they have built to his name." The gendcmen were di-
rected to make their report to the assembly, of their suc-
cess, and of what was best further to be done in the case.
The gentlemen appointed to this service, met at Guil -
ford, in June, and came to the following result.

" To the Committees of the First Society in Guilford.

" BRETHREN,

Advice to " We the subscribers, are of opinion with the honourabk;
the parties General Assembly, that the peace, religion, %vealth and
lord June good order of this society, will be best promoted, in their
6th, keeping together in one society ; and, having considered

the objections made by the dissatisfied party against the.
Rev. Mr. Ruggles and the other part of the society, and
what was offered to support them ; and the replies made On
the other side ; we cannot judge from thence, therfe are any
sufficient grounds, why the party that offered them should
separate from Mr. Ruggles, or refuse to accept him as their
minister: and there being a settlement actually made,
though there may have been uncomfortable things, unsuit-
able heats and speeches, among divers of the members of
the society, in this day of temptation ; yet there appear.^
nothing to us, but that they may, consistent with the rules
of the gospel, forgive one another, and bury all their con-
troversy, and receive on€ another as brethren, and unite
together in one society and church, under the minister or-
dained in this place : And it is our advice, and earnest ex
liortation, that they so do.

"T. WOODBRIDGE,
" ELIPHALET ADAMS,
"WILLIAM RUSSELL.
" Guilford, June 6th, 1729.*

Notwithstanding the opinion of the General Assenr-
bly, and of the gentlemen whom they had appointed to
hear the parties, in Guilford, the separating brethren
•were so fully satisfied, that they could not hear Mr.
Ruggles to their edification, and they were so entirely
opposed to the Saybrook platform, as it seemed to be
«ndersfx)od, as a law of the colony binding the coi>-

Qhap. VII. CONNECTICUT. HT

sciences of men, that they could not submit to the ad- Book IL
vice so expressly given. They were not satisfied, that v,^-v„— ^,»
the legislature had a right to interpose in ecclesiastical 1729,
matters, and to impose councils of their own choosing
upon the churches, or that they were under obligations to
submit to them. They believed, that they had a right to
act according to the dictates of conscience, and that it was
their duty, to seek a minister, by whom they and their chil-
dren, might be indoctrinated in the distinguishing princi-
ples of Christianity, and in experimental religion. They
Avere persuaded, that they had a right, as British subjects,
to judge for themselves, and to worship together, as a dis-
tinct church and society. They therefore, in November^
made application to the court at New-Haven, to be quali-
fied, according to the act of William and Mary, for the ease
of sober consciences, to worship by themselves. But the
court, considering it as a new and important affair, deferred
it until their next meeting, on the first Tuesday in April.
On said Tuesday, April, 1730, divers of the dissenters, viz. 1730,
Edmund Ward, Caleb Leete, Joseph Stone, Samuel Nor-
ton, Samuel Cruttenden, Pelatiah Leete, Thomas Norton,
Ebenezcr Stone, Daniel Edwards, Caleb Sto'ne, and John
Bishop, appeared before the court, took the oaths, made
and subscribed the declaration required by the law : and
the said Edmund Ward, preacher, gave his assent to the 39
Articles, and subscribed the same, except the 34th, 35th,
and 36th articles, and part of the 20th, in these words,
" The church hath power to decree rites or ceremonies^
and hath authority in controversies of faith."*'

Notwithstanding the doings of the assembly, and the
advice given them by the gentlemen, whom they had ap-
pointed, the aggrieved party were advised to the measures
they adopted, by men of great respectability. The Rev.
Mr. Moss, of Derby, in particular, gave it as his decided
opinion, that it would be for the peace of the town, and
the benefit of both the parties, for the people who had se-
parated to be made a distinct ecclesiastical society, and
that the legislature ought to hear their petition, and grant
them the privilege.! He appears to have draughted their
petition to the county court. The minority, having thus
qualified themselves according to the act of parliament,
and the laws of the colony, considered themselves as
having a right to proceed in religious concerns, with-
out any further interruption or trouble from others.

At the session of the General Assembly in May, they re- Mav.i7SC»»

* Record of the court for the county of New-Haven,
t Letter to lyfr. Ward, October 31«t, 172?^.

118 HISTORY OF* Chap. VIL

Book II. nevved iheir application to the assembly, to release them
^^"^^^^sw' from paying taxes to the first society, and to make them a
1730, distinct ecclesiastical society, according to the prayer of
Pleas of the thcir petition on file. They pleaded, that they had quali-
niinority ficd thcmselves, by act of parliament, and according to
before the the statutes of the colony, to worship God agreeably to
7f "fj'ti,, the dictates of their own consciences, and that it was the
genuine meaning and design or those statutes to release
the people, thus soberly dissenting from any legally esta-
blished mode of worship, from all burdens and molesta-
tions from others, and was a privilege granted to all de-
nominations of christians in the colony; to the professors
of the church of England, to the baptists, and even to the
quakers ; and, that they hoped, they were not less deserv-
ing of the care of the legislature than those denomina-
tions. They pleaded, that the law, imposing taxes on
those who conscientiously dissented from the established
mode, was not of Christ, but of man, that the kingdom of
the Messiah was not of this world, that it needed no human
aid, and that they humbly conceived, that the civil magis-
trate had no right to legislate in matters of conscience,
binding christians to any particular mode of worship.
They a Hedged, that the bishop of Bangor preached a
sermon in 1717, before his majesty king George the First,
from John xviii, 36, in which he demonstrably proved,
that as the kingdom of Christ was not of this world, he waf>
king and sole legislator in his own kingdom, and that the
civil magistrate hath no right to legislate in ecclesiastical
matters, and that the sermon was so acceptable to his ma-
jesty, that he gave it his royal approbation.

They also pleaded, that the law binding them to hear a
minister whom they had not chosen, but had been imposed
ypon them by a majority, and who lorded it over them, wa?
inconsistent with their charter rights. They urged, that
the law, obliging them to hear and support a minister im
posed upon them, was contrary to the laws of England.

Finally, they pleaded, that the law imposed upon them
a burden which was never imposed on the necks of their
fathers in the first settlement of this country, nor was
there then any such burden imposed on their brethren in
New-England, in New- York, in the Jersics, nor on
their dissenting brethren in England. They urged,
that in all those places there was no compulsion, or re-
straint, but full liberty for all denominations of protestants.
to worship God, according to the dictates of their con-
sciences. This liberty, they said, the fathers of this coun-
try enjoyed for more than thirty years from its first settle-
jnent without the least interruption.

Chap. VIL CONNECTICUT, 119

The legislature, on this representation, released them Book I?,
from paying taxes to the first society ; but declined making ^,<«-v->w
them an ecclesiastical society, and still persisted in mea- 1730.
sures to reconcile the parties. They appointed a number
of gentlemen to meet for that purpose at Guilford, and hear
the parties ; but they did not meet. The major party, in
the mean time, pretending that the assembly had only re-
leased a small number of the minority, whose names Avere
mentioned in the memorial, proceeded to take their rates
by execution. Indeed, the major part of the society,
appeared to adopt all measurjes to vex and distress
them, both in their civil and religious interests. They
therefore petitioned the General Assembly, in October,
to declare the meaning of their act in May, and to release
all who had separated from Mr. Ruggles and the first so-
ciety, or who should separate from them, and join them
in supporting the gospel, from all taxes and molestation
from the first society.

The legislature, fixed in their design of uniting the par-
ties, were slow and reluctant in granting them any privi-
leges which they asked ; and, at this time, appointed a
large council to meet at Guilfoi'd, to hear the parties and
judge between them, and make report to the assembly at
their session in May.

The Rev. Mr. Moss, of Derby, who had opposed the
settlement of Mr. Ruggles from the beginning, judging it
unadvisable to ordain a minister over a church, one third
of whom were against him, and the opposition constantly
increasing, soon after the rising of the assembly, wrote a
letter to some of the principal ministers in Boston, stating Letter oi
the case of the Guilford people, and requesting their opi- ^r. Moss,
nion with reference to it. He made the following state- .^^Jq *
ment : " That, in a litde more than a month's time after the
death of the Rev. Mr. Thomas Ruggles, of Guilford, that
people applied to some of the neighboring ministers, of
which he himself was one, for advice, about calling and
settling a minister. That after some animadversions on
the suddenness of the motion, being so soon after the
death of their former pastor, and receiving their justifying;
replies upon it, they had advice to this purpose, viz. " To
apply (o Mr. Thomas Ruggles, Jun. son of the deceased,
to supply his father's pulpit, as probationer for setdement
in the work of the ministry ; if, after trial, he should be ap-
proved, and could be settled there with a general view to
peace, and according to gospel order and rule : and, if af-
ter trial made, he should not suit them, or they him, then to
apply to Mr. Benjajrtiin Pierpont, of is^ew-Haven. as a pro-

120 HISTORY OF CiiAr. Vli.

Book H. batiouer in like sort as above 5 and, if after trial, he should
Ui^-v'v-' not suit for settlement, then to make application to said
1730. advisers for further advice." Upon this advice, the people
applied to Mr. Ruggles, and he entered the pulpit as a
probationer. At first, the opposing and uneasy party to
his settlement were but twelve, but they were considera^
ble men ; chief men in the town and church ; but in six
jCionths time, the uneasy and opposing party were in-
creased to u]3wards of forty, and they making smart op-
position to Mr. Ruggles his settlement ; the other party be-
ing the major, and having the advantage of the law on their
side, and fearing that advantage would not always be in
their hands, pushed forward for the ordination, with all
violence, and refused to hear the intreaties of their uneasy
brethren, to delay the matter a while ; until, at least, the
general court could be applied to in this affair : but nor
thing of this kind could be obtained. This was perhaps in
February ; the beginning of Mr. Ruggles his preaching, as
a probationer, being in July before. Though, before this
denial of a delay, viz. in December, or January, they
had, upon the request made by the uneasy party, voted in
full society meeting, that they should have liberty to be a
society ecclesiastical by themselves, if the general court
would allow it ; and to be freed from paying any rates or
taxes, or parish charges with them, when the general court
would allow of their being a society by themselves, or
words to this purpose, as you wiU see by the grant in-
closed, attested by the clerk.

" Now when this was done, this minor party went no
more, or acted no more yvith their brethren, about settling
Mr. Ruggles, either in society meetings or church meet-
ings ; but acted by themselves, and goc a young man to
preach to them in a private house, viz. Mr. Edmund Ward,
brought up at Yale College in New-Haven, who had been
examined by the ministers of the New-Haven association,
and had obtained his recommendatory certificate from
them, as a candidate for the ministry. Afterward, when
this uneasy party were gone off, by the good will of their
brethren, as they took it, the major part now fell to ac-
tion, about Mr. Ruggles his settlement, and by their vote
grant him four hundred pounds settlement, and one hun-
dred pounds per annum settlement, and have since forced
their uneasy brethren to pay part of it, having the civil law
of the government on their side, notwithstanding their
former vote, to set them off by theniselyes, (as you shall
sree anon in the proper place of it ;) then they drive for-
ward the ordination of Mr. Ruggles, which was in March,,

Chap. VII. CONNECTICUT. 121

1 728-9, which was about ten months after the death of Book II.
old Mr. Ruggles. v^*-Nr>«i>

" When the time for ordination came, the council of el- 1730.
ders and messengers assembled to carry on that affair,
were upon the place before the ordination was attended.
They sent for the uneasy party, ii e. those of them that
were in full communion with the church. There appear-
ed twenty nine men, all opposed to the ordination's going
forward at that time ; but six of the twenty nine, declared
they were not so much against the man, simply consider-
ed, but thought it unseasonable to ordain him then, as
there was such a feud and contention arisen among them.
(The whole number of brethren, or communicants, at
that time, being about eighty.) Then the matter was de-
bated in council, whether the ordination should be then at-
tended, or delayed. It was carried by vote to go forward,
by a large majority among the ministry, and by a small ma-
jority among the messengers. But two ministers dissented
out of nine, of which two dissenting, the minister of Der-
by was one, who was the eldest minister present, except
one. Upon this, the minister of Derby refused to assist
in the ordination ; and gave his reasons for it, v/hich were
chiefly in these two points. 1st. It seemed to him to have
no likely prospect of future peace in that place, nor like-
ly to be for the interest of religion, or the flourishing
.state of Christ's kingdom for the future, in that place.
" 2d. Since the design was to settle a pastor over that
church in whole, when above one third part of the church
never chose him, and declared they were conscience
bound in the matter, and could not choose him as their
pastor. This seemed to that minister, to be setting up a
lord over God's heritage, (at least in part) and, as he
thought, looked too much toward that prelatical tyranny,
from which our fathers fled ; it being a yoke of bondage
that they were not able to bear ; and a breaking in upon
the natural liberty which belongs to all churches and chris-
tians. However, the ordination went forward by the help
of those that were for it. The uneasy part separated from
their brethren, and would not sit with them at meeting, m
the time of ordination ; and when the church's vote was ta-
ken, to call Mr. Ruggles to the pastoral charge, they were
separated, and acted not in that call. Yet this council
suppose, or at least the greater part who acted in the
call, take it so, that he is ordained pastor of that whole
church of Guilford, and that all those that opposed his or-
dination, are as much bound to submit to him as their
pastoFj as anv of them that acted in the choice,

Q

i22 HISTORY OJ? Chap. VIL

Book II. '^ After the ordination, viz. in May following, the minor
^>-<'v^>^ part, yet uneasy, petitioned the General Court, for leave
1730. to be a society by themselves, since things were thus, as
above ; and then their brethren opposed them with all ve-
hemency, though they had voted them as above, if the
said court would allow of it. The General Court referred
it to their October session ; and in the mean time, sent
some min.isters to endeavour a reconciliation of the differ-
ing parties ; but they tried in vain. The thing was not at-
tainable. When October came, the court considered the
matter again ; but did n-othing for their help ; but still
appointed another committee of ministers to endeavor
to bring both parties together. But they came not to
the place, and used no endeavors for it. Then this
distressed people saw the country seemed to be againsr
them, through false rumors, which their enemies spread
abroad with great industry, so that they had no hope
of gaining any thing in this way ; but remembering that
we had a law which gives liberty to dissent from our
established discipline, for any of another persuasion,
v/hich law refers to an act of parliament, made for dissen-
ters, in the first year of king William and queen Mary, for
the dissenters qualifying themselves at the quarter sessions,
according to the direction of said statute, in order to take
benefit thereby, and to set up a separate society for divine
worship, &c. : these men also, being fully of the congre-
gational persuasion, according to the true meaning of the
platform, compiled at Cambridge, by the Synod, in the
year 1648, which our established discipline is very wide
of, in many essential things : they go to the county court
at New-Haven, and declare their dissent from our estab-
lished discipline, and their concurrence with the platform
aforesaid, by which they obtained liberty, under the um-
brage of said statute, and act of parliament, for a lawful
assembly for divine worship, separate from those that are by
our law established ; and so exempted from our established
rule of church discipline, and exempted from the penal-
lies that our laws laid upon any that maintained separate
meetings, in opposition to what is generally practised and.
allowed by law. Now they were secure in one point from
die penalties of the law, but lay open to the law in anoth-
er, viz. on the account of rates ; for by our law, they must
yet pay their rates to maintain Mr. Ruggles, and to raise
his settlement money, which was four hundred pounds ;
and their brethren were so far of a persecuting spirit as that
they have forced them to pay part of the settlement mon-

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. ~ 12S

ey, and their part of the salary, until May last, when, up- Book IK
on a new petition to the General Court, they freed them ''-^~>'''^«^
from paying rates for the future ; as you may see by a co- 1730,
py of their act inclosed. They have left their rights in
the meeting-house, and have now built a good new meet-
ing-house at their own charge. Yet after all, their breth-
ren, and the neighboring ministers, and mostly through
the colony, are warmly opposing their settlement in
church order, according to the tenor of the said Cam-
bridge platform, which is strictly congregational. And
so they refuse to assist them in gathering a new church,
and in ordaining-^ their minister ; and more than so, arc
greatly clamoring at and reproaching a few of us that think
well of them, and are inclined to pity and help them. It
would therefore be much to their advantage in the present
juncture, to have advice and counsel from some of the
Rev. ministers of Boston, whose names and characters
are highly exalted among us, in Connecticut ; and that
upon very justifying reasons ; so that countenancing the
affair of their settleipent in church order, and ordination
of their minister, will very much abate the clamor of their
adversaries, and be much of a shelter and security to some
of us that probably may be called to assist them in that af-
fair. Therefore it is requested, that several of you Rev.
gentlemen, would please to resolve these cases hereafto-
stated, and send to us as soon as may be, the resolution,
and in several of your hands,

1 . " Whether (if the narration above written be true) it
is lawful for the said minor part at Guilford, to embody into
church estate, and get their minister ordained as soon a§
they can ?

2. " Whether it is lawful and expedient for such minis-
ters and churches, as are willing, to assist that people in
their embodying into church estate, and ordaining theii*
minister ?

" Your gratifying us and this poor people in this matter,
will exceedingly oblige your friends and fellow laborers in
the gospel of our Lord Redeemer," &;c.

This letter was signed by Mr. Moss, of Derby, and Mr.
Mather, of Saybrook, and directed to the Rev. Peter
Thatcher, and other ministers of Boston. With the let-
ter, documents were sent, proving the facts stated. The
answer to this letter fs not to be found, but the probabili-
ty is, that it was favorable to the minor party, and encour-
aged the ministers who favored them, to afford them their
assistance, as it appears that early in the spring, they

124 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL

Book II. were preparing to embody into church estate, and expected
v-«^-v>w' that Mr. Ward would soon be ordained over them.
1731. The legislature, however, with a view to unite the par-
ties, in their session in October, appointed a large coun-
cil to meet, at Guilford, and hear the parties. They were
to attempt all proper measures to conciliate and bring them
together, and, if possible, to settle the church and town in
peace. They were chosen from the three counties of
Hartford, New-Haven and New-London. The council
consisted of the Rev. Messrs. Eliphalet Adams, Samuel
Whitman, John Bulkley, Nathaniel Chauncey, Phinehas
Fisk, Samuel Whittelsey, Jared Elliot, Joseph Noyes, Sam-
March 10 uelHall and Isaac Stiles, with their delegates. They met
'■i73L ' at Guilford early in the spring ; chose the following gentle-
men, moderators and scribes, viz, Mr. Adams and Mr. Whit-
man, moderators ; Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Fisk, scribes. The
minor party had most positively and repeatedly renounc-
ed the Saybrook Platform, not only before the church,
but repeatedly, by their agents, before the General Assem-
bly. The council nevertheless cited them to appear before
them ; but they would not appear as a body, nor by their
committee. Two or three of their leading men, as indi-
viduals, stated to them their grievances, and the grounds
pf their separation. Upon this, having heard the repre-:
sentations of the church, the council representing that
they had fully heard the parties, came to the following re-
sult.

1 . " That with relation to the settlement and ordination
of the Rev. Mr. Ruggles in this place, and the conduct of
the church in that affair, on representation made by the
committee, above said, to this council, of the several
steps of their procedure in that affair, we cannot but ap-
prove of them, and judge them very agreeable to such rules
as in an affair of that nature they ought to regard and have
their eyes upon.

2. " With respect to the reasons alledged in the narrative
of the dissenting party, as grounds of their separation from
the communion of the church, and what was offered by
said Leete and Cruttenden, for vindication of themselves
in that matter, we judge them insufficient, and that sepa-
ration as sinful andjusdy offensive,

3. " That the dissenting brethren, their setting up a
separate assembly for public worship without the counte-
nance and liberty of the General Assembly, or approba-
tion of neighboring churches, or the allowance of the set--
tied minister of the place, and contrary to the advice of
t|i^ association of the county, we judge to be disorderly

Chap. VII. CONNECTICUT. 125

and sinful, and disallowed by the fifth article in the thir- Book II.
teenth chapter of the Cambridge platform of the year 1649: v,-^--v-»^
Also, that some of them, their pretenided qualifying them- 1731.
selves according to a law in our book of the statutes, made Marsh lo,
for the ease of such as soberly dissent from the way of
public worship and ministry established by the laws of this
government, was an abuse of that law, and unjustifiable.

4. " With respect to the duty lying on the church of
this place, toward their dissenting brethren, we judge, that
in case, after an invitation made by this council and the
said church to those dissenting ba-ethren, those that have
taken the oaths, as others, at thp desire of this council, to
return to the communion of said church ; or an invitation
made to them by the said church, Avith such reflections on
themselves, for their separation, as this council shall think
proper, they do not in some reasonable time, so do, that
they shall be suspended from the communion of the church
of Christ : which sentence shall be pronounced against
them, either by the Rev. Mr. Ruggles and church, or by
the Rev. Mr. Jacob Hemingway and Mr. Jared Elliot in
conjunction with them, as the said Mr. Ruggles and church
shall choose.

5. " And, whereas the said dissenting brethren enter-
tain hopes of embodying themselves into church estate,
and having a pastor ordained over them, in a short time,
this council have judged their proceedings hitherto irre-
gular and offensive, so do now further declare and judge
them, the dissenting brethren, incapable of enteriag into a
church state, till such time as they have returned back to
their pastor and brethren of the church from which they
have separated themselves, with such reflections on them-
selves, as this council have thought proper : and that if
any ministers and churches shall assist in so embodying
them and ordaining a pastor over them, it will be disorder-
ly and sinful ; and accordingly ai such, bear testimony
against it.

6. " Further, as we have found a separate meeting for
public worship, set up by the dissenting party in this place, a
disorderly meeting, do also judge that Mr. Edm^ind Ward's
preaching to the said assembly, is disorderly and sinful, and
will be so if he persists therein ; and by the authority of
this council do charge him to desist preaching to them ;
and that he do not presume to submit to ordination, or to
take upon him the pastoral charge over them.

" And finally, whereas, some reflections have been cast
upon the Rev. Mr. Ruggles, as though he were weak, in-
gufficiejitj imwQfthy and unqualified fnr the work of tho

1^6 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL

Book II. gospel, unsound in his doctrines, of a party spirit, and lit-
v^^'v-^w tie religion ; this council declare, that nothing of this na-
1731. ture hath appeared unto us; and he having given us a
March 10. specimen of his ministerial abilities, partl}^ from his per-
sonal acquaintance, and partly from credible testimony,
we esteem him a worthy minister of Jesus Christ, endow-
ed with a good measure of ministerial gifts, sound in the
faith, of a serious, religions and peaceable spirit, a sweet
temper and becoming conversation, and worthy of honor
and respect, and as such do recommend him and his la-
bors, to the blessing of Almighty Cod."

This result of the council, was accepted by vote of the
church in open council.

This, considering the state of the town, that the separa-
tion had greatly increased, since the ordination of Mr.
Ruggles, so that more than one half the original members
of the church, at that tim.e, had separated, from him ; that
they had utterly renounced the Saybrook Platform ; quali-
iicd themselves by law for a distinct M^orship ; and had built
them an house for it, was a very extraordinary result.
That in these circumstances, they should proceed to a ju-
dicial hearing and decision, without attempting any con-
ciliatory measures, seems to have been very uncommon,
in similar cases. Their result was every way calculated
to justify Mr. Ruggles, and the remainder of the church
and society, and to lay the dissenters under every disad-
vantage ; to deprive them, even of the preaching of the
word and all the means of salvation, unless they would re-
turn and sit under the preaching of Mr. Ruggles. This
they had declared they could not in conscience do. Mr.
Ruggles, in their view was not an orthodox experimental
preacher, and they could not be profited by him. The
dissenters had no choice in the council, and they con-
sidered themselves as a distinct and legal society, and as
having a right, by act of parliament and the laws of the
colony, to worship God by themselves, and to choose and
settle a minister for themselves. The ministers of New-
Haven county had prejudged the case, and ordained Mr.
Ruggles, in their opinion, in a rash and imprudent manner,
against such a minority and division in the town as ought tq
have prevented it, at least, until some further trial had been
made for a greater union. They considered the council
as having no more authority over them than they had
over any church in Massachusetts or New- York, or of
any other place, or denomination. Mr. Ward did
not consider himself as amenable to them, or that he was
obliged to desist preaching the gospel at their mandate.

Chap, Vlt. CONNECTICUT. 127

The dissentefs and he, imasjined that they were upright Book II.
and conscientious in their proceedings. Not one of them v.^'v^^,^
therefore was disposed to make the reflections which the
council had directed, or to return to Mr. Ruggles, and their
brethren, from Avhom they had separated.

The consequence was, that after they had been invited Forty six
io return, and had, for a short time, neglected it, they ^^g'^^gnjg^i
were cited before the cliurch, and forty six of them, six from com-
more than one half of the church, at the time of Mr. Rug- munion,
gles' ordination, Avere suspended from communion. ^""^ ^^^^'

The town was now in a very perplexed and melancho-
ly condition. About one half of the professors in it Avere
suspended from communion ; tlie council who had advised
to this measure, had declared it disorderly for ministers
to preach to them, and charged their own teacher,
by all their authority, to preach to thein no more. The
major part of the town at the same time, Avere taking the
property of those Avho had separated from them, and had
not qualified themselves by act of parliament, by distraint,
for the support of Mr. Ruggles, and to pay the other tax-
es of the first societ}'^ ; and the toAvn Avas in a state of great
irritation.

The assembly Avere petitioned to make them a distinct
society. Several of the first society Avcre so convinced of
the necessity of it, for the general peace and edification of
the church and town, that they preferred a petition to the
legislature, praying that it might be done. Several of the
ministers of the colony Avere so affected Avith the unhappy
state of the toAvn, that they petitioned the assembly to ap-
point the General Association a council, Avith their dele-
gates, to repait" to Guilford, and hear and advise the par-
ties and make a report of their doings to the General As-
sembly. The assembly rejected the petitions for m.aking
them a distinct society, and came to the folloAving resolve,
viz.

"Upon the motion of the party Avho have separated Act of the
themselves from the old society in Guilford, on the recom- ^^*^'^^!|,'
raendations of the Rev. Mr. Timothy Woodbridge, and di-
vers other Rev. elders of the churches in this colony, that
it may be of service to the interest of religion, for this as-
sembly, in conformity to a former act of this assembly, ia
reference to Stratford, to appoint some from each associa-
tion in this colony, to enquire into their case, in order to
the bringing matters to a comfortable issue :

" This assembly observing, that the society in Guilford,
having not come into the established platform of church
discipline, as alloAved an^ confirmed by the laAvs of this

128 HISTORY OP Chap. VII.

Book 11. colony, and more especially, upon consideration, that the
\,^~>r>,^ dissenting party of that society have, by their agents from
1731. time to time, before this assembly, declared their dissent
from the said platform of church discipline ; and thence
suppose they cannot be holden, no'T obliged to abide the
determination, of any associations so appointed, according"
to the rules of the platform of church discipline, establish-
ed as aforesaid :

" Whereupon this assembly consider that it is not rea-
sonable for diis assembly to oblige, nor direct the several
associations throughout this colony, to send their delegates
lo hear the said society and dissenting party at Guilford,
as the reverend elders, in their memotial, have proposed.
" Yet, nevertheless, if the dissenting party of the church
of Guilford, (so called,) shall, themselves, move to the el-
ders of the several associations in this government, to send
their delegates^ to consider of the difficulties that have
arisen in said society, and to give advice to said society
, on the premises, at the proper charge of the dissenting;
party; that then the assembly do advise, that the several
associations appoint and send their delegates to Guilford,
giving suitable notice to all parties concerned, of the time
of meeting; and, being met, that they use all proper meas-
ures and endeavours to bring each party to a sense of any
errors they find them to have been in ; and endeavour to
moderate their tempers, and bring said society into chris-
tian love, peace and unity ; and if that desirable end can-
not by them be attained, said associations are directed to
signify to the General Assembly, to be holden at Hartford,
in May next, what they shall think proper and best to be
done, for the good and peace of the several parts of the
said society, and the support and honour of religion
amongst them."

The minor part of the society made application to the
several associations to send their delegates, agreeably to
the act of the General Assembly. They convened at Guil-
ford, November 23d, 1731.
file "-ene- There were present the Rev. Messrs. Stephen Mix-
ral associ- Samuel Woodbridge, Jacob Hemingway, Jared Elliot,
atioa meet Ehenezer Williams, William Russell, Benjamin Colton,
ford "nov William Worthington, and Solomon Williams.
2iicl.' The venerable Mr. Stephen Mix, of Weathersfield, was

chosen moderator ; Mr. Ebenezer Williams and Mr. Wil-
liam Russell, were chosen scribes. The committees of
both the parties appeared before the council, and were
fully heard. The people who had separated from Mr-
Ruggles and their brethren, pleaded that Mr, Rugglcs was

CtiAP. Vlt CONNECTICUT. 129

not, in their view, an orthodox, experimental, profitable Book II.
preacher, and that they could not be benefitted by his *.-<-v'^ik*
preaching; and had opposed his settlement from the be- 1731.
ginning : that their brethren, sensible that their opposi-
tion to Mr. Ruggles would make matter of difficulty at his
ordination, voted that they might go off, and be a society
by themselves : that they considered it as an agreement
between them, and so separated themselves, and made no
opposition to the ordination of Mr. Ruggles ; and they
could not consider him as their pastor, rightfully ordained
over them, more than over any other society who had ne-
ver chosen him. They insisted that they had been guilty
of no immoral conduct, for which they ought to be suspend-
ed from the communion of their brethren, or from the or-
thodox and regular churches in New-England : that pro-
vision was made by the laws of the nation, and statutes of
the colony, for persons soberly dissenting from their breth-
ren, as to the mode of worship. Such they pleaded that
lliey were, and that they had taken the benefit of the laws,
and could not conceive that they had done any thing wrong
or sinful therein^ They stated, that they held to the same
confession of faith with their brethren, and with the
churches of New-England, from the very beginning : that
they adopted the same mode of discipline, which was first
agreed upon by the fathers of the New-England churches,
and under which a great majority of them had continued ,
unto the present time. They urged, therefore, that th|;re
was no just ground for their suspension, and the cruel
treatment they had received. They maintained, that the
proceedings of Mr. Ruggles and their brethren, with re-
spect to them, was a groundless usurpation, and a lording
it over God's heritage. They urged, that if their separa-
tion Was schismatical and sinful, and deserved excommuni-
cation, that then our fathers deserved excommunication ;
the first church in Boston, and the second in Hartford,
were guilty of schism, and worthy of excommunication :
That if it was sinful in them to take benefit of the act
of parliament, the law of the nation and of the colony, then
obedience to the law was sinful, and that all who took the
benefit of it were guilty of sin. They pleaded, that they
were a legal society, and that the council who had con-
demned them, not only had no right to judge in their case,
but numbers of them were prejudiced men, and had pre-
judged the case. They complained of their brethren, as
insincere, and as treating tL' m with deceit and cruelty.
They said, they imagined they were honest and sincere in
voting them offl if the General Assomblv would grant them
R

U& HISTORY OF Chap. VIL

Book II. the privilege ; which they allcdge it vrould have freely and
««^-v^Ni^ immediately done, had they not by all means in their power
1731. opposed it. They not only pleaded that they were a legal
society ; but that they had employed a regular preacher,
who had been examined and approved by the association
of the county of New-Haven, as a person qualified to
preach the gospel, and whom they esteemed to be an or-
thodox, experimental preacher of the gospel, and a man
who was exemplary in his life and conversation. They
therefore pleaded, that there was no just occasion for sus-
pending them from the communion of the saints, or any
gospel privileges, more than for any otiier churches, orchris-
tians in New-England, who held to the i^ame doctrines and
mode of discipline with themselves. They further plead-
ed, that the major part of the church and society were the
faulty cause of the separation, as ihey did not follow the
advice of the association, and allow them to hear another
man, when tlrey were not united in Mr. Ruggles, and had
fofted upon them a man whom they could not hear. These,
in general, were the things pleaded before the several
councils, and gentlemen who were sent to Irear and reconr
cile the parties, in vindication of those who had separated
from the first church and society.

The first church and society represented, that they had
regularly called and settled Mr. Ruggles, according to the
law and ecclesiastical constitution of the colony ; that he
was, in their opinion, and" in the opinion of his ordaining
toiAicil, an orthodox, worthy minister, of unblamable
conduct, and that their brethren had no just ground of
separation.

The association, upon hearing the parties, were divided

in their opinion, and came to the following result :

Iiosnit of " This association, finding it difficult to come to an uni-

fhe general" ted Fcsolve, and that their time is too strait for answer-

associa-^ " ing the end of their delegation, have adjourned, and,, by

23d. * " these presents, do adjourn themselves, or it, to Hartford.

" on the Tuesday in the week of the election next ensu-

" ing," &c.

Whether this council met again, according to their ad-
journment, or what their final result was, does not appear
from any thing left on file. The separate party continued
their petitions to be made a distinct society, representing
their distressed condition, as they were so opposed every
way by their brethren, that they could not have the minis-
ter whom they had unanimc . sly chosen, and who was in
their opinion ordained over them, nor have a church gath-
ered Cimong them for that purpose ; and were deprived of

<;hap. VII. CONNECTICUT. iSt

the liberty of conscience, and of the ordinances of the gos- Book II.
pel, and means of salvation. They prayed the assembly, ^-^-n^-^.j'
That they might be declared to be a lawful ecclesiastical 1732.
society, according to the act of parliament, and their own
statutes, for the relief of sober consciences ', and their min-
ister, Mr. Edmund Ward, to be a lawful ecclesiastical
teacher ; and that it might be lawful for such ministers as
were willing to assist in uniting them in church estate, and
in ordaining their pastor elect, so to do, and not be judged dis-
orderly, or subject to any punishment on that account ; or if
the honourable assembly should not grant these privileges,
that they would, in their great wisdom, devise some way, in
which they might enjoy the ordinances of the gospel with
christians in general.

As the general association were not agreed in their opin- Mayjl73.^.
ion with respect to the diiliculties at Guilford, and had done
nothing effectual towards composing the parties, the assem-
bly appointed a committee of their own, to repair to Guil'
ford, hear them, and make their report. This committee
reported in favour of uniting the parties, and recommend-
ed the appointment of a large and respectable council for
that purpose. The General Assembly, instead of granting
the petitions of the aggrieved brethren, appointed the Rev.
Messrs. Seth Shove, Anthony Stoddard, Jonathan Marsh,
William Russell, Benjamin Lord, George Gris wold, Elea-
zer Williams, and Thomas Clapp, with their delegates, to
meet at Guilford, and finally determine the case of forty-six
persons in said Guilford, which had before been laid before
a council there, March 10th, 1731, which gave sentence
against them. It was at the same time resolved, that the
minor party should bear the expense of the council ; and
that the minor party should not be taxed the current year,
for the settlement or support of the Rev. Mr. Ruggles. It
was enacted also, that all taxes which had been laid, and
all arrearages, should be paid up.

But a small number of the gentlemen appointed to meet
>n council at Guilford, convened on the business for which
Xhey had been appointed. It seems that the clergy were
not united in their opinions. It was an exU^aordinary case,
for one half of a church to be excommunicated by the pas..-
torandthe other part of the church, when they had been
guilty of no immorality or scandal, but separating from
dieir brethren, according to the rights of men of sober con*
sciences, warranted by act of parliament, and by the stat-
utes of the colony, in that case provided. The council
was not chosen by the consent of the parties, nor agreeable
to the religious constitution of the state j but was imposed

132 HISTORY OF ' Chap. Vllf

Book II. by act of assembly. To suspend sucli a number of profes-
v-^'"v^v^ sing christians fropi th€ communion of the saints, in these
1 732. circumstances, when they held communion with the church^
es of Massachusetts, and the majority of the churches in
Kew-E'igland, who had adopted the same mode of worship
with themselves, was a difficult, and, apparendy, an incon-
sistent matter, and, in the opinion of many, a gross viola-
tion of the rights of conscience. On the other hand, to
give judgment against their brethren of the council, who
had condemned them, and ordered their suspension from
communion, must have been disagreeable. A great part of
the gentlemen, therefore, it seems declined doing any thing
in the affair. At the time appointed for the meeting of this
Nov. 21st council, Nov. 21st, 1732, four elders, with their delegates,
1732- ' only convened. These were the Rev. Mr. Shove, Mr.
Stoddard, Mr. Russell, and Mr. Griswold.

Mr. Anthony Stoddard was chosen moderator, and Mr.
William Russell scribe. After devout supplications to the
QoD of all wisdom and grace, both the persons who were
suspended from communion, so many of them as were yet
living, and the Rev. Mr. Ruggles and his church, appeared
before the council. The members suspended from the
communion of the church, were asked whether they could
now comply with the determination of the council met at
Guilford, March 10th, 1732, and make the reflections the
said council thought proper for them '? They unanimously
declared they could not ; and they put in various papers,
and pleaded many things in their own defence, to show,
their innocency, and that they were unjustly and cruelly
treated. Their pleas were the same, in substance, as
those made before the general association. Mr. Ruggles
and his church, were then desired to show the reasons of
their suspending those brethren from their communion.
But they denied the jurisdiction of the council, and refused
to show the reasons of their proceedings, or to submit to
their determination relating to their affairs. The council.
Result of nevertheless, came to the following result : — "The council
^ouncil, ^yg^g jj^j(j under a disadvantage, as to discovering the rea-
' * Y sons and groimds upon which the church and council judg-
ed the withdrawing of the said members sinful, and the
means they used to continue and strengthen themselves in
said separation justly offensive and sinful ; upon what re-
presentation has been made to us, by the minor part, (in
presence of Mr. Ruggles and the church,) of their with-
drawing from the worship and communion of the church in.
this place, and the methods they had used to continue them-
selves therein, and v/hcit they offered to cl^ar themselves

IChap. VIL CONNECTICUT. 133

from scandal in their so doing, we cannot judge, all cir- Book II.
cumstances considered, that their withdrawing from the v«_^-n/->»j^
worship and communion of the church, and continuance 1732^.
therein, was so gross and criminal, as to deserve their ex-
clusion from the church of Christ : Yet we think that they
had not justifying reasons for so doing, but were fanlty and
disorderly, and failed of a due compliance widi that direc-
tion of the apostle, Hebrews x. 24, 25, Let us consider
one another to provol^e unto love and good works, not for-
saking the assembling of yourselves together, as the man-
ner of some is ; and of suitable endeavours to keep the
unity of the spirit in the bond of peace : which we think it
becomes them, as they would shew themselves persons
studying peace, candidly to confess, according to '4 draft
drawn for them by this council ; which we hope the Rev.
Mr. Ruggles and the church, in conformity to those gospel
directions. Col. iii. 12, 13, — Put on, therefore, as the elect
of God, holy and beloved, bowels of mercies, kindness,
humbleness of mind, meekness, long suffering, forbearing
one another, and forgiving one another : if any man have a.
quarrel against any, even as Christ hath forgiven you, so
do ye : will accept, upon its being signed by those that live
under the censure, and being brought to him by them, iu
order to its being publicly read in the congregation."*

This result laid a foundation for the restoration of the
suspended members to the communion of the church,
but it did not unite the parties. Proposals were made
for calling and settling another minister with Mr. Rug-
gles, whom the minor party should choose, to preach
half the time ; but they cpuld not be persuaded to unite
in this, or any method which could be proposed.

The General Assembly, afterwards, sent two commit-
tees of civilians to hear the parties, consider the state of
the town, and report to the assembly. The last of which
reported in favour of granting the petition of the minor
part, or fourth society. They were of the opinion, that iviay,1733.
it would be for the peace of the town and the interest of
religion. The assembly accepted the report, and made
the people who had separated, a distinct ecclesiastical
society, by the name of the fourth society in Guilford,
with the same boundaries as those of the first parish.

Thus, after a contention of between four and five years,
great irritations and alienations between brethren and
neighbours, and a great expense of time and money be-

* The minor party accepted the doings of the council, signed the con-
fession which was drafted for them, and gave i.t to Mr. Rujdes, that it
oiisrht be read.

:34

HISTORY OF

Chap. VIIL

Book II. fore courts, general assemblies, and councils, a final sepa-
«-*•->/— «w ration was made in the church and town.

1 733. This affords a s£>lemn caution to churches and societies,
Observa- and to ordaining councils, against settling ministers where
lions. there are large and respectable numbers in opposition,
and forcing ministers upon them, by majorities. In ordi-
nary cases, it is wholly unnecessary. Let proper conde-
scension be used, and time given, churches and societies
will unite and come to an harmonious settlement. If one
person does not unite them, another may. The conse-
quences of divisions, by the settlement of ministers against
a large opposition, are exceedingly pernicious ; it excites
all manner of evil affections, destroys good neighbourhood,
and, in a great measure, prevents the usefulness of the pas-
tor, and the edification of both parties. It tends to confu-
sion and every evil work. It is of great importance, that
a minister should be a good preacher : this is his main and
principal work, and the w^antofthis, very much disqualifies
Jiim for the ofiice. Mr. Ruggles was a scholar and a wise
man ; his morals were not impeachable ; but he was a dull,
unanimating preacher ; had a great talent at hiding his real
■sentiments, never coming fully out, either as to doctrinal
or experimental religion. These were, doubtless, the
grounds of the separation. The same things were the
principal grounds of the separations which aftprward,?
look place in the county of New-Haveji.

CHAPTER VIIL

Geperal state of the churches in Connecticut and J^'ew-Eng-
land. Revivals of religion in some fezo places^ before
the great and general revival in 1737, and 1738, and es-
])eciall\j in 1 740, and 1 741 . Some of the principal instru-
ments of it. Great opposition to it by magistrates and
ministers. Laws enacted against it. Principal opposers
of the tvorkof Gob at that time. Disorders attending it.
Separations from the churches soon after. Spirit and
character of those xoho separated from the ministers and
churches at that time. Happy effects of the roork in gene-
ral.

Character A S the first settlers of Connecticut and New-England,

"[ ^'T ^s^^* ""^^ \vere a collection of people who left their country and

and" ^^^ pleasant seats in Europe, and followed the Lord into this

churches, then American wilderuess, a land not sowji, for the .?ak<^>

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. l35

of religion, they formed churches, strict in doctrine, in dis- Book IL
cipline and in practice. Great pains were taken by them v^^r^.,--^^
to govern and educate their children religiously, that they
might indeed be a generation for the Lord. They were
sound in the faith, eminent for experimental religion, and
of lives of strict and universal morality. A gentleman of
eminent chai'acter, witnessed, that in seven years, which
he had lived in New-England, he had never heard a pro-
fane oath, or seen a person drunk.* But as the good peo-
ple who planted the country died, and the new generation
came on, there was a sensible decline, as 16 the life and
power of godliness. The generation which succeeded,
were not in general so eminent and distinguished in their
zeal, and strictness of morals, as their fathers. The third DeeleK-
and fourth generations became still more generally inat- sion in
tentive to their spiritual concerns, and manifested a great- religion,
or declension from the purity and zeal of their ancestors.
Though the preaching of the gospel was not altogether
without success, and though there was tolerable peace and
order in the churches ; yet there was too generally a great
decay, as to the life and power of godliness. There was
a general ease and security in sin. Abundant were the
lamentations of pious ministers and good people, poured
out before God, on this account. Many days of fasting
and prayer were kept by the churches, to seek the special
itifluences of the holy Spirit, in the awakening and sancti-
lication of the people. But it did not please the Supreme
Ruler, at that time, to give any special answer to their
prayers. No general revival of religion was for many
years experienced. Some few places were, nevertheless,
visited in a very happy and extraordinary manner.

In Northampton, in particular, there were repeated re- Revivrap
vivals, under the ministry of the ReV. Mr. Stoddard. The ?^ ^J^^^j^^
first was about the year 1679 ; a second was in 1683. ^^mpton.
Another was about the year 1686; a fourth in 1712. In
1718, he had the happy experience of the fifth. These he
termed his harvests. He was eminent and renowned,
]x)th for his gifts and graces, and his ministry Avas, from
the beginning, blessed with uncommon success. The re-
vivals, were, some of them, much more remarkable than
others ; but in each of them, and especially in those in
1683, in 1696, and in 1712, the greatest part of the young,
people in the town, appeared chiefly concerned for their
salvation.!

In the year 1721, there was a very general and remark-

* Prince's Christian History.
i Mr, Edvv^ards' Narrative, p 3, and Priace's Christian History.

Uii HISTORY or CiiAr-. VIH.

Cook II. aLIe i onccrn awl encjiiiry among llin people, in the town
v-x'^'^^w' of Windliam, what they should do to be saved. The town
Revival had been incorporated about twenty-nine years. The
m the churrh had been formed about tivcnty-one.* The pastor
Wifid- ^'^"'^^ ^^^^ Rev. Samuel Whiting. He was trained up for
Itam, the ministry, principally under the instructions of the fa-

^^-'- mous Mr. Fitch, of Norwich. He was eminent for gifts
and grace : a clear and powerful preacher of the doc-
trines of the i-eformation-. His preaching at this time, was
attended with such sutcess, by the powerful iniluences of
the divine Spirit, that in the short term of six months.
eighty persons were admitted to full communion in the
-church. This was a great ingathering unto Christ indeed,
as the inhabitants could not be numerous. It was proba-
bly nearly as much as one person to every family. This
could be imputed to no extraordinary external cause, but
to the secret operation of the spirit of God upon their
hearts.! The town was full of love, joy, thanksgiving and
praise. A day of thanksgiving w^as appointed, to give
thanks and praise unto him, who had done such great
things for them.| In this happy revival, persons of all
ages, and some of whom there could have been little ex-
pectation, came together weeping, to seek the Lord their
God, and to join themselves to him, in an everlasting
covenant, never to be forgotten.

But while this place was so remarkably wet with the
dcAV of heaven, the ground was dry all round it. Minis-
ters and good people were mourning the spiritual drought
which was upon them^ that iniquity abounded, and that
religion was sadly decaying throughout the land. After
the great earthquake, the night after the Lord's day, Oct.
Fffects of 29th, 1727, when the Almighty arose, and so terribly
the great shook the earth through this great continent, it is true that
earth- many were greatly alarmed, and that there was a greater
o" t 29th i'6-^i"t ^^ ministers and to the house of God than before.
1727. *and greater numbers were added to the churches, yet in
too many instances, it appeared to be rather the conse-
fjuence of fear, than of genuine conviction, and a thor-
ough change of heart. Ministers, in some places, took
great pains to show the people the difference of being driv-
en to the performance of duty, merely from fear, and the
doing of it from love to God, his word and ordinances ;

* The town was incorporated in 1692. The church was sjathered Dec,
10th, 1700.

t President Clap's letter to the Rev. Mr. Prince, March 29th, 1729.
, :j: See tlio Sermon, on the occasion, a few years since reprinted. Hi«
t^xt was, '• For now we live, if ye stand fast in the Lord." I. Thess?.
Jii. 8.

€hap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 137

and a thirsting for righteousness, for its own sake. But Book IL
though it was to be hoped that some were savingly wrought v.^»^v-^i^
upon, yet the serious impressions which seemed at first to 1734.
he made, were too generally soon lost, and the goodness
of many appeared like the morning cloud and early dew,
which goeth away. God visited the country with other
awful providences, such as sore sickness and great mortal-
ity, in some places, but no general reformation was effect-
ed.

About the year 1734, that dreadfijl disease caJlcd the ^^^.^j ^^.^^
throat distemper broke out and spread in the country, vidences
among children and youth. It was attended with a sud- disregard-
den and extraordinary mortality. In some towns almost ^^' ^\
all the children were swept away. In some instances, part more
large families consisting of eight and nine children were and more
made entirely desolate. The parents, in a short time, at- ^^'^"^ ^^°^'
tended them all to the grave, and had neither son, nor
daughter left. The country was filled with mourners, and
bitter affliction. But the people in general continued se-
cure. The forms of religion were kept up, but there ap-
peared but little of the power of it. Both the wise and
foolish virgins seemed to slumber. Professors appeared
too generally to become worldly and lukewarm. The
young people became loose and vicious, family prayer and
religion was greatly neglected, the sabbath was lamenta-
bly profaned : the intermissions were spent in worldly
conversation. The young people made the evenings after
the Lord's day, and after lectures, the times for their mirth
and company keeping. Taverns were haunted, intetnper-
ance apd other vices increased, and the spirit of God ap-
peared to be awfully withdrawn.* It seems also to ap-
pear that many of the clergy, instead of clearly and pow-
-erfully preaching the doctrines of original sin, of regenera-
tion, justification by faith alone, and the other peculiar
doctrines of the gospel, contented themselves with preach-
ing a cold, unprincipled and lifeless morality : fpr when
these great doctrines were perspicuously, and powerfully
preached, and distinctions were made between the moral-
ity of Chi'istians, originating in evangelical principles,
faith and love, and the morality of heathens, they were
oifended, and became violent opposers.

In this state of general declension and security it pleas- The great
ed God, in sovereign mercy, to begin aa extraordinary 'e^'yal at
work of conviction and conversion, such as had never been I^„'f' *^"
experienced in New-England before. It began in several
places in Massachusetts and Connecticut, as early as the
* Tlie Rev. Mr. Edwards' Narrative, and Prince's Christiaii History, '

138 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book II. years 1735, and 1736, but became more extraordinary,
'^••-v^w' and much more general in 1740, and 1741. It first began
Revival in in the most remarkable manner in the town of Northamp-
North- tQ^^ i^ Massachusetts, under the ministry of the Rev. Jon-
Hampton, j^ijj^j^ Edwards, afterwards president of the college in
New Jersey.

After giving an account of the commencement of the
work, and the change made in a particular young woman^
and the effects of it on the young people, he says, "Pres-
ently, upon this,- a great and earnest concern about the
things of religion and the eternal world, became universal
in all parts of the town, and among persons of all degrees
and ages : The noise among the dry bones waxed louder
and louder : All other talk but about spiritual and eternal
fhings was thrown by ; all the conversation in all compa-
nies, and upon all occasions, was upon these things only,
unless so much as was necessary for people to carry on
their ordinary secular business. Other discourse than of
the things of religion would scarcely be tolerated in any
company. The minds of people were wonderfully taken
off from the world ; it was treated among us as a thing of
very little consequence. They seemed to follow their
worldly business more as a part of their duty, than front
any disposition they had to it. The temptation now seem-
ed to lie on this hand ; to neglect worldly affairs too much,
and to spend too much time in the immediate exercises of
religion. But although people did not ordinarily neglect
their worldly business, yet there then was the reverse of
what commonly is ; religion was with all the great concern,
and the world was a thing only by the by. The onjy
thing in their view was to get the kingdom of heaven, and
every one appeared pressing into it. The eagerness of
their hearts in this great concern could not be hid ; it ap-
peared in their very countenances. It then was a dread-
ful thing amongst us to live out of Christ, in danger every
day of dropping into hell : and what peoples' minds were
intent upon was to escape for their lives, and to fly from
the wrath to come. All would eagerly lay hold of oppor-
tunities for their souls ; and were wont often to meet to-
gether in private houses for religious purposes : and such
meetings when appointed were wont greatly to be throng-
ed.

" There was scarcely a single person in the town, either
old or young, that was left unconcerned about the great
things of the eternal world. Those that were wont to be
the vainest and loosest, and those that had been most dis-
posed to think and speak slightly of vital and experimentaj

Chap. VIIL CONNECTICU't. 139

religion, were now generally subject to great awakenings. Book II-,
And the work of conversion was carried on in a most as- v^^t-v-n,^
tonishing manner, and increased more and more; souls 1735,
did, as it were, come by flocks to Jesus Christ. From
day to day, for many months together, might be seen evi-i
dent instances of sinners brought out of darkness into mar-
vellous light, and delivered out of the horrible pit, and
from the miry clay, and set upon a rock, with a new song
of praise to God in their mouths."

" This work. of God, as it was carried on, and the num-
ber of true saints multiplied, soon made a glorious altera-
tion in the town ; so that in the spring and summer fol-
lowing, Anno. 1 735, the town seemed to be full of the pre-
sence of God. It never was so full of love and joy, and
yet so full of distress, as it was then. There were re-
markable tokens of God's presence in almost every house.
It was a time of joy in families, on the account of salvation
being brought unto them : parents rejoicing over their
children new born, and husbands over their wives, and
wives over their husbands. The goings of God were tjien.
seen in his sanctuary ; God's day was a delight, and his
tabernacles were amiable. Our public assemblies were
then beautiful ; the congregation was alive in God's ser-
vice, every one earnestly intent on the public worship, ev^
ery hearer eager to drink in the words of the minister as
they came from his mouth ; the assembly were, from time
to time, genei:ally in tears while the word was preached ;
some Aveeping with sorrow and distress ; others with joy
and love -, others with pity and concern for the souls of
their neighbours.

" Our public praises were then greatly enlivened z
They were sung with unusual elevation of heart and voice,
which made the duty pleasant indeed.

" In all companies, on whatever occasions persons met
together, Christ was to be heard of and seen in the midst
of them. Our young people, when they met, were wont to
spend the time in talking of the excellency and dying love
of Christ, the gloriousness of the way of salvation, the
wonderful, free and sovereign grace of God in his glorioas
work, in the conversion of a soul, the tnith and certainty of
the great things of God's word, the sweetness of the views
of his perfections, &c. And even at weddings, which for-
merly were merely occasions of mirth and jollity, there waf
now no discourse of any thing but religion, and no ap-
pearance of any thing but spiritual joy."-

Those who had before been born of God, experienced
the fresh anointings of the Spirit, and revived like the

MO HIStORY OF Chap. VIIL

Cook IL spring and grew like the vine. Many who had laboured
\-^*'^'^'''^*^ under great difficulties with respect to their sj^iritual state,
1735. obtained satisfying evidence of the love of God to their
souls.

There appeared such an extraordinary change in the
towti, that strangers were surprised to see it ; and it had se-
vious and happy effects on many who occasionally visit-
ed it.*
:$evivatsiu 'l^is happy revival of God's work was not confined to
the iiRigh- Northampton, but soon appeared Avith much the same pow-
bounn^ qy([_i\ and salutary effects, in about twelve'other towns in
(lircounty ^^^® county of Hampshire, particularly in South-Hadley^
of Hamii- Suffield, Sunderland, Deerfield, Hatfield, West-Springfield,
siiirc. Long-McadoAV, in Enfield, and Westfield, in Northfield, and
in one or two other places. In some of these it was no
less powerfijl and extraordinary than it had been in North-
am})ton. The great and general concern in those towns
was for the salvation of their souls. True Christians were
remarkably quickened and renewed more and more after
fhe image of God ; and an uncommon spirit of grace and
supplication Avaspom^ed upon them. They acted in char-
acteji*, shining a& lights in the world. Sinners flocked unta
CiiKisT, as clouds, and as doves unto their windows. Ac-
cording to the observations of some ancient ministers,more
was done in one week than, according to the ordinary
course of providence, had been done in seven years.

The same work was more extensive in Connecticut than
in Massachusetts. In fourteen or fifteen towns or more, in
•several parts of the colony, it was powerful and general, in
1735, and in 1736.

The first parish in Windsor, under the pastoral care of
the Rev. Jonathan Marsh, experienced the same mercy
about the same time that the work commenced and was car-
ried on at Northampton, although at the time of its coni-
luencement, the towns had no knowledge of each other's
circumstances. Here, as in the other towns, there was a
very general concern, and a great ingathering of souls unto
Christ. At the same time East-Windsor, a parish under
the ministry of the Rev. Timothy Edwards, experienced a
very happy revival. Mr. Edwards had before seen sever-
al awakenings among his people, during his long ministry..
No minister in the colony had been favoured with greater
success than he, and now, in the forty-first year of his min-
istiy, his spirit was greatly refreshed by an extraordinary-
ingathering of souls unto Christ, not only from among his
own people, but 'from many other congregations in Con-
necticut, and in other colonies.
* The Rgv, Mr. Edwards' Narrative gf the work.

Chap. VIII, CONNECTICUT. 141

There was at the same time a very wonderful work of Book IT.
God, begun and carried on at Coventry, under the minis- v^r^-v-s*^
try of the Rev. Mr. Meacham. There was a surprising 1735.
change made, not only on the people in general, but upon
^uch as had been most rude and vicious. The work also,
was very great at Lebanon-Crank, a parish under the min-
istry of the Rev. Mr. Wheelock, a pious young gentleman^
who had been then very lately ordained in that place.
At Durham, under the ministry of the Rev. Mr. Chaun-
cey, there was the like work, and a great accession made -
to the church. The town of Mansfield, under the minis-
try of the Rev. Eleazar Williams ; of Tolland, under that
of the Rev. Mr. Steel ; Bolton, under the charge of the
Rev. Mr. White ; and Hebron, under the ministry of the
Rev. Mr. Pomroy, a young minister, ordained about the
same time with Mr. Wheelock ; and the north parish in.
Preston, were all visited with an uncommon effusion of the
holy spirit. At Norwich, under the ministry of the Rev.
Mr. Lord ; and atGroton, there was the same divine work
carried on, with great power. Mr. Lord, and Mr. John
Owen, minister at Groton, in the spring of 1 735, visited
Northampton, having heard the report of the extraordina-
ry work there, that they might see, and hear, and form a
judgment of the 'work for themselves. They conversed
with Mr. Edwards, and with many of the people, to their
great satisfaction. They declared that the work exceeded
all which had been told, or that could be told. On their
return, they reported what they had heard and seen, to
their own people, on whom it had a great effect. It ap-
peared to be a means of beginning a similar work at Nor-
wich, which in a short time became general.

The western as well as the eastern parts of the colony,
were refreshed by the divine shower. In New-Haven,
there was an unusual concern for the salvation of the soul ;
a flocking in to the church. Some in the principal fami-
lies in the town, became the subjects of it. Stratford so-
ciety, under the ministry of the Rev. Mr. Gould ; Ripton,
under the pastoral care of Mr. Mills ; and Newtown, and
Woodbury, had a refreshing visitation. Part of the town
of Guilford, was also visited in the same gracious man-
ner.

Indeed, this rain of righteousness, these dews of heav-
en, were still more extensive. They descended in no
small degree on vaj-ious places in New-Jersey.

This work was very extraordinary, on many accounts ;
it was much beyond what had been the common course of
proviclence. It w^^ i^«re uniYersal tjlaan had before bpe;i

142 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book II. known. It extended to all sorts and characters of people,
v-^'-v^si^ sober and vicious, high and low, rich and poor, wise and
1736. unwise. To all appearance, it was no less powerful in
families and persons of distinction, in the places with
which it was visited, than others. In former works of this
nature, young people had generally been wrought upon,
while elderly people and children had been little affected,
if moved at all. But at this time, old men were affected,
as well as others. Even children appeared to be the sub-
jects of saving mercy, and in some places formed them-
selves into religious societies. Out of the mouths of
babes and sucklings, the Lord perfected praise. It
was extraordinary as to the numbers who appeared, to a
judgment of charity, to be regenerated and brought home
lo Christ. It was uncommon in that, persons more than
fifty, sixty and seventy years of age, in considerable num- '
bers, appeared to be savingly wrought upon, and after
long courses of sin and opposition to their Saviour, to be-
come his humble and faithful followers.

The work was no less extraordinary as to the power
and quickness of it. Convictions were powerful, and ter-
rible, at once bowing down sinners to the very dust, strip-
ping them of every self justifying plea, and showing them
that they were wholly at the dis{)osal of a sovereign God,
against whom they had always been unreasonably and in-
excusably sinning: they saw that there was no help for
them, but through the mere sovereign mercy of God in
Christ. According to the best judgment which could be
formed, it was the opinion, that, in some towns and par-
ishes, fifteen, twenty, and even thirty persons, were in one
week, brought out of darkness into marvellous light. As
their convictions were powerful, and their distress, in some
instances, almost intolerable; so their light and joy, on a
change of heart, were unusually great. They appeared to
rejoice with joy unspeakable and full of glory. So gene-
ral was the religious concern where this work prevailed,
that a loose careless person could scarcely find a compan-
ion in the whole neighborhood. If any person appeared
to remain unconcerned, it was considered and spoken of
as a strange thing.

The work at this time, though extraordinary where it
prevailed, was comparatively but in a few places ; the
great body of the people through the colony, and the
country, remained secure as before ; and sin and inatten-
tion to the great concerns of eternity, seemed rather to be
increasing among the people in general, for about four or
five years from this time, until the commencement of the

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 143

great revival, as it has been called, in the years 1 740 and Book II.
1741. Though the effects of the work were happy, and ^,^'>/'>*ii^
great and abiding reformations were made in those places,
which had been visited so remarkably, in the preceding-
years, yet it had no apparently good and general effect on
other pjarts of the country. Family prayer and#eligion
were much neglected. Lectures previous to the sacra-
ment of the Lord's supper, and on other occasions, were
very thinly attended. On the Lord's day, there was not
that general and serious attention which had been in former
times. Too great formality and coldness appeared to at-
tend the public worship in general. The extraordinary
concern which had been in a number of towns and parish-
es, in 1735 and 1736, was a subject of very serious con-
sideration, and excited the prayers and hopes of pious
people, that there might be a general revival of religion
through the land. Some sinners were thought to become
more serious and thoughtful in consequence of it. Mr.
J^dwards, at the desire of Dr. Watts, and Dr. Guyse of
London, and Dr. Coleman of Boston, had written and pub-
lished a narrative of the said work, in 1738 ; attested by
a number of the neighbouring ministers who were eye wit-
nesses to it. In the mean time, religion appeared on the
decline : But few persons offered themselves to the com-
munion of the churches. It was also observed, that those
who did offer themselves, gave no account of any previ-
ous convictions, which they had obtained of their great
sin and misery, by nature and practice. It does not ap-
pear that ministers in general, at that time, made any par- ^
ticular enquiry of those whom they admitted to communion,
with respect to their internal feelings and exercises. The
Stoddardean opinion generally prevailed, at that period,
that unregenerate men could consistently covenant with
God, and when moral in their lives, had a right to sealing
ordinances. .

In 1740, there began a very great and general concern The great
among the people, for the salvation of their souls. The awaken-
awakening was more general and extraordinary, than any ^^^(.^jcut
ever before known. It extended to old and young, to and New-
gray-headed sinners, who had long accustomed themselves England,
to sin, and grown old in their iniquities ; and even to little
children. The sinners in Zion were afraid, and fearful-
ness surprised the hypocrites. The children of God re-
ceived the fresh anointings of the Spirit, and the spices of
their garden flowed out. The bride, in happy union with
the spirit, said, Come. This awakening reached the large
towns and cities, where iniquities and dissolute practices^

i44

HISTORY OP

Chap. VIH.

Great de-
sire and
zeal to
hear the
word.

Restraint
i'rojfi sin.

of all kinds, did generally most abound, as well as the
country towns and villages. The most thoughtless, secure
and hardened sinners, were awakened and made to cry
for mercy. Negroes and Indians, on Avhom before no im-
pression could be made, were heard with others, making
the grejffenquiry. Young people, among whom the work
was most general, forsook their merry meetings and youth-
ful diversions, became earnest to hear the Avord, met in
conferences, read good books, prayed, and sang praises to
God. People, in a wonderful manner, flocked together to
places of public Avorship, not only on the Lord's day, but
on lecture days, so that the places of Avorship could not
contain them. They Avould not only fill the houses, but
croAvd round the doors and Avindows Avithout, and press to-
gether Avherever they could hear the preacher. They
would not only thus assemble in their oAvn towns and pa-
rishes, when thp Avord Avas preached, but if they had the
knowledge of lectures in the neighbouring toAvns and pa-
rishes, they would attend them. Sometimes they Avould
folloAv the preacher from toAAu to tOAvn, and from one place
to another, for several days together. In soiiie instances,
in places but thinly settled, there Avould be such a con-
course, that no house could hold them.

There was in the minds of people, a general fear of sin,
and of the Avrath of God denounced against it. There
seemed to be a general conviction, that all the Avays of
man Avere before the eyes of the Lord. It Avas the opin-
ion of men of discernment and sound judgment, who had
the best opportunities of knowing the feelings and general
state of the people, at that period, that bags of gold and
silver, and other precious things, might, Avith safety, have
been laid in the streets, and that no man Avould have con-
verted them to his own use. Theft, Avantonness, intem-
perance, profaneness, sabbath-breaking, and other gross
sins, appeared to be put aAvay. The intermissions on the
Lord's day, instead of being spent in Avorldly conversa-
tion and vanity, as had been too usual before, were noAv
spent in religious conversation, in reading and singing the
praises of God. At lectures there was not only great at-
tention and seriousness, in the house of God, but the con-
versation out of it was generally on the great concerns of
the soul.

As the people Avere eager to hear the word, the feet of
those Avho published salvation Avere beautiful ; they were
greatly animated, filled with zeal, and, laboured abundant-
ly. Especially was this the case Avith those ministers who
fevoured the work. They not only preached abundantJj/

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT.

143

to their own people, and invited others to preach to them, Book II.
but they rode from town to town, to assist each other, and n-^-vnw'
preach to the people. They also improved all opportu- 1740^
nities to preach to vacant congregations. Sometimes they
rode to distant towns and societies, where the work was
very extraordinary, to encourage and bear testimony to the
good work, and by all means in their power to promote it.
In some instances a whole assembly, where the people be-
fore had been very unconcerned and vain, would be deeply
impressed and awakened under a single sermon.
, There was an extraordinary instance of this at Enfield.
While the people in the neighbouring towns were in great
distress for their souls, the inhabitants of that town were
very secure, loose and vain. A lecture had been appoint- Revival at
ed at Enfield, and the neighbouring people, the night be- Enfield,
fore, Avere so affected at the thoughtlessness of the inhabit- ji^i? ^""^
ants, and in such fear that God would, in his righteous
judgment, pass them by, while the divine showers were
falling all around them, as to be prostrate before him a
considerable part of it, supplicating mercy for their souls.
When the time appointed for the lecture came, a number
of the neighbouring ministers attended, and some from a
distance.* When tkey went into the meeting-house, the
appearance of the assembly was thoughtless and vain. The
people hardly conducted themselves with common decen-
cy. The Rev. Mr. Edwards, of Northampton, preached,
and before the serm6n was ended, the assembly appeared
deeply impressed and bowed down, with an awful convic-
tion of their sin and danger. There was such a breathing
of distress, and weeping, that the preacher was obliged to
speak to the people and desire silence, that he might be
heard. t This was the beginning of the same great and
prevailing concern in that place, with which the colony in
general was visited.

At New-London, Groton, Lyme, Stonington, Preston^ Revival at
and Norwich, as well as in other parts of the colony, and ^0*0^0""-"
some parts of Rhode-Island, the work was general and ton,' Lyme,
powerful. In the north part of New-London, under the &c.
pastoral care of the Rev. Mr. Jewett, there was a great
revival. It is estimated, that not less than twenty were
born again in one week. The church in Groton, under
the pastoral care of the Rev. John Owen, was favoured
with an accession of eighty members, in the term of five or

* Mr. Wheelock went from Connecticut, who gave me information of
the whole affair.

t The sermon was aftenvards printed and reprinted, with the title of
*,' Sinners in the hands of an anzrj God."

' T

liii HISTORY Of Chap. VII!»

Book II. six month?. The Rev. Mr. Parsons, and the Rev. George
'-,.#»-v-%i^ Griswold, of Lyme, experienced a large harvest. Mr-
1 740 Griswold admitted into his church one hundred English,
and and thirteen Indians. The Rev. Mr. Fish, of Stonington,
1741. about the same time, admitted to his communion one hun-
dred and four persons, consisting of both white and black.
The Avork was not equally general and powerful in all
places: it met with great opposition : some of the clergy
appeared in opposition to it, and would not suffer their
zealous brethren to preach in their pulpits, or in their'
parishes ; but great additions were made to the churches
in general. In many places this was, undoubtedly, done
with too litde caution and prudence. Great awakeningSj
convictions, and joys, and much zeal in religious concerns,
were taken for real conversion to God, when there was no
real change ; when the heart was left under the dominion
of pride and selfishness, and totally opposed to God and
holiness. There were, doubtless, two reasons why such
numbers were so hastily admitted to communion in the
churches. One was, that a great proportion of the clergy,
at that time, were of opinion, that unregenerate men, if ex-
ternally moral, ought to be admitted to all the ordinances.
The other was,- that they considered those things as an evi-
dence of a real change of heart and life, which were no
evidence of it at all. This afterwards appeared to be the
case in too many instances*
Revival at While this work was so remarkable in Connecticut, it
Westerly, reached some places of great security and irreligion in the
Islftfd!*^^' colony of Rhode-Island. In the town of Westerly, then
very extensive,* there was not known to be one praying
family, nor one person who professed religion, or even
one who believed some of the peculiar doctrines of the
gospel. In general, they were extremely opposed to the
doctrines of the divine sovereignty, of the total depravity
of the human heart, of regeneration by the supernatural in-
fluences of the divine Spirit, of justification by faith, wholly
on the account of the mediatorial righteousness. They
treated them even with scorn and ridicule. One Mr. Park
was sent into this place, by the board of commissioners for
Indian affairs, to preach to the Indians, and to such of the
English as would hear him. He took great pains to re-
form and indoctrinate the Indians and the people, but with
little success. He zealously preached the doctrines of the
reformation. But the more he preached them, the thinner

* Westerly then contained the whole tract within the towns of Westerly
and Charlestown, into which it has been state divided^ It was the tract
assigned to the Pequot Indiansj after their conquest.

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. Uf

his assemblies were, and the less the people appeared to Book II.
esteem him. Some, for a time, would not hear him. But ^^^^/-"^^
as he was certain that these were the peculiar doctrines of
ihe gospel, he continued faithfully to preach them. And
now, at this time of general awakening, it pleased God to
accompany them withhis blessing. A great and general
concern was effected, both among the English and Indians.
A church of between thirty and forty members, was formed
in the town. Among them v/ere six Indians and two ne-
groes. So great was the change now made, by divine
grace, that, in the houses where there had been neither
prayers nor praises, the scriptures were now searched,
prayers were constantly made, psalms and hymns were
sung to the honour of God and their blessed Redeemer.
The people appeared at once to be greatly enlightened in
the doctrines of the gospel, and now to love those very
doctrines which they had before so exceedingly disrelish-
ed, and even contemned. Mr. Park was now chosen and
ordained their pastor. Before this, but few of the Indians
attended his ministry, and those were not constant hearers;
but at this time, about an hundred became his steady
hearers.

About this time, the Rev. George Whitefield, a pious Mr.White-
young clergyman of the church of England, who had ^^^'^ ^^-
preached in some of the southern colonies in 1738, and^^^jj"^
afterwards in various parts of England and Scotland, with 1739,^ ■*
great applause and effect, came over a second time into
America. He landed at Philadelphia, the beginning of No-
vember, 1739. On his arrival he was invited to preach in
all the churches, and people of all denominations flocked
in crowds to hear him. After preaching a few days in
Philadelphia, he made a visit, upon the invitation of a cer-
tain gentleman, to NewrYork, and preached eight times in
that place with great applause and effect. Thence he re-
turned to Philadelphia, preaching on the way both going
and returning. He preached at Elizabethtown, Maiden-
head, Abington, Neshamini, Burlington and New-Bruns-
wick, in New-Jersey, to some thousands of people. There
had been a considerable awakening in that part of the
country before his arrival, by the instrumentality of Messrs.
William and Gilbert Tennant, Blair, Rowland, and a Mr.
Frelinghuysen, a young Dutch minister. He was met on
his way by old Mr. Tennant, as well as his sons, and had
the honor and pleasure of a visit from the Rev. Mr. Dickin-
son, President of the College, From Philadelphia he
went to Georgia by land, preaching on the way as he pro-
ceeded» Numbers followed, some twenty and some even

148

HISTORY OF

Chap. VIII,

Mr.White-

field's

character

and

preaching.

sixty miles, from Philadelphia. He preached at Chester,
Wilmington, Newcastle, and Whitely-Creek. At the last
of these places it was computed that his congregation con-
sisted of not less than ten thousand hearers.

He preached also, in various places in Maryland, in Vir-
ginia, and North-Carolina. He had an interview with the
governors of Maryland, and of Virginia, as he passed those
colonies, both of whom treated him with much civility.
When he came to Charleston in South-Carolina, he preach-
ed there three limes ; the people seemed almost universal-
ly impressed, and his preaching appeared not to be in vain»
These reports reaching New-England,^ there was a great
desire, both in ministers and people, to see and hear him.

The following account of his character and preaching,
nyas given by a gentleman of eminence and discernment,
and published at the time.

" He is of a sprightly, cheerful temper ; acts and moves
with great agility and life. The endowments of his mind
are very uncommon ; his wit is quick and piercing, his im-
agination lively and florid ; and both, as far as 1 can dis-
cern, under the direction of an exact and solid judgment.
He has a most ready memory, and I think, speaks entirely
without notes. He has a clear and musical voice, and a
wonderful command of it. He uses much gesture, but with
great propriety. Every accent of his voice, every motion
of his body, speaks ; and both are natural and unaffected.
If his delivery is the product of art, it is certainly the per-
fection of it ; for it is entirely concealed. He has a great
mastery of words, but studies much plainness of speech.

" His doctrine is right sterling ; I mean perfectly agree-
able to the Articles of ihe Church of England, to which he
often appeals for the truth of it. He loudly proclaims all
men by nature to be under sin, and obnoxious to the wrath
and curse of God. He maintains the absolute necessity of
supernatural grace to bring men out of this state. He as-
serts the righteousness of Christ to be the alone cause of
the justification of a sioner ; that this is received by faith ;
and that this faith is tlie gift of God ; and that where faith
is wrought, it brings the sinner, under the deepest sense; of
his guilt and unworthiness, to the footstool of sovereign
grace, to accept of mercy as the free gift of God, only for
Christ's sake. He asserts the absolute, necessity of the
new birth : That this new production is solely the work
of God's blessed spirit : That wherever it is wrought it is
a permanent and abiding principle, and that the gates of
iiell shall never prevail against iL"

|le generally preached twice, and sometimes three time^

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. U9

a day, and often had thousands of hearers. A gentleman Book II,
who had many scruples on his mind relative to him, at v..^-v->»-c
first, gives this account of his preaching and the effects 1731,
of it.

" Under this frame oj mind, I went to hear him in the
evening at the Presbyterian church, where he expounded
to above two thousand people within doors and without.
I never in my life saw so attentive an audience. Mr. WhitC"
field spake as one having authority. All he said wa.s de-
monstration, life and power. The people's eyes and ears
hung on his lips. They greedily devoured every word.
I came home astonished : I never saw nor heard the like :
Every scruple vanished ; and I said within myself, surely
God is with this man, of a truth."

The evening in which he preached his last lecture at
New- York, thousands came together to hear hiai; but as the
place was too strait for them, many were obliged to gQ
away, and it was said, with tears in their eyes, lamenting
their disappointment. These were the accounts given of
him at New-York.

A similar account, but more particular and ample, was
published respecting him at Charleston, in South-Carolina,
by a pious minister there, who had been favoured with the
best advantages to know him.* Speaking of the doctrines
which he preached, he says, " All these doctrines now
mentioned are primitive, protestant, puritanic ones, such
as our good fathers, conformists and dissenters, have filled
their writings with : and as Dr. Watts has well observed,
" they fill heaven apace, for God is with them." Speak-
ing of his praying and preaching, he says, " Though his
prayers in this pulpit were all extempore, yet how copious,
how ardent, with what compass of thought ! The spirit of
grace and supplication seemed to be poured upon him in
plenty, and to kindle and animate his devotions. He ap-
peared to me, in all his discourses, very deeply impressed in
his own heart. How did that burn and boil within him,
when he spake of the things which he had prepared con-
cerning the king ! In what a flaming light did he set our
eternity before us ! How earnestly did he press Christ
upon us ! How did he move our passions with the con-
straining love of such a Redeemer ! The awe, the silence,
the attention which sat upon the face of so great an au-
dience, was an argument how he could reign over all their
powers. So charmed were people with his manner of ad-
dress, that they shut up their shops, forgot their secular bu-

* The Rev. Samuel Smith, in a S^I'irqPj v^hkh ha^? sint'? been piibHf'hfijcJ^
ip-itb Mr. WhJtelJeld's serpa:Qm» ' '

150 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII.

Book II. siness, and laid aside their schemes fm' the world ; and the
^i^^^ry^^ oftener he preached, the keener edge he seemed to put
1740. upon their desires ol' hearing him again. How awfully,
with what thunder and sound, did he discharge the artillery
of heaven upon us ! And yet, how could he soften and melt
even a soldier of Ulysses, with the love and mercy of God !
How close and strong were his applications to conscience ;
mingling light and heat, pointing the arrows of the Almighty
to the hearts of sinners, while he poured in balm upon
the wounds of the contrite, and made the broken bones to
rejoice ! Eternal themes, the solemnities of our holy relig-
ion, were all alive upon his tongue. He appears to me to
be a man full of the Holy Ghost and of faith."

On the spreading abroad of these reports, those eminent
men. Dr. Coleman and Mr. Cooper of Boston, sent letters
to Mr. Whitefield, with pressing invitations that he would
visit New-England. Mr. Whitefield, touched with a curios-
ity to see the descendants of the good old Puritans, and
their seats of learning, and hoping that he might make some
further collections for the orphan house, accepted their in-
Mr.White- vitation. He embarked at Charleston for New-England,
field ar- about the last of August, 1 740, and arrived at Rhode-Island
New-En?- ^'^ ^^^ Lord's day, September 14th. Here a number of
land. principal gentlemen soon waited on him. Among them
was the venerable Mr, Clap, an aged minister of the first
congregational church in the town. Mr. Whitefield was
greatly delighted in him, and imagined he saw in him, what
manner of men the old Puritans, who planted New-Eng-
land, were. He preached there three days, twice a day,
to deeply affected auditories. He then departed for Bos-
Arrives in ton, where he arrived on Thursday evening. He was met
*^^ on the road by the governor's son, several of the clergy,

and other gentlemen of principal character, who conducted
him into the city.

He preached the next day for Dr. Coleman and Mr.
Cooper, and then at Dr. Sewall's and Mr. Prince's, and
at the other meetings in rotation, but his assemblies were
so large that the most capacious houses could not contain
them, and he often preached on the common. On the
Lord's day he preached for Dr. Coleman. Ministers and
people were deeply affected. Dr. Coleman observed, " it
was thehappic'.tday he ever saw." He preached also at
Cambridge, Marblehead, Ipswich, Newbury, Hampton,
York, Portsmouth, Salem and Maiden, to numerous con-
gregations. In about a week, he preached sixteen times
and rode an hundred and seventy miles. He returned to
Boston, on the 6th of October, Here the number of hi^

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 151*

hearers was exceedingly increased. It was supposed that Book IL
his hearers, at his last sermon, when he took leave of the ■-^.^'-sy-^^
town, were not less than twenty thousand.* 1740.

The revival which had been in Connecticut and various
other places in the country, had not reached Boston, until
after Mr. Whitefield's arrival. The ministers of the town,
had appointed lectures, and taken much pains to call up
the attention of the people to the vast concerns of eternity,
but they were unsuccessful ; the lectures were so thinly at-
tended that they were greatly discouraged. Mr. Whitefield
took notice of it, and pressed the people to reform, and
through his instrumentality, there was a remarkable alter-
ation. The congregations became fall and solemn, and
llje people flowed unto the house of the Lord.

The people now wanted to hear more preaching than was RevHal of
common. In consideration of thi?, public notice was giv- ^"o'°" "^
en, that there would be a lecture on the Tuesday evening,
■weekly. It was the first stated evening lecture ever ap-
pointed in that part of New-England. When the evening
came, the house appeared no less crowded than if Mr.
Whitefield had been there. Dr. Coleman preached an ani-
mating sermon, from Isaiah, Ix. 8. Who are these, that
fly as a cloud, and as the doves to their windows ? Thus
he began :

" It is a pleasant and wondrous thing, to see souls flying
unto Jesus Christ, to the means of grace and salvation,
■which he hath ordained and sanctified, and into the church.
If this were not the proper and natural sense of the pro-
phet's words, I would not have chosen them for the opening
of the present lecture.

" Our dear people, your ministers have with pleasure
seen you in the weeks past, old and young, parents and
children, masters and servants, high and low, rich and
poor together, gathering and passing as clouds in our
streets, and as doves on the wing, in flocks flying to the
doors and windows of our places of worship ; and hover-
ing about the same, those that could not get in.

" The fame of a singular, fervent and holy youth, and
extraordinary servant and minister of Jesus Christ, who
makes his angels spirits and his ministers a flame of fire,
had prepared you for his visit ; and with raised expecta-
tions we received him, even as an angel of God for Jesus*
sake, as the apostle St. Paul was received by the church*-
es of Galatia.

"God gave him a wonderful manner of entrance among
us, as in other places before us, among the brethren of our
* Lgtter of Mr. Cooper, a,nel- Whitefield'? H't,

152 HISTORY or Chap. ¥111;

Book II. uenomination •, and we were sometimes melted together in
''-^"^'^^O tears, ministers and people, parents and children, under the
1740. commanding address of love to his Saviour and our souls.
We led you with visible pleasure i"n our faces to the solemn
and great assemblies, and looked on you there with great
satisfaction, in your uncommon regards to the beloved ser-
vant of Christ, for the truth's sake that dwelleth in him,
and the love of the spirit filling him and reigning in his
ministrations to us.

" And now, our beloved brethren and sisters, you and
your children, we are going to prove, confirm and in-
crease, by the will of God, the seeming good dispositions
begun or revived in you, toward Christ and his word, in
a just, reasonable, and pious care and solicitude for your
.'^Ivation.

" Mr. Wliitcfield, once and again, in his admonitions to
you, and also, in his fervent, righteous and effectual prayers
for you, by the will of God, led you into the trial and
proof of yourselves, whether, when he was gone from us.
you would better attend on the nrtinistry of your own pastors,
both on sabbaths and lectm-es ? For he had heard (and it
was too true) that there had been a great defect in that
point among you, before he came. Some of your minis-
ters, therefore, now make a new tender of themselves to you,
in the fear and love of God, in this new lecture for the ser-
l^ice of your souls, if you will encourage them by a like
attendance on it, as we have lately seen you give to the
ivord preached*

" \Ye preach the same Christ, the same doctrines, of
grace according to godliness, with the same gospel mo-
lives and arguments, applications to consciencey and sup-
plications to God, for you," &c. &;c.

This was the beginning of the most extraordinary revi-
val of religion ever experienced in Boston, or in that part
of New-England. The religious concern continued and
increased all winter. Hundreds of people flocked to theii-
ministers for instruction and comfort under spiritual trou-
bles. Never had they experienced any thing to be com-
pared with it.

When Mr. Whitefield left Boston, it was for Northamp-
ton, He had read in England, the narrative of Mr. Ed-
wards, of the remarkable work of God in that place, in
1735, and had a great desii'e to see him and receive the ac-
count from his own mouth. On his way, he preached at
Concord, Sudbury, Marlborough, Worcester, Leicester,
end Fladley. Pulpits and houses were every where open-
ed to him, and the same happy influence and effects attend-

Ckap. VII. CONISTI'CTICUT. 13^

ijd his preaching, which had been experienced in other BaoKlL
places. v-^^^v'-*^

When he arrived at Northampton, about the middle of Mr. Whiter
October, he was ioyfuUy received by Mr. Edwards and ^^^^ ,
ihe people. He preached four sermons in the meeting at North-
house, and a private lecture at Mr. Edwards'. The con- aranton.
gregation was affected in a very i^traordinary manner.
Almost the whole assembly were in tears during a great
part of the sermon. ¥/hen he came to remind them of the
great things which God had done for them in the former
work among them, says the writer of his life, " It was like
putting fire to tinder -, both minister and people were much
moved." His discourses were happily adapted to the
circumstances of the town, containing just reproofs for
backsliding, and pleaded with them the great mercies
•which they had received, and the high professions which
they had made, as arguments to encourage them to return
unto God, in all holiness of heart and life. Immediately
after his preaching, the minds of the people appeared more
engaged in religion. The revival appeared at first
principally among professors ; but it soon became more
general and more powerful than the former work ^
and especially it was more remarkable and general
among children. Many cried out and sunk down under
awakenings ; others were overcome with joy, and fainted
under the views they had of the exceeding glory and ex-
cellency of their Saviour, and of divine truths and beau-
ties.

After leaving Northampton, he preached at Westfield,
Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford, Weathersfield,
Middletown and Wallingford, to large and affected congre-
gations.

On the 23d of October, he reached New-Haven. Here
he was affectionately received by Mr. James Pierpont,
brother-in-law to Mr. Edwards. As the General Assem-
bly were then sitting, he tarried until Lord's day, and had
the pleasure of seeing numbers daily impressed. Severai
ministers waited on him, with whose pious conversation
he was much refreshed. He paid a visit to governor Tal-
cott, who said to him, " thanks be to God, far such re-
freshings in our way to heaven."

After the sabbath, he preached at Milford, and prose-
cuting his journey to New- York, and the southern colo^ .
nies, he preached with his usual popularity and success,
at Stratford, Fairfield, Norwalk and Stamford. Taking
leave of Connecticut, he preached at Rye and King!^-
jzridge, and on the thirtieth Optoberj arrived at New*
U

154 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII.

.Book II. York. He preached three days at New- York, and
v-rf'-N/-^^ then departed, preaching through the southern colonies,
1740* as he had done before, but apparently with greater suc-
cess.

In December, he arrived at Charleston, in South-Caroli-
na, where he makes the following remarks : " It is now
the seventy-fifth day since I arrived at Rhode-Island. My
body was then weak, but the Lord hath much renewed its
strength. I have been enabled to preach, I think, an hun-
dred and seventy-five times in public, besides exhorting
frequently in private. 1 have travelled upwards of eight
hundred miles, and have gotten upwards of seven hundred
pounds sterling, in goods, provisions, and money, for the
Georgia orphans. Never did I perform my journey with
so little fatigue, or see such a continuance of the divine
presence in the congregations" to whom I have preached.
Praise the Lord, O my soul."

By letters written to him and of him, it appears he was
the instrument of great good in New-England, as well as
in the southern colonies. He greatly quickened and ani-
mated ministers as well as private christians ; convinced,
and was instrumental in converting sinners ; thus promot-
ing the work of the Lord, especially in Massachusetts and
Connecticut.
Accr.unt of Another instrument in this good work, from abroad, was
m'^t^^'^' ^^'^s ^^'* Gilbert Tennant. He had been very successful
in his labors among his own people, and others in the
neighbouring towns, in New-Jersey, and was sent by the
Presbytery, or a number of ministers in his vicinity, to
preach in New-England, and assist in promoting the good
work which had been so remarkably begun. He had
much hesitation relative to the undertaking ; but after
much prayerfulness and advice, he consented to make a
journey into these parts. He was a sound, experimental,
searching preacher ; a son of thunder. He designed to
labour principally at Boston ; but to preach through the
country, going and.returning. He is represented as doing
special service in his preaching. He came into Connec-
ticut soon after Mr. Whitefield went to the southward.
His preaching was powerful,* and appeared to have hap-
py effects. He reached Boston about the middle of De-
cember. The assemblies had been full from the time of
Mr. Whitefield's preaching there, until this time, but by
iiis preaching, the concern became more general and pow-
erful. A gentleman who had been famous for preaching
both in England and America and had heard Mr. White-
field repeatedly, gives this character of Mr. Tennant:

Chap. VlII. CONNECTICUT. 155f

'■ He seemed to have as deep an acquaintance with the ex- Book IL
perimental part of rehgion, as any I have conversed with; ^^-^r^*^^
and his preaching was as searching and rousing as ever I 1740.
heard. He seemed to have no regard to please the eyes of
his hearers with agreeable gesture, nor their ears with de-
livery, nor their fancy with language ; but to aim directly
at their hearts and consciences, to lay open their ruinous
delusions, show them their numerous, secret, hypocritical
shifts in religion, and drive them out of every deceitful re-
fuge, wherein they made themselves easy with the form of
godliness without the power. And many who were pleas.-
ed in good conceit of themselves before, now found, to
their great distress, that they were only self-deceived hypo-
crites.

" From the terrible and deep convictions he had passed
through in his own soul, he seemed to have such a lively
view of the divine majesty, the spirituality, purity, and ex-
tensiveness of his law, with his glorious holiness and displea-
sure at sin ; his justice, truth and power in punishing the
damned •, that the very terrors of God, seemed to rise in
his mind afresh, when he displayed and brandished them
in the eyes of unreconciled sinners. And though some
could not bear his preaching, yet the arrows of convic-
tion, by his ministry, seemed so deeply to pierce the hearts
of others, and even some of the most stubborn sinners, as
to make them fall down at the feet of Christ, and yield a
lowly submission to him."

He preached in Boston principally for more than two
months. His preaching, and the great and general en-
quiry of the people after the way of life, caused the minis-
ters to treat more largely of the operations of the spirit of
grace, as a spirit of conviction and conversion, consola-
tion and edification in the souls of men, agreeable to the-
holy scriptures, and the common esperiences of true be-
lievers.*

In Connecticut, the work was more powerful than in
Boston. In many places, people would cry out, in the time
of public worship, under a sense of their overbearing guilt
and misery, and the all-consuming wrath of God, due to
them for their iniquities ; others would faint and swoon
under the affecting views which they had of God and
Christ ; some woflld weep and sob, and there would
sometimes be so much noise among the people, in particu-
lar places, that it was with difficulty that the preacher
could be heard. In some few instances, it seems, that the
minister has not been able to finish his discourse, there has
* Priace's accouat of the work of God ia Boston.

ma-

HISTORY OF

Chap. VUt

1741.

Book II. been so much crying out and disturljance. This was the
H-^'>''>w case in some places, not only on the sabbath, but at public
lectures, and also at lectures in private houses. Thus it
was in various places, not only in Connecticut, but in other
parts af New-England.

When persons, whs bad cried out in the time of public
worship, or had sv^ooned, and appeared unable to endure •
the things which they had heard ov seen, were by them-
selves, in the interims of public Vv'orship, the people would
crowd around them, to inquire what they had seen or felt,
which had so affected them; and they sometimes would
j^ive such an account of their view of their sins, and of the
dreadfulness of the wrath of God due to them, as would ex-
ceedingly affect others, and be a means of great awakening
and concern in them. In like manner, the accounts which
some gave of the ove!?comiiig sease which they had of the
greatnessy holines.^, justice, goodness, iruth, and faithful-
ness of God; of the love of Christ; his willingness and
suthciency to save, even the ctiief of sinners, would seem
very greatly to move others. In this way convictions were
increased, and the work promoted.

Connecticut was more remarkably the seat of the worfc
than aay part of New-England, or of the American colo-
nies. In the years 1740, 1741 and 1742, it had pervaded,
in a greater or less degree, every part of the colony. In.
most of the towns and societies, it was very, general and
powerful.

The hbours and expertses- of ministers were now great,
beyond any thing which they had ever before experienced.
The people wanted continual preaching. It was difficult
to satisfy them. At the same time, there would be consid-
erable numbers of them under distress of mind, and in-
quiring the way- to Zion, During this period, more per-
sons repaired to their ministers, for religious conversation
and direction, than did, in ordinary times, during the whole
course of their ministry.* Not only the people of theii
own^ parishes, but from other towns, and some fc?om a dis-
tance, resorted to them for instruction and counsel. Num-
bers, who had for many years been professors of religion,
were convinced, that their hope was no other than the hope

* Mr. Prince, in his account of the awakening in Boston, says, " The.
Rev. Mr, Cooper was wont to say, that more came to him in one week,
in deep concern about their souls, than in the whole twenty-four years cik"
his preceding ministry. I can also say the same, as to the numbers who
repaired to me. By Mr. Cooper's letter to a friend in Scotland, it appears
about six hundred different persons applied to him in three months tim6 ;
and Mr. Webb informs roe, he has had, in the same space, above a thott
ssmd,-?'

Abundant
labours
and ex-
penses of
ministers.

Chap. Vllt. CONNECTICUT, la^?

of the hypocrite, which would most certainly p6ri¥;h, when Book TL
God shonld take away the soul. They became no less w>/'-'s*/
earnest iaquirers after the way of life than others. In many 1 741 .
instances, the minister was entirely opposed to the work,
and they could obtain no light or satisfaction in conversing
w^ith him, and naturally repaired to those who were zeal-
ous in promoting the Lord's work. Some of the clergy
•were so thronged with company, and were at so much ex-
pense, as in a considerable degree to injure their estates.

The reverend gentlemen who most favoured the work in Ministers
Conuecticut, while others opposed it with all their power, ^j||j°Jd\h&
were Whitman, of Hartford; Lockwood, of Weathersfield ; religious
Joseph Meacham, of Coventry, Lord, of Norwich; Wil- revival,
liams, of Lebanon ; Parsons, of Lyme ; Owen, of Groton ;
Fomeroy and Wheelock : In the county of New-Haven^
Humphrey, Leavenworth, Allen, and Robbins of Bran-
ford : In the counties of Fairfield and Litchfield, Mills, of
Ripton ; Graham, of Woodbury ; Farrand, of Canaan ; and
Bellamy, of Bethlem. But the most zealous and laborioun
in the cause, who took the most pains, and spent the most
property in the service of their Master, were the Rev.
Messrs. Jedediah Mills, Benjamin Pomeroy , Eleazar Whee-
lock, and Joseph Bellamy. They were not only abundant
in labours among their own people, and in neighbouring
towns and societies ; but they preached in all parts of the*
colony^ where their brethren would admit them, and in
many places in Massachusetts, and the other colonies. They
were very popular, and their labours were generally ac-
ceptable to their brethren, and useful to the people. They
were not nc:=;y preachers-, bat grave, sentimental, search-
ing, and pungent.

Mr, afterwards Dr. Pomeroy, was a man of real genius. Character
grave, solemn, and weighty in his discourses j they were^'Mr.
generally well composed, and delivered with a great de- ^™^^'*y"
gree of animation, zeal and affection. He appeared to
h^e a deep concern for the salvation of his hearers ; and
often, in his addresses to them, and in his expostulations
and pleadings with them to be reconciled to God, to for-
sake the foolish and live, would melt into tears and weep
over them. His language was good, and he might be reck- ,
oned among the best preachers of his day. He could set
the terrors pf the Lord in awful array before sinners, and
show them, in an alarming manner, the slippery places oa
which they stood. With equal advantage, he could repre-
sent the wonders of Christ's love, his glory, the sufficien-
cy of his righteousness, and the blessedness of all who wouici
be reconciled, unto Goo through him. -,

153 . HISTORY or Chap. VIII.

Book IL Mr. afterwards Doctor nnd President Wheelock, was a
v.^''>^^«w' gentleman of a comely tigure, of a mild and winning aspect ;
nS6. his Voice smooth and harmonious, the best, by far, that I
Character ever heard. He had the entire command of it. His ges-
wf^^'i h '^^"^ ^^'^^ natm-al, but not redundant. His preaching and
' addresses were close and pungent, and yet winning, be-
yond almost all comparison, so that his audience would be
melted even into tears, before they were aware of it.
The doctrines preached by tiiose famous men, who were
loctrnies Q^yj^gj as'the principal instruments of this extraordinary

wlucli they . . J 1 . •'

preac Led. I'Gvival of God's w^ork, were the doctrines of the reforma-
tion : — the doctrine of original sin, of regeneration by the
supernatural influences of the divine Spirit, and of the ab-
sohite necessity of it, that any man might bear good fruit,
or ever be admitted into the kingdom of God ; effectual
calling, justification by faith, wdiolly on the account of the
imputed righteousness of Jesus Christ ; repentance to-
ward God, and faith tow"ard our Lord Jesus Christ; the
perseverance of the saints ; the in-dwelling influences of
the Holy Spirit in them ; and its divine consolations and
joys.

They look great pains to detect the hypocrite, to ex-
hibit his character and danger. President Wheelock had
a sermon from Job xxvii. 8th : " What is the hope of the
ii3'pocrite, though he hath gained, when God takelh away
liissoul?" — in which he described the hypocrite, showed
how far a man might go in religion, and after all be no
more than a hypocrite. He then showed the miserable
end of the hypocrite ; that notwithstanding all the riches of
fame, which the hypocrite had gained, or whr»3ver degree
of hope of good things in this world, or in that which is to
come, he might gain, God would bring him to the grave j
and when he should take away his soul, all his expectations
would fail. His deceit and wickedness Avould all be made
manifest, and he would be brought forth at last to public
shame and contempt. The foliy and danger of hypocri-
sy, the dreadful condition and fearful end of hypocrites,
were exhibited in a strong and awful point of light. The
audience were pressed by all means to be Christians in-
deed, and not to deceive themselves, and perish with the
hope of the hypocrite. He had another sermon, v/hich he
jjreached with success, from Mark xvi. 16, He that be-
lieveth and is baptized, shall be saved ; but he that believ-
eth not, shall be damned. In this sermon, he described a
saving faith in Christ, and gave many distinguishing marks
ol it. At the same time he insisted that all, without excep-
tion, who would not believe, would most certainly be damn-

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 159

ed. These sermons I find particularly mentioned, in the Book II.
narratives given of the awakenings, as having been attend- v-^-sr>^^
ed with happy elTects. Concerning this latter sermon, 1742.
which he preached at Taunton, at the beginning of the
awakening there, it is written, " Many v/ere awakened and"
pricked in their hearts : Zion's king rode triumphant upon
the word of truth."

Mr. afterward Dr. Bellamy, was a large and well built q^. Eella-
raan, of a commanding appearance ; had a smooth, strong my's cha-
voice, and could fill the largest house without any unnatu- r^cter and
ral elevation. He possessed a truly great mind, generally ^^^^^ '°^*
preached without notes, had some great point of doctrine
commonly to establish, and would keep close to his point
until he had sufficiently illustrated it ; then, in an ingen-
ious, close, and pungent manner, he would make the ap-
plication. When he felt well, and was animated by a large
and attentive audience, he would preach incomparably.
Though he paid little attention to language, yet when he
became warm and was filled with his subject, he would, '
.from the native vigor of his soul, produce the most com-
manding strokes of eloquence, making his audience alive.
There is nothing to be found in his v>'ri tings, though a sound
and great divine, equal to what was to be seen and heard
in his preaching. His pulpit talents exceeded all his other
gifts. It is difficult for any man, who never heard him, to
form a just idea of the force and beauty of his preaching.

While I was an undergraduate at New-Haven, the Doc- Preachin"-
tor preached a lecture for Mr. Bird. At the time appoint- at New-°
ed, there was a full house. The Doctor prayed and sai\g ; Haven,
ihen rose before a great assembly, apparently full of expec-
tation, and read, Deut. xxvii. 26, " Cursed be he that con-
firmeth not all the words of this law to do them : and all
the people shall say, Amen." The number and appear- *
ance of the people animated the preacher, and he instant-
ly presented them with a view of the twelve tribes of Isra-
el assembled on Mount Ebal and Mount Gerrizim, accord-
ing to the divine appointment, and the audience were made
to hear the Levites distinctly reading the curses, and all
the thousands of Jacob repeating them, uttering aloud their
approving Amen. Twelve times says the Doctor, it goes,
round, round, round all the camp of Israel, Cursed be the
man who committeth this or the other iniquity. Nay,
round it goes, through all the thousands of God's chosen
people, Cursed be he that confirmeth not all the words of
this law to do them : and all the people shall say, Amen.
By universal consent, (the approving Amen, of all the
congregation of Israel,) he who did not yield a cheerful

160 mSTORY OF Chap. Vili,

Book II. and universal obedience to the whole hw, was cursed*
v^-v^^w* From this striking and general view of the subject, the
Doctor observed, that it was the ancien-t doctrine of the
church, which God took great pains to teach them, that
every sin deserved the eternal curse and damnation of
God : or that the wages of every sin was death. Having,
from a variety of views, established this leading point ;
tliat all parties might be treated fairly, he brought the ob-
jector on to the stage, to remonstrate against the doctrine
he had advanced. When he had offered his objections,
Gabriel was brought down to show him the futility of his
objections, and the presumption and impiety of making
them against the divine law and government. They were
clearly answered, and the opponent was triumphantly swept
from the stage. The argument gained strength and beauty
through the whole progress. The deductions were sol-'
cmn and important. The absolute need of an atonement
that sin might be pardoned, or one of the human race sav-
ed : the impossibility of justification by the deeds of the-
law : the immaculate holiness and justice of God in the
damnation of sinners. They were stripped naked, and
iheir only hope and safety appeared to be an immediate
ilight to the city of refuge. The truths of the gospel were
established, and God was glorified. No man was more
ihoroughly set for the defence of the gospel.
The work This glorious work of God, which had effected such a
injured by wonderful reformation of manners through the country, was
and nnpru- "^^^^'^^ and greaUy injured by many imprudences and ir-
denc'ec, regularities ; and was most violently opposed by ministers,
and vio- "by magistrates, by cruel and persecuting laws, by re-
Dosed °^' prO'^^^^5 ^"'^ misrepresentation, and all other ways and
means whiqh its adversaries could invent.

Many lay exhorters sprang up among the people, espe-
cially in the counties of New-London and Windham ; and
among some, there appeared an inclination to follow im-
pulses, and a pretence to know the state of men's souls ;
who were converted, and who were not.

At the same time, there was a Mr. James Davenport, of

enport^s^' Southhold, on Long-Island, who had been esteemed a pious,

impru- sound, and faithful minister, but now became zealous be-

dence and yond measure ; made a visit to Connecticut, and preached

wildness. ^^ New-Haven, Branford, Stonington, and various other

places ; and went on as far as Boston. He gave an unre-

►strained liberty to noise and outcry, both of distress and

joy, in time of divine service. He promoted both with all

his might, raising his voice to the highest pitch, together

ivjth the most violent agitations of body. With his un.n^?"

Chap. VHI. CONNECTICUT. 16i

ural and violent agitations of the body, he united a strange Book IL
singing tone which mightily tended to raise the feelings s-^-v^s-.*
of weak and undiscerning people, and consequently to 1741„
heighten the confusion among the passionate of his hear-
ers. This odd, disagreeable tuning of the voice, in exer-
cises of devotion, was caught by the zealous exhorters,
and became a characteristic- of the separate preachers.
The wiiole sect were distinguished by this sanctimonious
tone. It was Mr. Davenport's manner, when a number
had cried out, and there had been great agitations of body,
to pronounce them tokens of divine favour ; and what was
still worse, he^ would declare those persons who were the
subjects of those outcries and agitations, to be converted ;
or that they had come to Christ 5 which were gross and
dangerous errors. Bodily agitations and outcries were no
evidences of grace. He was further, the great encourager,
if not the first setter up of public exhorters, not restrict-
ing them according to the gospel rule of brotherly exhor-
tation ; but encouraging any who were reputed to be lively,
zealous christians, to exhort publicly in full assemblies,
with ministerial assurance and authority, though altogether
raw and unskilful in the word of righteousness. What
had stilt a more mischievous influence than all the rest,
was his undertaking to examine his brethren in the minis-
try, as to their spiritual state, and publicly to decide con-
cerning them, whether they were converted or unconvert-
ed. Some, whom he had privately examined, and to all
appearance, men of as much grace as himself, he would in
his public prayers pronounce unconverted. Such as re-
fused to be examined by him, Were certain to be denounc-
ed, as either unconverted, or in a very doubtful condition*
Thus, disorder, jealousy and confusion, were sown in the.
churches. He represented it as a dreadful thing to hear
unconverted ministers ; that their preaching was worse
than poison ; and he warned the people against it.

His brethren remonstrated against these wild measures,
and represented to him, that he must be under the influ-
ence of a wrong spirit ; but he persisted in his measures.
At Charlestown, in Massachusetts, he withdrew from the
communion, on the Lord's day, pretending that he had
scruples as to the conversion of the minister. The Bostoa
ministers disapproved of his conduct, and rejected him.
He was complained of, and brought before the general
court of Massachusetts, and was dismissed as not being of
a sound mind.

His conduct had a pernicious influence. on the people,
a,nd seems to have given rise to many errors which sprang

V

IG2 lilSTORY CfF' Chap. TlIT'

Book II. up in the cluirches about this time, and to have been in-
^-^-v^w/ stnimental in the separations which soon took place in sev-
1742. eralofthe churches, and gave great occasion of scandal
to the enemies of the revival. Every thing was said
reproachful of it, which its enemies could invent. By
some it Avas termed a distemper, which affected the mind
and filled it with unnecessary concern and gloominess ; by
ethers it was termed the work of the devil ; by others, qua-
kerrsm, enthusiasm, antinomianism and distraction. The
zealous experimental christians were termed neto lights,
following an ignis. fatuvs, which would lead them to des-
truction.

Some of the leading ministers in the colony, were most
bitter enemies to the revival, and to their brethren who
were instrumental in promoting it. This was the case iu
general with the magistrates and princi])al gentlemen in
the commonwealth. They employed all their art anw
power to suppress it, and to keep all zealous ministers,
who favoured the work, as far as possible out of the colo-
ny, and to confine all the zealous preachers of the doc-
trines of the reformation to their own pulpits*

Governor Talcott, who called those days, times of re-
freshing, was now no more ; and Jonathan Law, Esq. a
gentleman of a different character, was chosen governor^
Under his administration, a number of severe and perse-
cuting laws were enacted, Qnd the laws which had been
enacted in favor of sober consciences were repealed.

In May, 1742, the General Assembly passed the follow-
ing act, prefaced in the following manner :.
EcclasiaE- u "w^hei-eas, this assembly did by their act, made in the
May 1742. 27th year of queen Anne, establish and confirm a confes-
sion of faith, and an agreement for ecclesiastical disci-
pline, made at Saybrook, Anno Domini, 1708, by the
Rev. elders and messengers delegated by the churches in
this colony, for that purpose ; under ivhich establishment,
his majesty's subjects inhabiting in this colony, have en-
joyed great peace and quietness,. 'till of late, sundry per-
sons have been guilty of disorderly and irregular prac-
tices, whf reupon this assembly did direct to the calling of
^ general consociation,- at Guilford^ in November last,
which said consociation was convened accordingly : at
■svhich convention, it was endeavoured to prevent the
growing disorders among the ministers that have been or-
dained, or licensed by the associations in the government
to preach, and likewise to prevent divisions and disorders
among the churches, and ecclesiastical societies, settled by
ffrdev of thi» assemblv :•

Chap. Vm. CONNECTICUT. 163

" Notwithstanding which, divers of the ministers or- Book TL
dained as aforesaid, and others licensed to preach by some v-^^v^n*^
of the associations allowed by Jaw, have taken upon them, May, 1742.
without any lawful call, to go into parishes, immediately
under the care of other ministers, and there to preach to
and teach the people ; and also sundry persons, who are
very illiterate, and have no ecclesiastical character, or
any authority whatsoever to preach or teach, have taken
it upon them publicly to teach and exhort the people, in
matters of religion, both as to doctrine and practice ; which
practices have a tendency to make divisions and conten-
tions among the people in this colony, and to destroy the
ecclesiastical constitution established by the laws of this
government, and also to hinder the growth and increase of
vital piety and godliness in the churches ; and also to in-
troduce unqualiiied persons into the ministry ; and more
especially where one association, doth intermeddle with
^he aftairs, that by the platform and agreement above said,
made at Saybrook, aforesaid, are properly within the pro-
vince and jurisdiction of another association, as to the li-
censing persons to preach, and ordaining ministers : there-
fore,

" 1 , Be it enacted by the governor, council and repre-
sentatives in general court assembled, and by the authori-
ty of the same, that if any ordained minister, or any other
person licensed as aforesaid, to preach, shall enter into
any parish jiot immediately under his charge, and shall
there preach and exhort the people, he shall be denied
and excluded the benefit of any law of this colony, made
for the support and encouragement of the gospel ministry,
except such ordained minister, or licensed person, shall
be expressly invited and desired to enter into such parish,
and there to preach and exhort the people, by the settled
minister, and the major part of the church and society
Avithin such parish.

" 2. And it is further enacted by the authority afore-
said, that if any association of ministers shall undertake to
examine or license any candidate for the gospel ministry,
or assume to themselves the decision of any controversy,
or as an association counsel and advise in any affair that
by the platform, or agreement above mentioned, made at
Saybrook, aforesaid, is properly within the province and
jurisdiction of another association, then and in such case
every member that shall be present in such association so
licensing, deciding or counselling, shall be each and every
one of them, denied and excluded the benefit of any law in
this colony, for the encouragcnjjent ai;d support of the gof ■
pelinini'^^try.

J 64 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII.

Book II. " 3. And it is further enacted, by the authority afore-
<^.«<->r>,i^ said, That if any minister, or ministers, contrary to the
true intent and meaning of this act, shall presume to preach
in any parish, not under his immediate care and charge,
the minister of the parish where he shall so offend, or the
civil authority, er any of the committee of said parish,
shall give information thereof, in writing, under their
hands, to the clerk of the society or parish where such of-
fending minister doth belong, which clerk shall receive
such information, and lodge and keep the same on file, in
his office, and no assistant or justice of the peace, in this
colony, shall sign any warrant for the collecting any min-
ister's rate, without first receiving a certificate from the
clerk of the society, or parish, where such rate is to be
collected, that no such information as is above mention-
ed, hath been received by him, or lodged in his office.
" 4. And be it further enacted, by the authority afore-
said, that if any person whatsoever, that is not a settled
' of ordained minister, shall go into any parish, without the
express desire and invitation of the settled minister of such
parish, if any there be, and the major part of the cl;iurch
and congregation within such parish, and publicly teach and
exhort the people, shall, for every such offence, upon com-
plaint made thereof to any assistant or justice of the peace,
be bound to his peaceable and good behaviour, until the
next county court in that county where the offence shall
be committed, by said assistant or justice of the peace, in
the penal sum of one hundred pounds lawful money, that
he or they will not offend again in the like kind ; and the
said county court may, if they see meet, further bind the
said person or persons, oflending as aforesaid, to their
peaceable and good behaviour, during the pleasure of the
court.

" 5. And it is further enacted, by the authority aforesaid,
That if any foreigner or stranger, that is not an inhabitant
of this colony, including as well such persons as have no
ecclesiastical character, or license to preach, or such as
have received ordination or license to preach, by any as-
sociation or presbytery, shall presume to preach, teach, or
publicly exhort, in any town or society within this colony,
"ivithout the desire and license of the settled minister, and
the major part of the church of such town and society, or at
the call and desire of the church and inhabitants of such
town or society, provided that it so happen that there be
no settled minister there, that every such preacher, teacher,
or exhorter, shall be sent, as a vagrant person, by warrant

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 163

iVom any assistant or justice of the peace, from constable Book II.
to constable, out of the bounds of this colony."* v-«'->/-^x«/

lYhat ministers composed the general association at 1742.
Guilford, cannot be known, as there is not the least min-
ute of any such council on the records of the general as-
sociation, nor is there any intimation of the result or do-
ings of it, any further than what is found in the preamble
to this extraordinary act, and in references to it, by asso-
ciations and'consociations afterwards. But it undoubtedl)'^
gave countenance to this, and other violent measures,
adopted and pursued by the legislature ; and was a con- Ob?erva-
certed plan of the old lights, or Arminians, both among |j^"^""
the clergy and civilians, to suppress, as far as possible, all
the zealous and Calvinistic preachers ; to confine them en-
tirely to their own pulpits; and, at the same time, to put
all the public odium and reproach possible upon them, as
wicked, disorderly men, unfit to enjoy the common rights
of citizens. The law was an outrage to every principle
of justice, and to the most inherent and valuable rights of
the subject. It was a palpable contradiction, and gross
violation, of the Connecticut bill of rights. It dishonour-
ed the servant of God, stained his good name, and depri-
ved him of all the temporal emoluments of his profession,
without judge or jury, without hearing him, or knowing
what evil he had done. It put it into the hands of enemies
and malicious persons, to undo innocent men. If the cer-
tificate lodged were ever so false, there was no redress.
In other cases, civil and criminal, an appeal is allowed ;
but here, in a case of great mngnitude, in which character,
and a man's whole temporal living was at stake, there
was no redress. Further, it was believed by many, that
this law was an invasion of the rights of heaven, and in-
compatible with the command, Go ye into all the world, and

* Records of Connecticut, May, 1742. This exlraordinary act, in part,
at least, had its origin in the consociation of New-Haven County, as ap-
pears from the instructions which they gave to tlieir delegates, whom they
sent to the Guilford council, which were su2;gested first by the Rev. Samuel
AVhittelsey, of Wallingford. How perfectly it corresponded with their
opinions and feelings, is fully exhibited in their address to the General As-
sembly, the October followiog, an extract from which is as follows : — " To
the Hon. General Assembly, Sec. convened at New-Haven, October 14th,
1742. — May it please this honourable assembly, to permit us, the Associa-
iion of the county of New-Haven, regularly convened in the first society
in Wallingford, Sept. 28th, 1742, to lay before you our grateful sense of
the goodness of the General Assembly in May last, in so caring for our re-
ligious interests, and ecclesiastical constitution ; and our just apprehensions
of their wisdom, in making the statute, entitled. An act for the regulating
abuses, and correcting disorders, in ecclesiastical afiairs ; and pray that it
may be continued in force : being satisfied that it hath already been, iji
good measure, serviceable, and persuaded that it will be more so," &c.

16G HISTORY OF Chap. Vlli.

Book If. preach the gospel to every creature.* I charge thee, there-
K.^^v^\^ fore, before Go3, and the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall
1742. judge the quick and the dead, at his appearing and khig-
dom, preach the word ; be instant in season, and out of sea-
son.! In obedience to these commands, the primitive
preachers went every where, preaching the word.| They
regarded no parochial limits, and when high priests and
magistrates forbade their preaching, they answered. Whe-
ther it be right in the sight of God, to hearken unto you,
more than unto God, judge ye ; for we cannot but speak
the things which we have seen and heard. § What right
could one minister have to shut another out of his pulpit
pr society, whom he owned as a brother ; to whom he had
given the right hand of fellowship, and whom he could not
accuse either of false doctrine or immoral conduct ?

It may be further observed, that this law was contrary to
the opinion and practice of all the reformers and puritans.
The r€formers all preacb.ed within the parishes and bish-
opricks of the Roman catholics, and by this means, under
• the Divine Providence, effected the reformation. It never
could have been efiected without it. The puritans preach-
ed within the parishes of the church of England, and judg-
ed' it their indispensable duty to preach the gospel, wheu
and wherever they had an opportunity. They did it zeal-
ously and faithfully, though exposed to fines, imprison-
ment, and loss of living. Even in Connecticut, the epis-
copalians were allowed to preach and collect hearers, and
erect churches, in any of the ecclesiastical societies, in op-
position to the established ministers and churches. The
baptists were also allowed to do the same. The law was
therefore partial, inconsistent, and highly persecuting. It
manifested, in a strong point of light, the exceeding hatred,
rancour and opposition of heart, which tljere was in the
Arminians and old lights, to the work of God, and all the
zealous and faithful promoters of it» It was an occasion of
a great and iixed disaffection between the different classes
of ministers, and between many of Jhe religious people
and the legislature. Instead of preserving the peace and
order of the churches, it was a means of separation and
division. It could have no good effect : law opposed to
enthusiasm, is only like heaping fuel upon the fire to
Quench it. With respect to good people, who are govern-
ed by the love and fear of God, and the sober dictates of
reason, though they honour the civil magistrate, and sub-
mit to the laws, as far as they can with a good conscienccj

"' M£^jk svi 15. -t 2 Tim. iv. 1,2. + Acts \i\\. 4.

« Acts iv, 19. 20..

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. U1

yet they will regard God rather than man. When they Book IL
are fully persuaded that it is necessary, for their own edi- <^^-^^--%i^
fication and salvation, and the safety of their children, to
adopt a mode of worship, and to hear a kind of preaching,
differing from that which any civil establishment enjoins,
they will depart from it so far, as to worship God agreeably
to the sober dictates of their consciences. This, the pi-ac-
tice of the primitive christians, of the reformers, of the
puritans, and of good jieople in all ages, has witnessed.
With respect to enthusiasts, mild measures, kind and chris-
tian treatment, have always succeeded the best.

There were a variety of things, at the election, and May
session, this year, calculated to divide and irritate the re-
ligious parties, in the colony, more and more, at a time
v.'hen all conciliatory measures ought to have been adopt-
ed.

The preacher at the election, was the Rev. Isaac Stiles^
of North-Haven, He was a most bitter enemy to the
work Avhich God had been, and was carrying on in the
land, and to all the instruments of it. He gave himself
great liberty to reproach them. He compared them tO"
Will with his wisp and Jack rvith his lanthorn, and pointed
the artillery of heaven, in a tremendous manner, against
them. The assembly thanked him for his sermon, and
printed it, with all the reproach and abuse of his breth-
ren in the ministry, and of other christians^ which it con-
tained.*

At the same session, a complaint was exhibited against jvjr. j^g^
Mr. James Davenport, of Southhold, on Long-Island, that venport
he had convened great assemblies at Stratford, and that he ^^ ^'■'
and others had committed great disorders : against Mr. brought
Benjamin Pomeroy also, as having committed great disor- before the
ders with him, the said Davenport. They v/ere arrested, ^-^^mbly .
<*?nd brought before the assembly. The assembly judged
with respect to Mr. Davenport, that the things alleged, the
behaviour and conduct, and doctrine advanced by him, had
a tendency to disturb and destroy the peace and order of
this government ; yet, that it further appeared to the as-
sembly, that the said Davenport was under the influence of
enthusiastic impressions and impulses, and thereby dis-
turbed in the rational faculties of his mind, and therefore
rather to be pitied and compassionated, than to be treat-
ed as otherwise he might be ; and the assembly considering
that the settled place of his abode is in the town of South-
hold, on Long-Island, whereto it is best he should be con-

* The Rev. Mr. Williams, of Lebanon, remarked on the sermon, thS^K^
Me held never before seen the artillery of heaven so turaed against itself.

16S HISTORY OF Chap. Vlll.

Book II. veyecl : thereupon it was ordered by the assembly, that
^-"^^^"^w/ the said Davenport be forthwith transported out of this
1742. colony to Long-Island, to the place whence he came,
Mr. Dav- wherein he is settled; and the governor and council are
tMport desired to take effectual care, that this order be duly exe-

tranpport- . j, ,ri, , . . . , n* t-. "^

{,<[ to Lon" ciited.* 1 he decision with respect to Mr. romeroy was,
hlaud. that the evidence produced was not sufficient to make out
any thing material against him. He was therefore dismis-
sed.

Mr. Pomeroy was treated rudely ; resentment and malice
appeared in the people ; an attempt, as he supposed, was
made to throw him doAvn the stairs of the slate-house ; he
was pushed off from one side of the stairway, but he leaped
across to the other, and so saved himselL

Sometime after, a lecture was appointed at Colchester,
for Mr. Pomeroy to preach. Himself and Mr. Little, the
pastor, had always lived in harmony ; their parishes join-
ed each other. Mr. Pomeroy went from home supposing
that he was about to afford him brotherly assistance, and
to oblige his people ; but entirely contrary to his expecta-
tions, Mr. Little, cither from his own private feelings, or
fi'om the influence of some of his principal hearers, forbade
his going into the meeting-house. There was a great col-
lection of people, from Colchester, and the neighbouring
towns, who were earnest to hear the word. Mr. Pomeroy,
considering that many saints might be quickened, strength-
ened, and. comforted, and that some souls might possibly
be saved from death by his preaching, therefore judged it
his indispensable duty to preach. Accordingly, he retired
a little from the meeting-house, to the shade of a grove, and
preached to a very numerous and attentive auditory. A
certificate was lodged against him, and, for seven years, he
was deprived of his stated salary.
Errors of It was»now a very critical and momentous period with
the sepa- ^\^q churches ; for while the spirit of God Avrought power-
fully, satan raged maliciously, and playing his old subtle-
ties, by transforming himself into an angel of light, deceiv-
ed many. There appeared however many bad things in
the good Avork. There was a false, as well as a good spir-
it among the people, and a disposition to make religion
consist in crying out, in bodily agitations, in great fears
and joys, in zeal and talk, which were no evidences of it.
When ministers in faithfulness pointed out their errors and
false notions, and showed them clearly in what true reli-
gion consisted, and pressed it upon them to be followers of
God, as dear children, they were, numbers of them, disc-
*" Records of tt^e colony.

rktes.

Chap. VIIT; CONNECTICUT. 169

bliged, and pretended that the ministers' preaching had a Book IL
tendency to quench the spirit : they pleaded for the indul- ^-^--v^^-/
gcnce of their inward frames, in noise and outcry, without 1742e
restraint. They pretended that the power of godliness
lay, or appeared, in such outcries and bodily motions, or
visible tokens, and consequently, that to correct them was
to deny the power of the holy Spirit, and to grieve him.
They said, let the Lord carry on his own work in his own
way. The zealous private brethren maintained, that it
was right for them to exercise their gifts in public, as the
spirit moved them, whether by exhorting, expounding scrip-
ture, praying or preaching, as they feJt themselves impres-
sed ; and they declared, that they had rather hear their ex-
liorters exercise their gifts, than hear their ministers, and
that more souls were converted under their exertions, than
tinder those of the ministers.

If an honest man doubted of his conversion, and only ^"/""^. ^"^
Said, he did not know that he had faith, he was upon that {^ the
declared to be unconverted. churches.

If a person were filled with great joy, he was declared to
"be converted, and a child of God ; making no distinction
between a mere selfish joy, and joy in God ; between the
joy of the hypocrite, and that of the true christian.

They held a certain knowledge of christians, not so
much by external evidence, as by inward feeling, or fellow-
fehip, as they called it.

Sometimes they pretended to have a witness of the con-
version of others, who now were in a state of sin ; or they
liad faith given them to believe, that such a person would
be converted.

They paid a great regard to visions, or trances. In
these, some would lie for hours ; and on their coming to
themselves, would tell of wonderful things ; that they had
s^en heaven, or hell, and such and such persons, if dead,
there, or if alive, going to one or other of those places.

In their religious conduct, they were influenced rather
by inward impressions, than by the plain word of God, or
the manifest intimations of Providence. Neither ministe-
rial advice, nor parental counsel, nor their obligations to
relative duties, were of any weight with them, in compari-
son with impressions.

They laid great weight upon their lively imaginations,
or views of an outward Christ, or of Christ without them,
whether they had a view of him in heaven, on a throne sur-
rounded by adoring angels, or on a cross, suffering, bleed-
ing, dying, and the like. Some looked on ^is as a pre*-
cious, saving discovery of Christ-
W

170 HISTORY OF Ciiap. Vm

Book II. They maintained, that, if lliey did not feel a minister's
SirfC'-v'"**/ Dveaching, he was either unconverted, or legal and dead ;
1 742. or, to be sure, he did not preach Christ with power. They
would hear none of the standing ministers preach, unless
such as they called converted, lively, and powerful preach-
ers.

They thought lighdy of those public meetings and ex-
ercises, in which there was no visible great stir, or opera-
tions among the people. They would commonly say there:
was nothing of the power of religion.

These were some of the errors which prevailed, and fi-
nally terminated in separations from the standing minis-
ters and churches.

There v/as a remarkable haughtiness and self-sufficien-
cy, and a fierce and bitter spirit and zeal, a censorious-
ness and impatience of instruction and reproof, manifest
among these people, and especially among their exhort-
crs. Instead of loving and cleaving to the ministers, who
had been their spiritual fathers, and to the churches, which
had been their mother's house, in which they had been
conceived, if they were indeed born of God, they were
strangely alienated from them,
ffifferenoe '^^^^ spirit and these errors were not general ; in most
between of the churches in the colony there vvas nothing of it, or
the people t^g instances of it were very rare. There was not, so far
"t.dfr''m"^^ I can find, one minister in the colony who favoured any
thechurch-of these errors, but they universally opposed them. In
es, and most of the churchcs where the Avork had been remarka-
^vT^ r^° ^^^' *^'^^"' ministers were greatly beloved ; the brethren
walked together in great harmony, and brotherly love.
They, instead of being offended at close preaching, and at
being searched to the bottom, relished and applauded it.
The more close and discriminating the preaching was, the
better it was received. The ministers^ and good people
in general, considered bodily motions, extacies, and imag-
inations of outward views of Christ, as no kind of evidence
of a gracious state, or of any saving views of a Redeemer.
Thus different v/ere the principles, views and feelings, of
the two sorts of christians. The one, Avere humble, do-
cile, and willing to come to the light, that their works might
manifest that they v/ere wrought in God. They, like the
primitive christians, continued stedfast in the apostles'
doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking of bread togeth-
er. The other were haughty, bitter, censorious ; disaf-
fected to their teachers ; disowned the churches with which
they had covenanted ; and treated their brethren rather
as the worshippers of satan, than as the followers of Cnpasx..

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 171

This fanatical spirit prevailed principally in the coun- BookIL
ties of New-London and Windham. There was also ^^^-^^-^
something of the same spirit in the county of Hartford, in 1742.
the towns of Windsor, of Suffield, and in Middletown.
The separations began, and principally prevailed in these
counties.

In Stonington, there was an early and large separa-
tion, especially from the church under the pastoral care of
the Rev. Mr. Fish. Perceiving the errors of his people,
and sensible that many of them, not excepting some of the
members of his church, were very ignorant, he took great
pains to instruct them, in private as well as public, and to
convince them of their errors. But they appeared haugh-
ty and self-sufficient, and, in their own opinion, were much
wiser than their teacher, whom they treated with v;reat
abuse. They took great ofience at a sermon he preached
from Ephes. v. 1. — Be ye therefore followers of God, as
deal' children. The principal design of the sermon, was
lo show what is was to follow God, or in what true reli-
gion consisted, which was the same thing. It was observ-
ed, that following God, as dear children, implied mens*
giving themselves wholly to him, to be governed by his
commands ; that it implied an imitation of him in his moral
perfections, &c. It was insisted, that true religion con-
sisted in thus following God ; and that in this we had an
infallible rule of trial, whether we were God's children or
not. It was inferred, that true religion did not consist in
extacies, in crying out in the time of public worship, in
powerful impressions, in lively imaginations, or visions of
a bleeding Saviour, &c. ; that though the saints might
l;ave these things, yet that they were no evidences of a
gracious state. On this the house was filled with outcries
against the preacher. He v/as declared to be an opposer
of the work of God, making the hearts of his children sad,
and strengthening the hands of the wicked. From this
time, divisions and prejudices sprang up, increased and
became settled. Disregarding their covenant vows, which
they had so lately entered into with their pastor and breth-
ren ; without taking any pains to reform the church, with
respect to those things they conceived to be amiss, or with-
out regarding the pains and remonstrances of their pastor
and brethren to dissuade them ; a large number finally
separated themselves from this and all the standing
churches.

They allcdged as reasons for their separation, that the Reasons
standing churches were not true churches, but of anti- |^r separa-
clirist : That hypoci'isy was encQuraged in them, and

172 HISTORY OF Chap. VliL

Book II. they could have no communion with hypocrites. They
*>-i^'->^^^*/ maintained that the church should be pure, undefiled with
1742. hypocrisy, and that no hypocrite could abide with them.
Upon this principle, the separate churches set out. They
publicly professed thejiiselves to be elected of God, given
to Christ, and effectually called, and as such, they cove^
nanted together.* They maintained that the whole power
of ordination was in the church. They objected against
their pastor for using notes, and at the same time, praying
for assistance in preaching. They maintained that God
had redeemed their souls, and that they were not bound
to rites and forms, but had liberty to worship where they
thought fit. They objected that there was not that liber-
ty in the standing churches, and that food for their souls,
Avhich they found in the meeting of the brethren. Because
ministers studied their sermons, they called their exer-
cises, preaching out of the head, and declared that they
could not be edified by it. They maintained, that there
was no need of any thing more than common learning, to
qualify men for the ministry ; that if a man had the spirit
of God, it was no matter whether he had any learning at
all. Indeed, the first separatists at Stonington, held to a
special revelation of some facts, or future events, not re-
vealed in the scriptures. They elected their first minister
by revelation. In less than one year, they chose, ordain-
ed, silenced, cast him out of the church, and delivered hini
up to satan.t

The same spirit and delusions were spreading and tak-
ing deep root, in some of the neighbouring towns, Pres-
ton, Lyme, Norwich, Canterbury, Mansfield and Plain-
field, and afterwards terminated in large separations, and
the establishment of independent churches.
General When the general association met in June, at New-
aisi;ua- London, they passed the several resolutions following :
15th 1742. " This general association being of opinion, that the
Kesolu- God of all grace has been mercifully pleased to remember
tiDEs. and visit his people, by stirring up great numbers among
us to a concern for their souls, and to be asking the way to
Zion, with their faces thitherward, which we desire to
take notice of with great thankfulness to the Father of mer-
cies : Being also of the opinion, that the great enemy of
souls, who is ever ready with his devices to check, damp
and destroy the work of God, is very busy for that pur-
pose : we think it our duty to advise and intreat the minis-

* See their confession of i'oith and covenant, published by the consodav
^tJon of Windham County. . i

•^ Fish's ScTfcons .

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 173

tcrs and churches of the colony, and recommend it to the Book II.
several particular associations, to stand well upon their v^'^/'-x-^
guard, in such a day as this, that no detriment arise to the 1743.
interest of our great Lord and master Jesus Christ.

" Particularly, that no errors in doctrine, whether from
among ourselves, or foreigners, nor disorders in practice,
do get in among us, or tares be sown in the Lord's field.

''^ That seasonable and due testimony be borne against
such errors and irregularities, as do already prevail among
some persons ; as particularly the depending upon and fol-
lowing impulses and impressions made on the mind, as
though they were immediate revelations of some truth or
duty, that is not revealed in the word of God : Laying too
much weight on bodily agitations, raptures, extacies, vis-
ions, (fee. : Ministers disorderly intruding into other minis-
ters parishes : Laymen taking it upon them, in an un-
warrantable manner, publicly to teach and exhort : Rash
censijring and judging of othei^ : That the elders be care-
ful to take heed to themselves and doctrine, that they may
save themselves, and those that hear them : That they ap-
prove themselves in all things as the ministers of God, by
honor and dishonor, by good report and evil report : That
none be lifted up by applause to a vain conceit, nor any
be cast down by any contempt thrown upon them, to the
neglect of their work ; and that they study unity, love and
peace among themselves.

" And further, that they endeavour to heal the un]iapp}i
divisions that are already made in some of the churche?,
and that the like may for the future be prevented : — That
a just deference be paid to the laws of the magistrate late-
ly made to suppress disordei's : That no countenance b,e
given to such as trouble our churches, who are, according
to the constitution of our churches, under censure, sus-
pension, or deposition, for errors in doctrine or life."

The General Assembly, at their session in May, with a
view to suppress enthusiasm, and separations by sanction The act
of law, repealed the act made for the relief of sober con- made for
sciences, so that now there was no relief for any persons ^'^'^ '"*^"!"
dissenting from the established mode of worship in Con- ^^^^j. ^^„.
necticut, but upon application to the assembly, who were sciences is
erowing more riofid in enforcing the constitution. The act ''tJl^^'^*^
of repeal, gave liberty for sober dissenters to apply to the
assembly for relief, and promised that they sho\ild be heard,
and that such persons as had any distinguishing character
by which they might be known, as distinct from presby-
terians and congregationalists, might expect the indul-
gence of the assembly, upon ttieif taking the oaths and

174 HISTORY OF Chap. VUf,

Book il. subscribing the declaration, provided by the act of parlia-
^^^"v-N-/ ment, in cases of the like nature.*

1743. At the same session, the secretary of the colony was or-
The Rev. dered to issue a writ to the sheriff of the county of New-
John Ow- London, to arrest the Rev. John Owen, ofGroton, and
arrested, bring him before the assembly, to answer for uttering hard
speeches, scandalizing the laws and officers of the gov-
ernment, and for breaching principles tending to bring the
government into contempt.
Oct. 1743. When the assembly met in October, judging that the ec-
clesiastical law against foreigners coming into the colony,
was not sufficiently severe, they further enacted, That if
any person that is a foreigner, or stranger, and not an in-
liabitaiit of this colony, shall return into the same again,
at any time, after he has been, by order of authority, trans-
ported out of the bounds of the colony, and shall preach,
teach, or exhort, in any town or society in this colony, it
shall be the duty of any magistrate or justice of the peace,
who shall be informed of it, to cause such person to be ap-
sipprehcnded and brought before him ; and such person,
iiaving been found guilty, shall be bound in the penal sum
of one hundred pounds, lawful money, to his peaceable
and good behaviour, and that he will not offend again in
like manner ; and tliat he shall pay down the cost of his
transportation ; and that the county court may further bind
him during pleasure.!

As the secretary had neglected to issue his writ for the
arresting of Mr. John Owen, until just before the session
of the assembly, and until after he was gone out of the
colony, so that be had not been arrested, the secretary was
now ordered to arrest him and bring him before the assem-
bly, as he had been before directed,

The secretary, at the same time, was required to arrest,
the body of Mi'. Benjamin Pomeroy, clerk, of Hebron,
^^dierever he nyght be found, and bring him before the as-
sembly, to answer for such matters and things as are ob-
jected and complained of against him, on his majesty's be-
half.

The legislature not only enacted these severe and un-
precedented laws, but they proceeded to deprive of their
offices, such of the justics of the peace and other officers,
a.s were new lights, as they were called, or who favoured
iheir cause. There were no such laws in any of the other
colonies,, nor were there in Great Britain. Many, botli
ministers and people, considered them as invasions of the
laws of Christ, as well as wholly inconsistent with the
•^- Recojde of the colocvj May. 1743. t Re';or4s of Connecticut, Oct. 1743.

Chap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. i1B

rights of conscience, as making crimes of those things Book II.
which the protestant reformers and the puritans had not ^^^^^^-^^^
only judged to be riglit, but matter of indispensable duty. 1744.
They considered the laws as abominable, and, in some in-
stances, spake their minds very freely ; more freely, per-
haps, than was consistent with prudence or safety.

In May, 1744, Mr. John Owen, and Mr. Pomeroy, were May,n44.
brought before the assembly, to answer to complaints ex-
hibited against them.

Mr. Owen, on makmg some concessions, was dismissed,
on paying the cost of prosecution ; the assembly imputing
his fault rather to a misguided conscience, overheated zeal,
and the difficulty of the times, than to a contempt of thn
laws and authority of the government.

Mr. Pomeroy was brought before the assembly, in con-
sequence of a bill of indictment filed against him by Elihu
Hall, Esq. of Wallingford, for publicly saying, that the late
laws of this colony, made concerning ecclesiastical affairs,
were a great foundation to encourage persecution, and to
encourage wicked men to break their covenants ; and thai",
if they did not, it was no thanks to the court : and that the
law, which was made to stop ministers from going about to
preach in other towns, was made without reason, and was
contrary to the word of God. And on another bill he was
indicted, for saying, on the fast day, that the great men had
fallen in with those that were on the devil's side, and ene-
mies to the kingdom of Christ ; that they had raised suci?.
j)ersecution in the land, that if there be a faithful minister
of the Lord Jesus, he must lose his estate ; that if there be
a faithful man in civil authority, he must lose his honour
and usefulness ; and that there was no colony so bad as
Connecticut, for persecuting laws ; or to that effect.

The assembly appointed Daniel Edwards, Esq. to man-
age the prosecution against Mr. Pomeroy, before them>
Mr. Pomeroy made such concessions as he judged he could
with a good conscience ; but as the principal things were
known facts ; that there were no such lav/s in any other
colony in New-England or America ; and as he believedy
in his conscience, that they were contrary to the word of
God, of a persecuting nature, and laid a foundation for peo-
ple to break their covenants with their ministers, and with-
hold from them stipulated salaries, without any fault of
theirs, he could not make any such retraction as the as-
sembly would accept. He, therefore, was put upon his
trial. He had many powerful friends ; and though the
majority of the assembly and people were old lights, yet
the new lights, as they were called, v/ere a numerous and

itG History or Chap, viil

Book 11. strong par(y, and great eftbrts were made to save him. All
^-•""■^^■""^^ was said against the laws, and in his favour, which the
1744. best attornics thought prudent and best to plead; but the
assembly judged him guilty of the charges, ordered him to
pay the cost of prosecution, and to be bound to his peace-
able and good behaviour, in a bond of fifty pounds, until
Ma3%i744. the session in the next May ; and then to appear before
the assembly, and, on condition of his peaceable beha-
viour till that time, to take up his bond.*

While Mr. Pomeroy was deprived of his lawful salary,
and thus harassed and put to expense, he had this conso-
~ lation, — ^that his people were generally pious, peaceable,
and friendly ; and expressed their good will towards him,
in voluntarily supporting him ; and v/hile large separations
were going off from other ministers and churches, not a
family or individual was separating from him. He was
popular, and wherever he preached, people would ilock to
hear him.

Every measure appears to have been taken to suppress
the zealous, experimental preachers and people, both by
the legislature and the leaders among the clergy. Num-
bers of them were Arminians, preachers of a dead, cold
morality, without any distinction of it from heathen morali-
ty, by the principles of evangelical love and faith. Ex-
perimental religion, and zeal and engagedness in preach-
ing, and in serving God, were termed enthusiasm. And
great advantage was taken, by reason of the wild, enthusi-
astic errors, which some unhappily imbibed, to decry the
whole work as delusion, and the work of the devil. The
clergy, who were in opposition to the work, strove to en-
force the constitution, in a rigid manner, beyond its true
meaning and original design. The exclusion of ministers
from preaching in their pulpits, who were orthodox, and
zealously preached the doctrines which were contained in
the confession of faith, adopted by the constitution, and
who were moral in their lives, to whom they had given the
right hand of fellowship, was entirely unconstitutional, and
perhaps as great a disorder, as ministers preaching in a
|5arish. without the consent of the pastor and church in
said parish. The ecclesiastical constitution of the colonyj
warranted no such measures. The ministers of each as-
sociation were amenable to each other, and, until found
guilty of error, mal-administration, or immoral conduct,
upon a fair and candid hearing, before the association, or
consociation, to which they belonged, had a right to be
received and treated as brethren. The prohibiting their
* The cost of prosecution, was £32, lOs, Sd.

Ohap. VIIT. CONNECTICUT. Hi

.preaching in the pulpits and parishes of their brethren, Hook 11.
was so far from according with the constitution, that it was v.^^v-vw^
a violation of it. 1744.

While the civilians were making and enforcins; their se-

111

vere laws, the clergy were adopting measures no less se-
vere and unconstitutional. They suspended their mem-
bers from their communion, for going to hear Mr. White-
field, Mr. Wheelock, Mr. Pomeroy, and other zealous
preachers. In some instances, ministers did it by their
own power, without ever consulting theii* churches, or giv-
ing them a hearing before their brethren. Some, for this
great fault, were excluded from church communion ten
and twelve years, or more, until the pastors who suspended
them were dead, and others succeeded them.

The consociations, to guard against zealous preachers,
or such as were strictly orthodox, ordained young men, in
5ome instances, where there were strong parties in oppo-
sition to their settlement; and in some instances, ii seems,
against a majority of the church, and even where there was
not a majority of the lawful voters in favour of the settle- ordination
ment. In 1738, the consociation of New-Haven county, of Mr.
ordained Mr. Samuel Whittel^ey at Milford, against a large Whittel-
ininority in the church and town, who objected to his doc- ^'^i ' *^''
trines and preaching. There were warm debates in the
council, and opposition to the ordination. Governor Law,
and other principal men in the town, were in the majority,
and engaged for his settlement. Mr. Whittelsey, of Wal-
Jingford, was his father, and an influential character among
the ministers, and he was exceedingly interested in the set-
tlement of his son,, Mr. Noyes, of New-Haven, v/as close-
ly united with him. Mr. Hall, of Cheshire, was brother in
law to governor Law, and zealously wished the ordination,
and finally the point was carried. In consequence, a num-
ber of the church and society withdrew from his ministry,
and professed themselves to be presbyterians ; they were
strictly calvinistic, and a strict and zealous people, both
as to doctrines and morals. They sent into New-Jersey,
to obtain a preacher, who was a prcsbyterian. They ob-
tained Mr. Finley to preach to them, a man of genius, and
of an unblemished character. He was afterwards presi-
dent of the college in New-Jersey. But he was once or
twice, by virtue of the transporting law, carried, as a va-
grant, out^ of the colony ; and the people were obliged,
about twelve years, to pay their rates to Mr. Whittelsey,
and to be at all charges with the first society, in building
and repairing their meeting-houses.*

* They were released from taxes i/i the session ia May, IT'jO, so Iocs
?4 they should contyiue to worship by themselves.

X

m mSTORY OF Chap. VIII,

Book TI. The consociation of Windham, proceeded to ordain Mr.
^^-*'^>^'V' James Cogswell, at Canterbmy, against a majority of thq
Dec. 28th, church, as has been alledged ; in consequence of a major
^^44. yQi^g Qf {[jg society. If this was a fact, that a majority of
the church were against the settlement of Mr. Cogswell,
as those who separated always affirmed, it was unconstitu-
tional, and contrary to the universal practice in those cases.
The platform expressly provides, that in the ordination of
ii minister, there shall be a majority of the church.
Ser^arafion About fifty families entirely separated from the church
bury.^" ^'^' ^^^ society, and held meetings by themselves. They al-
ledged that the consociation had ordained Mr. Cogswell
in opposition to a majority, that they had taken seventeen
members who were delinquents, and some of them under,
censure, and treated them as in good standing. They ob-
jected against the standing churches that they received
members into full communion without any examination in-
to their experience, maintaining that men of good mo-
ral characters ought to be admitted to full communion,
though unconverted, that they niight be ugder propev or-
dinances for their conversion : That they baptized children
of parents, neither of which were in full communion.
That the ecclesiastical constitution of Connecticut, set the
majority of the society of unregenerate men above the
church : That Christ was the head of the church ; but the
magistrates, the ecclesiastical constitution, and the major
vote of the society, was the head of the Connecticut church-
es : That the constitution and laws were unjust, oppressive
and persecuting. In short, they maintained that the stand-
hig churches were antichristian, and that all good people
ought to come out from them and be separate : That it Avas
idolatry to pay any thing to the standing ministry, and that
none could do it with a good conscience. They repre-
sented that the magistrates, ministers, and people who were
joining with them, belonged to the generation of the per-
secutors, on whom would come all the blood shed from the^
foundation of the world.* They held to a certain knowl-
edge of the saints : denounced Mr. Cogswell as an uncon-
verted man, >vho had no acquaintance with experimental
|i"eligion, and often treated him with scurrility, with pro-
vocation and abuse. They held their meetings in a pri-
vate house, and their exhorters conducted their public
Eshorters worship, ministered, and preached. In consequence of
and lay j^j^jg some of them were arrested, condemned, and sen-
imprison- tenced to be bound in a bond of an hundred pounds, not to

■ " * See Solomon Paine's short view of the differeiice between the cliu.rch

of Chpst and the established churches in the colony of Connecticut, '

Chap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. 179

(f)fFend again in the like manner. But as they imagined it Book II.
was their indispensable duty to exhort and teach the peo- v^-»-v->fc**
pie, and as they determined to teach and exhort when they 1744,
should have opportunity, they would not give bonds, and
so were committed to pirison, and kept a long time from
their families, and from the worship and communion of their
brethren, and endured much hardship in their long con-
finement. Others were arrested and imprisoned for re-
fusing to pay their minister's rates, which were laid upoa
them, though they had acted against his settlement and
withdrawn themselves wholly from his ministry. Others
had their catde and goods taken and sold at the post at
half their value, to pay for the support of the minister of
the parish. These violent measures, instead of checking
the separation, and conciliating the minds of the people,
alienated them more andmrsrc from the constitution and
standing churches, and confirmed them in their belief that
they were right, and actually sutfering in the cause of
Christ.

There was another circurnstance which took place at this
time, which had the same unhappy effect. There were two
Clcavelands, John and Ebenezer, who were students in Yale
College, whose parents it seems were of the number who had
separated from the ministiy of Mr. Cogswell, and attended
the separate meetings at a private house, which they had a-
greed upon for that purpose. These young gentlemen,
while at home, during the vacation in September, attended
the separate meetings with their parents. One of them, it
seems, was a member of the separate church. For this and
their neglect to confess their fault in that respect, they were
both expelled from college. The act of expulsion, and the
reasons given for it, will exhibit the fullest account of this
affair. It is in the words following :'

" Yale College, Nov. 19th, 1744.
Present, the Rector and Tutors. *

" Upon information that John Cleaveland, and Ebene- The
zer Cleaveland, members of this college, withdrew from Cleave=
the public worship of God, in the meeting-house in Canter- ^^"ds ^x--
bury, carried on by Mr. Cogswell, a licensed and approv- from coU
ed candidate for the ministry, preaching there at the de- lege,
sire of the first parish or society in Canterbury, with the
special direction of the association of the county of Wind-
ham ; and that they the said Clcavelands, with sundry
others, belonging to Canterbury and Plainfield, did go and
attend upon a private separate meeting, in a private house,
for divine worship, carried on principally by one Solomon
Paine, a lay exhorter, on several sabbaths in September

I8» HISTORY OP diTAP. Vl'lf .

Book If. or Oclobcr last; ihc said Cleavcland's being several
v^'-v>.-/ times sent for, acknowledged the facts, as above related.
1744. and justified what they had done, and gave (he reasons.
Act of ex- given in writing by the said separatists, for their separa-
pulsion. ^^j^-)j^ aforesaid, the most material of which are these, viz ;
That the hrst society in Canterbury keep up only the form
of godliness, and deny the life, pov/er and spirituality of
it, and had given Mr. Cogswell a call, in order for settle-
ment, whom they the said separates had declared to be
destitute of those essential qaaliticat-ions that ought to be in
a minister of Jesus Christ, and therefore cannot join with
the society in their choice, but look upon it to be their in-
dispensable duty to choose one after God-s own heart ; ono
^ that will be able to comfort the wounded with the same

comfort wherewith lie himself is comforted of God, and
not a blind guide ; for then the blind will lead the blind
into the ditch of God's eternal wrath : and many of the so-
ciety spoke evil of those things which they the separatist-.-
received, and held to be the effects of the Holy Ghost •.
whereupon they look upon it to be a loud call to them to
f.orac out from among them, &c. and to appoint the house
of Samuel Wadsv/orth, to be the place to meet in by them-
selves, to serve the Lord in spirit and in truth.

" And the said Cleavelands say, that this being the act
of the major part of the members in full communion with
the said society, is a sufficient warrant for them to join
with them.. They also say, that !he said Solomon Paine
has sufucient knowledge and ability to expound the scrip-
tures, and to preach the gospel, and therefore has a right'
to do it ; and therefore say thej^, that in v/ithdrawing from
the public worship^ and attending upon the preaching of
the said Solomon Paine, they have not acted contrary to
any divine or human law. Whereupon it is considered
by the rector and tutors^

" 1. That Ave, (depending in this matter upon the unani-
mous judgment of the association in the county of Wind-
ham) do judge that the said Mr. Cogswell, is sufficiently
qualified to be a preacher of the gospel, and therefore that
the refiections cast upon him, as aforesaid, are groundless.
" 2. That if there were any reasons Vt'hy the said sepa-
ratists should not choose to receive Mr. Cogswell as their
minister ; or if it should be douJ>tful whether it is conven-
ient that Mr. Cogswell should be ordained, where so great
a number are against him, (which things properly belong
, to the hearing and judging of a council,) yet we cannot see-
that this could be any justification of their setting up a sepa-
ration ia the meaii time.

OiiAP. Vllf': CONNECTICUT. ISi

" 3. That neither the major part of the mem'bers in full Book IL
communion, nor any other persons in any parish or socie- ^^^-n/-^/
ty, have any right or warrant to appoint any house or place 1 744.
for worship on the sabbath, distinct and separate from,
and in opposition to the meeting-house, the public place Act of ex-
appointed by the general assembly, and the parish ; but ^" ^^°°'
on the contrary, all such places and separate meetings are
prohibited by the ancient laws of this government.

" Whereupon, it is considered and adjudged by the rec-
tor and tutors, that the said John and Ebenezer Cleave-
iand, in withdrawing and separating from the public wor-
ship of God, and attending upon the preaching of lay ex-
horters, as aforesaid, have acted contrary to the rules of
the gospel, the laws of this colony, and the college, and
that the said Cleavelands shall be publicly admonished for
their faults aforesaid ; and if they shall continue to justify
themselves, and refuse to make an acknowledgment, they
Srhall be expelled. Thomas Clap, Rector.''''

About a week after this, John Cleaveland gave in a pa-
per, wherein he says, " I did not know that it was a trans-
gression either of the laws of God, or of the colony, or of
mis college, for me, as a member of, and in covenant with
a particular church, generally owned to be a church of Je-
sus Christ, to meet together with the major part of the said
church for social worship, and therefore beg and entreat
that my ignorance may be suffered to apologise for me in
that respect."

Upon which it v/as considered, " That whatever fnight
be in his former ignorance and mistake, yet after all means Reasons
of light and conviction, he still persists in justifying what for expuf-
he had done, and would acknowledge no error in it ; though si°"-
sometimes he seemed to be brought to such a doubt and
stand in his own mind, as that it seemed probable that he
v.'ouid have made some acknov/ledgment, if he had noi
been prevented by ill advice : and since the principal end
and design of erecting this college (as declared in the char-
ter) was to train up a succession of learned and orthodox
ministers, by whose instruction and example people might
be directed in the ways of religion and good order ; there»-
fore, to educate persons whose principles and practices
are directly subversive of the visible church of Christ,
would be contrary to the original design of erecting this
society ; and we perceive that it would be a contradiction
to the civil government, to support a college to educate stu-
dents to trample upon their own laws, and break up the
churches which they establish and protect, especially since
the/5Ieneral Assembly, in May, 1742, thought proper to givp

18'2" HISTORY OF Chap. VIII.

Book II. the governors of the college some special advice and di-
\^f-\^^*i^ rection upon that account, which was to this efiect : That
1744. all proper care should be taken to prevent the scholars im-
bibing those or such like errors ; and that those who would
not be orderly and Submissive, should not be allowed the
privileges of college. Neither can we conceive that it
makes any odds, whether such pernicious errors are imbib-
ed and practised, and the laws of God and the civil gov-
ernment are broken in or out of the vacancy, of the town
of New-Haven, or with or without the concurrence of the
parents, since the pernicious consequences therfeof to the
college and religion, will be just the same.
Thomas Clap, Rector.
Chauncey Whittelsev, )i
John Whiting, > Tutors.''^

Thomas Darling, )

The expulsion of these young men, made a great clam-
our in the state, as unprecedented and cruel. It was con-
sidered as a severity exceeding the law of college respect-
ing that case. The law was, " That no scholar upon the
Lord's, or another day, under pretence of religion, shall
go to any public or private meeting, not established or al-
lowed by public authority, or approved by the president,
under penalty of a fine, confession, public admonition, or
otherwise, according to the state and demerit of the of-
fence." A fine, or confession, or public admonition, might
have answered the law ; and it supposed, in its very form,
that the offender was to be treated in a more mild or severe
manner, according to what was to be pleaded in his favor
or against him. That there was much to plead in behalf
of these young men was most evident. Mr. Cogswell's
preaching, and his Support at Canterbury, by the asso-
ciation and consociation, against a majority of the church,
and so large a proportion of the people, was very extraor-
dinary. The separates affirmed that thirteen delinquents,
who were admonished by their brethren for open trans-
gressions of God's law, called the consociation that pro-
hibited the church from dealing with them. That these,
and three more who joined v/ith them, and put themselves
under the Saybrook platform, were the men who chose Mr.
Cogswell. The soci(^ty had locked the meeting-house
against the church. They had also threatened to prose-
cute Mv. Biiel, of Long-Island, for preaching in the town.
John Cleaveland, it seems, had joined in full communion
with the church in Canterbury, and according to the ac-
count which is given of the matter, the president had before
owned and cgmmuned with him as a brother in Christ.

Ghap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. J83

The church with which he had joined in worship, was the Book II,
very church with which he had covenanted, and with v,^~^^>«-^
which they had both worshipped. Their parents wor- 1744.
shipped there. They held to the sam^e confession of faith
which they had always used and owned, and which had
been adopted both by the Cambridge and Saybrook plat-
forms. They differed as to the mode of discipline. They
adopted the Cambridge, instead of the Saybrook platform.
The president and tutors allowed young men of the church
of England, and of other denominations, to be in college
without renouncing their principleso The treatment of
these young men was therefore considered as partial, se-
vere, and unjust. It was |3elieved by many, that churches
had a right to worship God according to the dictates of
their own consciences, and at such times, and in such pla-
ces, as they pleased : That it was the principle on which
the Protestants and Puritans acted, and the only one on
xvhich their separation and conduct could be justified.
They imagined if christian legislatures and councils, had
a right to appoint the niodes and places of worship, and
confine christians to them, that then the Papists, and church
of England, had a right to bind all christians to worship
with them, and the reformers and Puritans were totally
wrong, and the persecutions raised against them were just.
But this they could not believe. Hence they rejected the
constitution, as then understood and practised upon, and
the laws as really tyrannical and persecutmg.*

* The act of the legislature, and the proceedings in consequence of it,
l.owards ministers and others, and the procedure at college, were repignant
io the sentiments of Mr. Locke, and all the best writers on toleration. The
intolerant spirit of the president and governors of college at that time, will
appear from an affair which happened soon after the law was made to pre-
vent disorders, &:c. A number of the senior class in college set a subscrip-
tion on foot for the reprinting of Mr. Locke's essay on toleration, and ob-
tained a considerable number of subscribers, and were abcfut to engage, or
had engaged for the reprinting of it. The president found it out, and re-
primanded them for such a piece of conduct, and ordered them to make a
public confession for what they had done, or else they should not have
their degrees. They all made their confessions but one : he was of age,
and a man of considerable property, and had some knowledge of the cred-
it of Mr. Locke's writings, and of that tract in particular, and he would
make no confession for his attempts to obtain the reprinting of such a
tract. The day before commencement he found his name was not in thf-
catalogue of his class, who were to have their degrees : he waited on the
president and corporation to know the reason why his name was not in Ihe^
catalogue : he was told that he had been in the mischievous business of
carrying about subscriptions for the reprinting of Mr. Locke on toleration.'
He told them he was of age, and had property, and if he could not have
his degree, he would appeal to the king in council : that he had an attor-
ney, and would enter it soon. Some time after, a freshman was sent to
him, acquainting him that the president and corporation wished to see
him. He waited on them, and they treated him with much complaisance,
Md told him to appear with bis class and take his degree.

184 HISTORY OF Chap. \[\U

Book II. But the laws were executed in all their severity. The
Va<«''W»/ exhorters were not only imprisoned for teaching and ex-
1744. liorting, but the members of the church were also arrested
and imprisoned, for not hearing Mr. Cogswell, and for at-
tending their private meetings. This severity, however,
<lid not intimidate these zealous people, but increased
their zeaj and resentment. Their sufferings awakened the
pity of others, and influenced some to think more favour-
ably of them, and rather increased than diminished their
numbers.

A large separation took place at Plainfield, and the
same disorderly spirit appeared among considerable num-
bers in Mansfield, and in some of the neighboring towns.

In the mean time, the clergy bore animated testimony
against the prevailing errors, and adopted such measures
as they judged best calculated to prevent them. The ge-
neral association resolved,

" That whereas, at all times, but more especially at this
time, sundry persons unjustly disaffected to, and preju-
diced against either the minister or church, or both, to
Resolu- which they belong, under the influence of such disaffection,
<ions of the withdraw from their v/orship and communion ; and although
sockttoi^r as yet they are under no censure, yet v/e think that other
ministers and churches receiving such disaffected persons
to privileges, serves to encourage and strengthen them, in
their unjust disaffection and unreasonable separation 5
which, to prevent, it may be proper that the minister, by
himself, or in conjunction v.'ith some of the brethren of such
church, from which there is such a separation, to write to
the minister or ministers of such churches, to which the
aforesaid disaffected members repair for privileges, and
in a brotherly and kind manner, represent to them the true
state of such members and churches, desiring them to dis-
countenance and prevent such separations. And in case
a minister, or ministers, so informed or applied to, shall
still receive and encourage such pei'sons, that then the
complainant lay the matter before the association to which
that minister doth belong, and that the association deal
with him as t(ie nature and circumstances of the case doth
require. And inasmuch as we judge that such separations,
countenanced as above, are the source and origin of much
difficulty, and a practice big with many mischiefs, we ear-
nestly recommend the affair to the particular associations,
that in this, or some other way, they provide against so
great an evil, that it may be, by the divine blessing, soon and
easily cured. And that ministers should be very cautious
©f entertaining such disaffected persons, t^nd of hearing and

C^iAP. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 185

countenancing their reports of or against their ministers Book IF
and churches.

" That the entering of a minister, or of a number of min- ^^TtaT"'
isters, mto any established parish in this government and
there gathenng a church of members, that had before dis-
orderly separated themselves from the church to which
they belonged, and some of them actually under ecclesias=
tical censure, is just matter of offence.

" That requiring persons particularly to promise to walk
in communion with that church of Christ into which they
seeK admission, conscientiously attending and upholding
the public worship of God in that place, until rec^ularly
dismissed therefrom, is not a hard or unreasonable term of
coniinunion.

" That it is not advisable to admit a person to commun-
ion, who remseth to submit to the above mentioned terms
but insists on liberty to go to other places, when and wher^
lie^pleaseth, to attend the public worship and ordinances."
The ministers in the county of Windham took much
pains with the separates, in private, to find what were
their errors, and to convince them of those things Avhere-
m they conceived them to be wrong, they also met to-
gether in association, towards the close of the year, and
addressed a letter to the people in the several societies in
the county, in which they particularly notice some of the
most prevailing errors, and attempt, in a solid, plain and
convincing manner, to refute them. The most prominent
of these errors are thus particularized :

" That the saints certainly know one another, and know Doings of

who are Christ's ministers, by their own inward feelings, the assod-

or a communion between them in the inward ac tin <ys of ''''°°°^*'^^

their own souls. ^ ^o"°ty of

u T'Ur.t *i 11 • Windham,

J tiat no other call is necessary to a person underta- Dec. iitb,
king to preach the gospel, but his being a true christian, and l'^^^-
having tin inward motion of the spirit, or persuasion in his
own mind, that it is the will of God he should preach, and
perform ministerial acts. That God disowns the ministry
and churches in this land, and the ordinances administered
m them.

" Tnat at such meetings of lay preaching and exhorting,
they have more of the presence of God, than in his ordi-
nances and worship under the administration of the pre-
sent ministry, and in the administration of the ordinances
m these churches. ■

" That it is the will of God to have a pure church on
earth, in this sense, that all the converted should be sepa-
tated from the vmconverted." They also maintained, tha^
„ Y

illSTORY OF G'hap. Vllf.

, I , u-n rould not unclerstand the scriptures, nordis-

nor understand divine truth;

ofTI::sr:?S:L TiJ^y -^o^Iedg. -Tl^t the. «

fe^U^^ a 4r;e:;^;as; a Ir^a. and merciful rc-
vfval c^f ;■ iVon, in most of the towns and .ociet.es m that
comtv as well as many other places in this land, which
thev de'si^ed to acknowledge, to the praise of divme grace
they decked, nevertheless, that they were satisfied thai.
Shad be^n many things which accompa.iecM^^^^
ivork which had really been of a different kmd , 1 hat,
vhen it pLsed God to send do^tn his Holy Spirit, tocon^
vince and convert sinners, and the prince of darkness was
Twer able to keep them in that fatal security and for-
mal tyt which they had lain, he was then obliged to act a
difciU part to carry on the designs ot his kingdom ol
darkness and oppose the conquests and triumphs of the
Redeemer An Uhis he had done, by inutating as nearly
^ he could, the work of the Holy Ghost, both by raising
ima^^inary frights and terrors, in some mstances m
neu's minds, somewhat resembling the convictions of the
blessed Spirit, and awakenings of conscience for sin ; and
also fi ing their minds with flashes of joy, and false com-
forts, resembling somewhat, in a general way the consola-
t?ons of the Ho?Y Ghost. In permitting which, is to be
adored the awful and mysterious sovereignty ot God
whose way is in the sea, and whose footsteps are not
known. This, in its beginning was not so plainly dis-
rerned and distinguished, in many instances, trom the
work of the Holy Spirit^ especially, as there was some-
limes some mixture of such things with the true experien-
res of the people of God ; and was also pardy owing to
the injudicious and violent opposition of some, to this work ;
who, while they saw bad things attending it, and many
people taken with them, boldly concluded it was all o a
piece and with tremendous rashness ascribed ail to the
ievil : while others, on the other hand, looking on the
good, and being persuaded that it was a day of God s
wonderful power and gracious visitation, suddenly and
weakly concluded that there was liUle wrong in the ap^
pearances bcsick human weaknesses, and unavoidable in-
firmity this gave great advantage to the subtle powers
of darkness to sow tares in the field, and execute their
wicked designs, which now more and more appear to have
been to raise men's tempers, throw them into partie^s, to
rxclte and keep up a blind and furious zeal, and embitter

Chap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. 1^7

iheir spirits, and set them or) to reproach and persecute one Book II.
another; to lead off their minds from the true and proper s-'''"^^^''
concerns of religion ; to deceive some with false shews of
zeal for the cause of God ; to lead many into wrong and
false notions of the nature of regeneration, and lead off their
minds from the word of God ; to puff them up with pride
and vain notions of immediate impulses on their minds,
and apprehensions of being taught their duty and the doc-
trinal meaning of particular texts of scripture thereby ; to
lead them off from the ordinances of Christ, and persuade
ihem of the uselessness of the ordinary means of teaching,
and render them deaf to all conviction, but what they think
is from the spirit of God speaking in them ; and also to
prejudice the minds of carnal and inexperienced persons
against the doctrine of regeneration, and the necessity of a
special work of the Holy Spirit to convince and renew them,
and to satisfy themselves without any such Avork, and to
think that all beyond mere outward morality and virtue,
and what reformation is wrought by mere moral persua-
sion, is nothing but wild rant, superstition, and folly ; and
the issue of these things is deism and infidelity."

In their answer to this error, that God disowns the
churches in this land, among other things, they say, " it is
in fact false." " God has graciously and mercifully owned
fhese churches, and the ministry and ordinances in them :
there are at this day great numbers in several of our
churches, and more or less in them all, (adored be sove-
reign grace for it) who, according to the best judgment men
can make by the rules of God's word, are truly godly and
regenerate souls, who have received edification, and do
from time to lime receive edification, quickening and com-
fort from the Holy Spirit, through the means of the word
and ordinances administered in these churches : yea, wc
can several of us testify, that it has pleased God, within
these few years past, to awaken, convince, and, as far as
we can judge, to convert, divers persons in our respective
congregations ; and so far as we can find by the most care-
ful cxaminatioji, it has been wholly by, and through the
means of the instituted ministry and ordinances of Christ,
in his church, that all these instances of grace have been
manifested : we would be far from speaking it to arrogate
the least praise to ourselves ; we are not worthy to be hon-
ored to be the meanest of the servants of Christ ; but we
cannot but speak the things which we have seen and known
to the glory of the name of God, and the honor of his in-
stitutions : and we must testify that they are false witnes^^s
against Christ, who deny it."

IB^ HISTORY OF Chap. VIII,

Book IL In another part of tlieir letter, they say, " Notwithstand-
'Uj<''~v-'<w ing all the malice of Saton, and the errors and sins which
i 744. have defamed the work of divine grace, we do declare,
that we are fully satisfied that there has been in several of
our parishes, a wonderful work of divine grace, and a bless-
ed outpouring of the holy spirit ; and in some of our plac-
f s, those of us that belong to them, have reason to think,
that great numbers have been under true, genuine con-
•victions, and awakenings of the spirit of God; and ma-
ny scores, to the best of our judgment, have given a clear
and credible account of a gracious and saving work of the
Holy Spirit on their hearts ; and thpugh many are much
decayed, and swerved from that strict and holy living and
nearness to God, which they expressed, yet many are
found who appear to be bringing forth the fruits of God's
grace, in an holy, humble, heavenly walk and conversa-
tion. That work of God therefore, which Ave do acknowl-
edge, and have seen in our parishes, has been a work of
conviction and awakening in many souls, wherein they
have been made to see their guilty, lost, undone state by
nature, brought to see themselves under the righteous curse
of God's holy law, and the broken covenant of works, hav-
ing no power to help themselves out of that condition, and
crying out, what must we do to be saved ? (And this con-
cern did in divers of our parishes, run swiftly through most
of the families, and there was scarce a sermon preached but
was blessed for some time to promote this work.) And al-
so leading many, so far as we could see, by their expres-
sions and aetions, to see the divine truth of the gospel of-
fer of salvation by Christ, and upon the credit, call and
warrant of God's word, to venture their souls, for holiness
and eternal life, upon the satisfaction and mediation of
Christ alone ; and with humble joy and praise to admire
the infinite liches of sovereign grace in Christ, the eter.-
3ial son of God ; and that way of holiness and salvation
nvhich God has provided through him: and many saints
iiave been much enlivened, quickened and comforted ihro'
the promises of the covenant of grace, and the sealings of
the holy spirit. Both one and tiie other have been filled
with humility, meekness, peace and charity, and a fervent
love of God's word and institutions, which, as is recorded
of the saints in scripture, they have prized as the greatest
treasure in the world, and loved them as gold, yea, above
line gold ; and have been led out to see the beauty, and
taste the sweetness of holiness in the great variety and ex-
tent of the virtues and duties of Christianity, in their seve-
eral callings, conditions and relatioiis ; and that there is

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. J89

room for the most zealous exercises and fervent actings of Book II.
love and obedience to Christ, and communion with him, v-^-v>te?#
without thinking themselves qualified for preachers, or 1745.
that their business lay in finding out the condition of oth-
ers, and settling and directing the affairs of Christ's visi-
ble kingdom^ And this work we have spoken of, we would
publish and proclaim with the loudest sounds of praise to
the glory of rich and sovereign grace : in carrying on
which, God has owned the labours of many of his faithful
ministers ; while divine grace has triumphed, notwithstand-
ing all the weakness of men, and the cralt of satan."

The association having abundantly refuted the errors of
the separates, by solid scripture arguments, solemnly ad-
dress them, to warn, cautioa and advise them. They then
address true christians, beseeching them to stand fast in
the grace which is in Christ Jesus, and not to be tossed
about by every wind of doctrine, &:c.

In the last place, they address the unregenerate, and de-
clare unto them that, " there is a work of the holy spirit, a
regeneration or new birth, which the scripture declares
absolutely necessary to every man, or else he shall never
enter into the kingdom of God." They testify to them,
that if they took occasion, from the mistakes and errors be-
fore mentioned, to ridicule religion, or think it exists in
nothing but outward reformation, or the outward practice
of virtue, they would be fixed in hypocrisy and presump-
tion, and be forever ruined. They assured them, that if
they unreasonably spent their time in disputing, or if pri-
vate persons, who were not obliged by any oath or office,
should keep stirring up prosecutions, and promoting and
furthering the corporal punishments or religious disorders,
and driving on coercive measures to reclaim those that
wander out of the way of understanding, it would not only
be the most eflfectual way to prevent their conviction, but
also would be likely to be an occasion of their neglecting
their own souls, Comforting themselves with a false zeal for
God and his cause, while they remained as great strangers
to God as they were born.^

This letter appears to have been written in meekness,
and with a faithful and laborious attention to the subject.
It did not, however, apprar to have any good eflect on
those enthusiastic and wandering people, whom it was de-
signed to convince and reclaim.

The Rev. James Davenport, who had been the unhappy

^LeUer from the associated ministers of the county of Windham, De-
cember 11th, 1744, printed at Boston, containiHg 52 pages, quarto. I'he
whole association appeared to be together, consisting of sis.teen ministersj
who all set their aames to it.

190

HISTORY OF

Chap. Vlll.

1744.

Mr. Dav-
enport
confesses
his errojs.

Book II. instrument of broachinj^ and encouraging some of those
^,-^-N/^-x^ errors, was, by the gentle and laborious endeavours of the
Rev. Mr. Williams and Mr. Wheelock, brought to a deep,
humiliating and penitent sense of his errors, and the false
spiiit under which he had acted ; and about this time mode
a most public and ample conicssion and retraction, which
was published, and spread through New-England, and oth-
er parts of the country : But he could not convince and
reclaim those in whose delusion he had been instrumental.
They pretended he had now lost his zeal, fallen from his
good spirit, become cold and dead, and was influenced by
others : Hence they would receive no conviction of their
errors.

Mr. Whitefield arrived, in the fall of this year, at Bos-
ton, and preached in most of the pulpits there, and in the
vicinity ; and as it was expected that he would, the next
summer, make a tour through Connecticut, the general as-
sociation, when they met, in June, 1745, to prevent his
preaching in this colony, and prejudice the people against
him, passed the following resolve :

" That \yhereas there has of late years been many e;^-
rors in doctrine and disorders in practice, prevailing in
the churches in this land, which seem to have a threaten-
• ing aspect upon the churches : and whereas Mr. George
Whitefield has been the promoter, or at least the faulty
occasion, of many of these errors and disorders ; this asso-
ciation think it needful for them to declare, that if the said
Mr. Whitefield should make his progress through this go-
vernment, it would by no means be advisable for any of
our ministers to admit him into their pulpits, or for any of
our people to attend his administrations."

This was, probably, an injurious and false representa-
tion of Mr. Whitefield, showing die hatred of the old lights
to him and his experimental and powerful preaching, a
majority of whom, it seems, were at this general associa-
tion. Nothing could have been more opposed to the feel-
ings and wishes of those ministers who had been most in-
strumental in the religious revival v;hich had been in the
country, and to the experimental and zealous people who
loved the sincere milk of the word. Doctor Coleman, Doc-
tor Sewall, and the principal ministers of the gospel in
Boston and its vicinity, had v/elcomed him into their pul-
pits, and at their desire he had administered the sacra-
ment in several of their churches. It will be but do»
ing justice to Mr. Whitefield's character, to insert the tes-
timony of fifteen ministers, met at Taunton, in Massachu-
setts; 3>larch 5tb, 1745, as a contrast to this invidious re?p-» •

ilesolution

rigainst

Mr.White-

■fifld.

Chap. VilJ. CONNECTICUT. IH

Jution of the general association. It is in these words, Book IL
viz: "Saturday, November 24th, 1 744. The Reverend Mr. n^^>^^v,^
Whitefield was so far revived, as to be able to set out from 1745.
Portsmouth to Boston, whither he came, in a very feeble Testimo-
state, the Monday evening after : since which, he has "^ *^?""
been able to preach in several of our largest houses of pub- ^r. "
lie worship, particularly the Rev. Dr. Coleman's, Dr. White-f
SewalPs, Mr. Webb's, and Mr. Gee's, to crowded assem- ^"^^'^ -
blies of people, and with great and growing acceptance.
At Dr. Coleman's desire, with the consent of the church,
on the Lord's day after his arrival, he administered to
them the holy communion. And last Lord's day ho
preached for Mr. Cheever, of Chelsea, and administered
the holy supper there. The next day he preached for the
Rev. Mr. Emerson, of Maiden. Yesterday he set out to
preach at some towns to the northward ; purposes to re-
turn hither the next Wednesday evening, and after a few
days, to comply with the earnest invitations of several
ministers, to go and preach in their congregations in the
southern parts of the province. He comes with the same
extraordinary spirit of meekness, sweetness, and universal
benevolence as before. In opposition to the spirit of sep-
aration and bigotry, he is still for holding communion with
all protestant churches. In opposition to enthusiasm, ho
preaches a close adherance to the scriptures, the necessi-
ty of trying all impressions by them, and of rejecting what-
soever is not agreeable to them, as delusions. In opposi-
tion to Antinomianism, he preaches up all kinds of rela-
tive duties, though to be performed in the strength of
Ohrist ; and in short, the doctrines of the church of Eng-
land, and the first fathers of this country. As before, ho
first applies himself to the understandings of his hearers,
and then to the affections : and the more he preaches,
the more he convinces people of their mistakes about him,
and increases their satisfaction."*

As Mr. Whitefield's strength increased, and his healdi
grew better, he began to move further southward. After
he had preached eastward, as far as Casco bay, and North-
Yarmouth, he went through Connecticut, Plymouth and
Rhode-Island, preaching twice a day, and generally to
thousands. He was favourably received at New- York,
and preached in the southern states in his way to Georgia,.
as he had done when he was before in America.

Notwithstanding all the pains taken by the pastors of
tlie churches, in private and public, to convince the peo-

* Prince's Christian Histgrv, vol; iV. No. 94 ; and thfe life of Whitefield-j
pa2;e HO,

19*J HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book If. pie who were separating from the churches and congrega-
>>^^-'^^>i^ tions in the eastern parts of the colony, of their errors, the

1745. separations continued, increased and grew more fixed and
alarming. The separates formed themselves into distinct
churches, and proceeded to choose and ordain ministers
o\'ev them. The separates in Mansfield, and others be-
longing to other churches, about the 9th of October, 1745,

Oct. 1715. emi3odied themselves, solemnly covenanting together as a
distinct church, without any dismission or recommenda-
tion from the churches to which they belonged, and seve-
ral of them were under censure, for errors, and scanda-
"^ lous, disorderly Walking. About the midiUe of January,

the next year, they met with a view to the ordination of

1746. Deacon Thomas Marsh, for their teaching elder, and oth-
er church oflicers. A number of neighbouring ministers,
apprised of their meeting, met with a view to obtain an
opportunity of discoursing with them, and, if possible, to
dissuade them from their purpose ; but the separates treat-
ed them, in a tumultuous manner, with unchristian and op-
probious language, and revilings. They read among them^
a sol(?mn remonstrance and "protestation against their pro-
ceeding.! They nevertheless met again in February,
ordained John Hovey for their teaching elder, by prayer
and the imposition of the hands of Thomas Denison, John
Austin, and Matthew Smith, laymen, but appointed to that
service by the church.*" In July, they ordained Thomas
Marsh to be teaching elder in the same church, by the
imposition of the hands of John Hovey, Matthew Smith,
and Thomas Denison. In September following, they or-
dained Solomon Paine, at Canterbury, to be the teaching
elder of what they called the church there, by the imposi-
tion of the hands of John Hovey, Matthew Smith, Jededi-
ah Hyde, Thomas Stevens, and one Warren. The next
day Thomas Stevens was ordained, in like manner, teach-
ing elder of a separate church at Plainfield.

Ti . „, The ijastors of the churches in the county of Windham,
ciation deeply aliected with these proceedings, convened their
meet at churclics, in consociation, in Scotland, on the 13th of Jan-
fT^'im '^^'T' 1"747, to take into consideration, and give advice re-
1747. ' lative to the lamented divisions and errors which had aris-
en in the county ; and to hear the information which a
committee, appointed by the association, had to give con-
cerning them. Having received sufficient evidence of the

t Doings of the association of Windham county, January, 1747.

* The reason why John Hovey was chosen and ordained, instead of
Deacon Thomas Marsh, I suppose was this, that Marsh was arrested and
committed to prison qa the d-:<.y appointed for his ordinali':>n, for scparnting
and prcacbing-.

G'liAP. Vin. CONNECTICUT. 19^

princi}iles and proceedings of the brethren who had sepa- Book II.
rated themselves from the churches, they sent notifications ^^^^^-v^
to Mr. Elisha and to Mr. Solomon Paine, deacon Marsh,
and Mr. Thomas Stephens, giving them an account of the
inforx-nation v/hich they had received, and desiring them
to a]3pear before the pastors and churches from which
they had separated, or before a committee of the consocia-
tion, and to offer what they hkd to say in their own vindi-
cation. The consociation then recommended it to the se-
veral churches in the county to keep a day of solemn fast-
ing and prayer, between that time and the second Tues-
day in February next, to seek the Divine direction in that
day of division and error, and to supplicate the pouring
out of God's holy spirit upon the people. They then ad
journed to the second Tuesday in February.

On the 1 1th of February, the council met according to
the adjournment. After the council had been opened with
prayer, the facts, evidence, confessions of faith, and cove-
nants of the separate churches, and the whole matter res- ^^'"^•'^^
pecting them were fully considered, and such remarks made, coudg'!.
on those things which were wrong, as the council judged
necessary and expedient. They particularly remarked
on their confession of faith ; that though in general it was
orthodox, yet it was very deficient, in respect to the de-
scription of the offices, work, and mediation of Christ ; the
nature of saving faith, the institutions and ordinances of
the gospel, and the instituted worship of God in church
assemblies : That in every instance, in which they had
deviated from the confessions of faith professed from the
beginning by the churches of Christ in this land, they had
marred the sense, or perverted the scrijAure doctrine of
faith, or at least rendered them ambiguous : so that under
pretence of greater purity and reformation, they had or)en-
ed a doer, and paved the way, to Moravian, Antinomian,
Anabaptistical, and Quakerish errors : and that, under a
pretence of congregational discipline, they had set up as ab-
solute an independency as ever was heard of in the church.

They also remarked on these as great errors, " That
there are two m.eanings in the bible, a doctrinal and spiri-
tual ; that a spiritual meaning lies hid under all passages
of scripture, which no man can come to the knowledge of,
but by the special revelation or opening of the spirit of
God : That saving faith, is a firm or sure persuasion that
Christ died for me ; and that I should have life and salva-
tion by him ; and that assurance is the essence of faith :
That the ministers and churches in this land are Popish,
and antichristian." They remarked on the affecting proof

Z

\d'\ HISTORY OF Gkap. VII?.

they had, of the errors and ignorance of the persons, Avh<3
were the teachers of the separate churches ; their need to
be taught what were the first principles of the oracles of
God ; and their utter unfitness to expound the scriptures,
and act as officers and teachers in the church.

The consociation, after having made their remarks, came
to the follo\Ying resolutions, in which they were unanimous.
Resolves " That the churches in this county, do steadfastly adhere to
or the the confession of faith, drawn up by the assembly of di-
Council, vines at Westminster, and the same which has been pro-
fessed and owned by our fathers, in the Cambridge and
Saybrook platforms, owning the great doctrines of the
scriptures, summarily contained in them. : That there is
not any just ground of separation, from churches wherein
(he true faith and doctrine of the gospel is professed and
maintained, the pure word of God preached, and the sa-
craments duly administered, according to the appointmertt
of Christ in the holy scriptures ; That the separate peo-
ple here treated of, have not taken measures in a scriptur-
al and gospel way, and according to Christ's appointment,
to convince these churches of departing from, the true faith
or doctrine of the gospel, and ordinances of Christ, and the
preaching of the pure word of God in them, or of the cor-
rupt administration of sacraments, befoi-e their sepai'ation:
That their separation has been carried on in an uncharita-
ble, unchristian maimer, without any due regard to the
pesLcp and edification of the church, and the rules of the
gospel : That they have manifestly departed from the true
faith, or doctrine, delivered in the gospel, and the ordinan-
ces of Chuist, as delivered in his word : That their sepa-
rations and practices thereon, are antichristian, divisive,
rending the visible body of Christ, and casting off the au-
thority which he has instituted in his church for edification,
and abundantly warned against and forbidden in the gos-
pel : That these churches ought to look upon those bodies
of pi'ofessing christians, continuing in these errors and
practices, as scandalous and disorderly walkers, and ac-
cordingly to withdraw communion from them ; not hereby
precluding pavticular churches, but judging it their duty,
ro use such iarther gospel measures, as are suitable to con-
vince and reclaim particular persons among them, as they
•see their particular cases shall require."

As it had been reported, that some of the ministers of
that cotmty had lield and promoted some of the errors
mentioned and condemned m this result, particularly the
certainty of one christian's knowledge of another, and the
preaching of unauthorised, illiterate pcrsong ; and that they

Ohap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 19J

have taught and held that outcries, and bodily agitations, Book II.
were evidences of the presence and influence of the spirit v-^-^vx.^
©f God, the council declared, " That they had enc[uired 1747.
into those things, and found that not one minister in the
county held them 5 and that they had abundantly declared
it, in the printed letter of the associated pastors, to the sev-
eral societies in the county."*

There was this year, a separate church formed in the church
first society in Preston, and Mr. Paul Pai4i was ordained foraied,
their pastor in. the separate manner. The enthusiasm of^!^'"'^ ^J-
the seporate ministers at this time ran so high, and they ordained^
had such ideas of the special and immediate influence of Julyisth
the divine spirit, that in the solemn charge which was giv-
en him, as I have been credibly informed, it v^as enjoined
upon nim, by no means to study or premeditate what he
should say in public ; but to speak as the spirit should give
him utterance.

About the same time, a separation took place in Lyme,
und Vol unto vvn, and not long after in Windsor, Enfield, and
Suffield.

While these things were transacted in the eastern and
northern parts of the colony, a violent opposition was made
in the county of New-IIaven, to the new lights, and to the
religious revival which had been in the country. They
appeared to hesitate at no means to suppress the zealous
new light ministers. In the year 1741, when the grand
council was about to sit at Guilford, the association drew
up several resolutions to be laid before that council ;
among which was the follov/ing : " That for a minister to
enter into another minister's parish, and.preach, or admin-
ister the seals of the covenant, without the consent of, or
in opposition to the setded minister of the parish, is disor-
derly : notwithstanding, if a considerable number of the
people in the parish, are desirous to hear another minister
preach, provided the same be orthodox, and sound in the
faith, and not notoriously faulty in censuring other per-
sons, or guilty of any other scandal, we think it ordinari-
ly advisable for the minister of the parish to gratify them,
by giving his consent, upon their suitable applicanon to
him for it, unless neighboring ministers should advise him
to the contrary." Mr. Humphreys, of Derby, had preach- «
ed to a baptist society, and on that account was soon after
deprived of a seat in the association. The Rev. Mr. Tim-
othy Allen, of West-Haven, who was an able and zealous

*The result of the consociation of Windham county, printed at Boston,
1747. This contains the evidence jiveu in concerning the separates, ther.
4oijfessioa of faithj covenant, &c.

196 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII.

Book IT. Calvinistic preacher, was not pleasing to them, and for
vj«»-v^*-' some little imjn-udences, the consociation dismissed him
from his ministry. The principal article alledgcd against
him, Avas, that he had said, " that the reading of the scrip-
tures, without the concurring influence and operation of the
spirit of God, will no more convert a sinner, than reading an
old almanack." Though it was true, that no external means
would convert a sinner, yet Mr. Allen lamented the man-
,r All ner of expression, and ofiered his confession to the associ-

I>| I.Allen . . K , -, ., ,. . II- 1 • • • 1

dismissed, ation lor ]t : but the council dismissed him, and it is said
with this ill natured triumph : that they had blown out one
new light, and that they would blow them all out. Mr.
Allen was a man of genius and talent*, and an able defend-
er of the doctrines of the gospel, as appeared by some of
his publications ; he was also a man of strict morals, and
a powerful and fervent preacher. Though his light was
not suffered to shine in the county of Ncw-Fiaven, yet it
.shone in other churches until he was between eighty and
3iinety years of age.*

In 1744, a church was formed in Salisbury, on the prin-
ciples of the Cambridge platform, and the town and church
made choice of Mr. Jonathan Lee for their pastor; and,
among other gentlemen, made choice of the Rev. Mr.
^rdai^ed Humphreys, of Derby, and the Rev. Mr. Leavenworth, of
Kov. 23d', Waterbury, and the Rev. Mr. Todd, of Northbury, to as-
1744. sist in his ordination. He had received a liberal education
at Yale College, and studied divinity under the care of
Mr. Williams, of Lebanon ; was of a good moral charac-
ter, and a zealous preacher of the Calvinistic doctrines.
The association suspended these gentlemen from all asso-
ciational communion, for assisting in the ordination of Mr.
Lee, because he and the church had adopted the Cam-
"bridge platform, and vrere not on the constitutional esta-
blishment of the colony.

They had now expelled from the association all the zeal-
ous Calvinibtic preachers, or enthusiasts, as they esteem-
ed them, except Mr. Robbins, of Branford, a young gen-
tleman who liad been ordained about eight or ten years.
Him they had been disciplining and persecuting for some
Ti-oceed- time. Their proceedin2:s aeainst him were as follows :
ffainst' Mr. There sprang up a number of baptists, in the first society
Robbins. in Wallingford, about the year 1734 or 1735. They had
built them a meeting-house, and two ministers had been
ordamed over them. By the advice of Governor Talcott,
the society had not required any taxes from them for a

*In the year 1800, he continued to be pastor in Chesterfield, jn Massa-
,lfhusQtts, in the SGthyear of his age, ^

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 197

number of years. In the general awakening, they were Book II.
roused to a concern for the great interests of their souls, s^^—v—^^
and their pastor, who then was Mr. John Merriman, in be-
half of himself and people, had desired some of the stand-
ing ministers to preach for them ; observing, that as to the
internals of religion, they could heartily join with them,
though not in the mode. Some of the standing ministers
had accepted their invitations, ai?d preached to them. In
December, 1741, Mr. Merriman, in behalf of himself and
people, wrote a letter to Mr. Robbins, desiring him to come
and give them a sermon or two. Mr. Merriman observed
in his letter, that Mr. Bellamy had lately preached to them,
to good satisfaction, and with succesi, as to several of the
people. Mr. Robbins accepted the invitation, and appoint-
ed the time when he would be with them. After this, Mr.
Robbins was presented with a paper, signpd by forty-two
persons, of Mr. Whittelsey's congregation, desiring that he
v/ould not preach to the baptists in Wallingford. The
messengers v/ho conveyed him this letter, also presented
him with a line from the Rev. Mr. Stiles, of North-Haven,
and Mr. Hemingway, of East-Haven, advising him not to
preach in the baptist meeting-house, in Wallingford. Mr.
Robbins could see no reason why these gentlemen siiould
desire that he should not preach to the baptists. It ap-
peared to him rather unkind, and contrary to a christian
spirit, to prevent their having preaching, when they thirst-
ed for the word of life, and there was a more than com-
mon prospect of doing good. He had given his word, and
appointed the day, and though he had some hesitation with
I'espect to it at first, after he had received the letter from
Wallingford, he determined to go and preach according to
liis engagement.

At an adjourned consociation at New-Haven, February 1742,
9lh, 1742, a complaint was exhibited against him, by one
of the delegates in consociation, for preaching to the bap-
tists at Wallingford, Mr. Robbins could not at that time,
nor ever afterwards, obtain a copy of it, though he frequent-
ly desired it : but it was, so far as Mr. Robbins could re-
collect, nearly in these words : Complaiiii

" I, the subscriber, do signify, by way of complaint to against
this reverend consociation, that on the 6th day of Jan- ^^" ^'■'^^'
uary last past, the Rev. Philemon Robbins did enter into
the first society in Wallingford, and preach in a disorderly
manner, in contempt of the authority of this consociation,
without the consent of the Rev. Mr. Whittelsey, pastor of
said society, contrary to the act of the Guilford council.^
contrary to the act of this consociation, and contrary tc

VDd HISTORY OF Chap. VIU.

Book II. the desire of two neighborine; minister,-;, and a great num-

^<»-<-^^'>j^ bcr of church members iu Wallingford."
1744. (Signed) Theophilus Yale.

Until this time, Mr. Robbins had never heard of any
uneasiness among his own people, nor complaint or fault
found with him for preaching to the baptists. Neither the
complainant nor any other person mentioned it to him in
private as a fault. The complaint was exhibited in viola-
tion of the express command of Christ, in the eighteenth of
Matthew ; and without giving him even a copy of the com-
plaint, or any citation to appear before the consociation,
or allowing hjm time to prepare for his defence, called
him to answer, contrary to all regular proceedings, either
in civil or ecclesiastical affairs. Mr. Robbins pleaded to

Mr. Rob- this eiiect. That with respect to the resolutions of the Guil-

bins' aQ- ford council, he knew nothing of them, at the time of his

swcr to tiiG . , ^

com- preaching at Wallingford ; that they had never, as yet, been

plaint. adopted by this consociation, nor so m\ich as read in it :
That as to the resolution of this consociation, it was pass-
ed only for the consideration of the Guilfoi-d council, and
had answered its design ; and there was at the time of his
preaching, in fact, no law against it ; and, that where
there was no lav/, there could be no transgression. Be-
sides, he had not entered into Mr. Whittelsey's parish, but
had preached to a people entirely different from his, in the
view of governor Talcott, before his death, and of the
the town, who treated them as such, as they gathered no
taxes from them, any more than from the inhabitants of
any other town or society. He observed further, that the
legislature owned them as a lawful society, by sending
them proclamations for fasts and thanksgivings. With
respect to his preaching, contrary to the advice of two
neighbouring miii,istcrs, and a great number of church
members, he observed, that he knew of no inile in the word
of God, or the Saybrook platform, which obliged him to
comply with their desire in his preaching, nor could he
see any reason in such desire, He observed that there
was nothing in the complaint accusing him of the violation
of any of the divine commands, or of doing any th[ng con-
trary to the word of God.
Jlesolvesof The consociation, nevertheless, resolved, "That the
the council Rev. Mr. Robbins' so preaching was disorderly : That
M^'^p'^b" ^^^"' Robbins should not sit as a member of this council for
faics. '^ liis disorderly preaching," Mr. Robbins, upon the read-
ing of the resolutions of the council, returned home, ex-
pecting no more complaints or trouble on the account oi
his preaching to the baptists. But, very unexpcctedlv to

Phap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. 1J^9

him, a complaint was exhibited against him, to the asso- Book IJ.
ciation which sat at Cheshire, in May, 1743. Mr. Rob- v^^^-n^-x^
bins accidentally heard ol" it, soon after, but he could not 1743,
learn who were the complainants, nor Avhat number of
them there were, nor what were the articles of complaint.
Every thing relative to it had been conducted with the ut-
most secrecy. However, by one of the neighboring min-
isters, be learned that the articles of complaint, as nearly
as he could i-emcmber them, were, " That Mr. Robbinshad
set up lectures, without a vote of the church for it : That
he denied the platform : That he baptized a child at New-
llaven : That he was a promoter of divisions and separa-
tions ; and that he admitted members of the separate church
at New-Haven to communion^"

He learned that the complainants were six in nuraber\
one of them a man who, for some time, had scarcely been
compos mentis, and had not for about two years attended
public worship. He also became acquainted with the ap-
pointment of a council, to meet in Branford, in June, to
hear all matters of ditBculty, by the appointment of the as-
sociation. Mr. Robbins hearing v/ho were the ministers
that were appointed to meet at Branford, invited them to
his house. He afterwards received a letter from the scribe
of the association, acquainting him that a council was to
meet at Branford, the second Tuesday in June, to enquire
into their difficulties, and naming the gentlemen of whom it
was to consist ; but mentioning no articles of complaint.
But, before the time appointed for the meeting of the coun-
cil, the principal complainants came to Mr. Robbins, and
desired to make peace. They said if they could make up
the breach among themselves, there need be no more diffi-
culty. Mr. Robbins observed, that if he should satisfy
them, the other complainants, who were not present, might
not be satisfied. They said they would go and call the
others. They all came but two ; one was not at home, and
the other left it with his brethren to act for him.

Mr. Robbijis then asked, what were their articles of Seftls-
grievance ; but they had no copy of them, nor did they '^^^j."^ ^'.
seem to be able to recollect them. He then repeated what hetweeir
he had heard them to be. They said those were the arti- Mr. Rob ■
cles. Mr. Robbins then said, to make peace, I will call a ^^"^ ''^"'^
church meeting, and take their vote- respectinoj lectures. 1^;!;.?",'"
With respect to his denying the platform, they meant by
it, his not going to associations, thus making the punish-
ment of a former offence, the ground of subsequent accusa-
tion ; he said, I will go to the next, and endeavour to make
up with them. "vVith respect t© the third article, his bap-

200 HISTORY Of Chap. VIIL

BooK II. tizing a child at New-Haven, he said fhal he had given the
v-*'~^''>«-/ consociation satisfaction with respect to that. As to his
1 743. encouraging separates, by which they meant his preaching
to tlie separates in New-Haven, he said he would not
jDrcach to them again, until they had got into some other
form ; until a church should be gathered, or the people
should take benefit of the act of toleration. With respect
to his admission of the members of the separate church at
New-Haven, he promised, he would not admit those mem-
bers at present. With these answers, the complainants
declared themselves satisfied ; and in consequence of their
satisfaction, they readily subscribed the foUowing letter :
" To the Rev. Messrs. Jacob Hemingway, &;c. desired
by the association of New-Haven county, to come to Bran-
ford, on the second Tuesday in June, Anno Domini, 1 743 ;
to inspect some afi'airs of difficulty, between our Rev. pas-
tor and us :
" Rev. Gentlemen,

" We hereby inform you^ that on Tuesday last we went
to the house of our Rev. pastor, to discourse on some things
that have been matters of grievance to us ; and we have
discoursed on each of the articles that you have been ap-
prised of, and whatever else we wanted to discourse of, re-
i-ating to any difterence between us ; and our pastor has
given us full satisfaction in all things ; so that we are in
good agreement and union ; and do (we hope heartily) for-
get and forgive all past offeiices, or matters of difficulty,
whatsoever. We desire to acknowledge the goodness of
God, herein, and return thanks to yoii, gentlemen, for
your good designs and purposes to promote what we have
so haj)pily concluded ; and do rest your obliged friends
and servants.

Abraham HoADLr,
John Plant,

Joseph Frisbie, for himself
and John Rogers,
John Baldwin."
Notwithstanchng this complete and amicable settlement
between the pastor and the jjcople, the gentlemen who
were appointed, met in Branlbrd, and collected a great
number of people, it was supposed by sending round pri-
vate notices far all' who were dissatisfied to appear.
They came, with all who were inclined to hear. No arti-
cles of complaint were exhibited ; but the people were al-
lowed alternately to speak, of a variety of things, much as
they pleased. They spoke of Mr. Robbins's admitting
Mr. Davenport to preach ; of his holding night meetings^

C«AP. VIIL CONNECTICUT. 201

(that is, conferences) at his house, and having disord^s Book IL
there after lectures ; crying out,' prayers, and the like. \.^-v->^^

After Mr. Robbins had made his answer to the matters 1743,
which were thus loosely alledged, the committee drew up
articles of advice to him ; with v/hich, after some correc-
tions and alterations, he, complied. Peace was declared,
and all were satisfied and contented.

Mr. Robbins, according to his engagement, called a
church meeting to know the minds of his brethren with res-
pect to his appointing lectures, and the church voted to
leave it with him to appoint them as he pleased. Accor-
ding to his promise, he went to the next association, which
was held at the Rev. Mr. Stiles', in North-Haven, to en-
deavor to obtain a good standing with his brethren. He
inquired of them whether the vote of the consociation,
secluding him from sitting with them, secluded him also
from sitting in the association ? They replied, that the great-
er implied the less, and that he could not be allowed to sit:
in the association.

The association then presented him with the following
confession : " Whereas I, Philemon Robbins, was con-
demned by the consociation of New-Haven county, for dis-
orderly preaching, in the first society in Wallingford ; I
do now acknowledge, that my preaching there was disor-
derly ; and I purpose to preach disorderly no more, and
desire the reverend association of New-Haven county to
overlook it ; I purposing and resolving, if opportunity fa-
vor, to go to said consociation, and acknowledge the said
disorderly preaching before them, in order to be restored
to their favor."

As he could not acknowledge his preaching to the bap-
tists was contrary to the word of God, or the Saybrook
platform, and as he did believe in his conscience, that it
was not disorderly, he refused to subscribe the confession./
He offered a confession of his own, but the association
would not accept if. But as the people were uneasy that
he was not on good terms with the association, and as a
good understanding with his brethren in the vicinity wasr
desirable, he went to the association the next year in May,
while it was sitting in North-Branford, and offered three
confessions to the association : the first was in these words :
" I the subscriber do acknowledge that I preached at Wal-
lingford, within the bounds of the first society, and without
the consent of the Rev. Mr. Whittelsey, pastor of the first
society, on January 6th, 1741-2, and now do acknowl-
edge, that my preaching there was a breach of the order
that the ecclesiastical authority of Nevz-Haven county have
A 2

•20^ HISTORY OF Chap. VIIIs

Book II. come into, by an agreement and vote, A. D. 1741, and so
v-s^-^^^w disorderly preaching in that respect, as it was contrary to
said vote. And now 1 declare that it is my full purpose,
at present, not to preach contrary to said vote of said au-
thority ecclesiastical, for time to come, nor contrary to the
act of the general assembly in May, 1742. And further, I
humbly ask that the association of New-Haven county
would overlook what is past, and receive me to sit with
ihem, &c. as fonnerly, and recommend me to be received
by the consociation, upon my making this acknov/ledg'
ment before them, which I stand ready to do when oppor-
tunity presents. Philemon Robbins."

It was a long time debated in council, whether this con-
fession should be received or not. Some were for it, but
finally a majority appeared against it, and it was rejected.
They said they should be afraid ever to see Mr. Whittel-
sey again if they should receive it. He offered them a
second, but that did not satisfy them. He told them he
had a third to offer, if they would hear it. They refused ;
but one of the association wished to have it, and promised
to return it to him again, and there was no doubt but the
association heard it. It was as followeth :

" I the subscriber do humbly acknowledge that I preach-
ed at VVallingford, within the bounds of the first society, to
the people called the baptists, January 6th, A. D. 1741-2,
for which the reverend consociation have secluded me
from the privilege of sitting with them, and people at homo
and abroad have been uneasy: I do therefore declare,
that, though if I was instrumental of any spiritual good to
any souls there, I must so far rejoice ; yet upon every oth-
er account, I am sony that 1 went ; and desire the associa-
tion and consociation of said county to overlook it, and
receive me to sit with them, &c. as formerly.

Philemon Robbins."
Finding that nothing which he could conscientiously say
would satisfy the association, he went home, hoping that
what he had said might give satisfaction to his own people,
though it had not to the association.
May '29Ui, The next year, by implicit advice of one of the associa-
1745. tion, who had made himself very busy about Branford af-
fairs, another complaint was drawn up and carried to the
association, sitting at Amity, May 29th, 1745. This was
managed in the same private manner as the other com-
plaint. Nothing had been said to him by the complainantSj
nor any opportunity given him to attempt their satisfaction.
He did not so much as hear of the complaint, until some
time after it was gone to the eissociation. After he receiv •

Chap. VIIT, CONNECTICUT. 203

ed the news of it, and that a council was coming again to BookIL
Branford, he could not learn who the complainants, or ^^.rf^~v-^^^
what the articles of complaint, were. But some days he-
fore the council met, the three following papers were
handed to him.

" To the reverend association of New-Haven county :

We, the subscribers, belonging to the first society in
Branford, do humbly request you, re^'erend gentlemen, to
take into consideration the difficulties and grievances we
labor under, with the Rev. Philemon Robbins, our pastor,
in not coming up to his promise to get into good standing
with the association, which were the terms of his reconcil
iation with this church and congregation. We also appre-
hend he is led by an enthusiastic, censorious spirit, to the
great grief of a great part of this church and congregation."
Joseph Frisbie, and others,

\fi the number of fifteen.

This procedure was very extraordinary. With respect
to the first article, it was not true, and the association could
not but know that it was not, as a great part of them
had been at Branford, and heard all their affairs. All that
Mr. Robbins promised, was, that he would go to the asso-
ciation, and endeavour to get into good standing with his
brethren. He had been, and taken great pains, and said
aJl that he could say, with truth and a good conscience.
The other part of the complaint contained only a general
<leclaration of the apprehension of the complainants, that
he was led by ^n enthusiastic and censorious spirit, with-
out mentioning a single fact to support it, or giving any
intimation to the accused, what he would be called to an-
swer in consequence of it. Such general charges ai-e al-
ways rejected, in all regular proceedings. Besides, the re-
ceiving the complaint, (when neither of the previous steps
expressly commanded in Matthew xviii. which, in the
opinion of the greatest divines, is an universal rule to be
observed in all cases of discipline, had been adopted,)
was wholly unscriptural ; it was ijiconsistefit with broth-
erly love, and the very spirit of the gospel.

At a meeting of the association of New-Haven county,
regularly convened at Amity, May 28th, 1745.
" To Mr. Joseph Frisbie, of Branford —

" Upon the representation that you and fourteen more
of the south society in Branford have made to this associa--
tion, this association have appointed the Rev. Messrs-
Jacob Hemingway, Isaac Stiles, and Thomas Ruggles, a
committee to repair to Branford, to enquire into the prem-
ises, at what tijne and place you shall appoint and desire,_

204 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIJ

Book II. and seasonably inform said committee of ; v;ho are direct-
v«^~>^>»i^ ed to make their report of the affair to this association, at
1745. their next meeting. By order of the association,

Thomas Ruggles, Scribe."
The complainants warned the gentlemen to meet on the
third Monday in June, at 10 o'clock, at the house of Or-
chard Guy. Neither Mr. Robbins nor his friends had any
notification, or desire from the association or their commit-
tee, to meet them ; but as the affair respected a complaint
exhibited against him, in which the church and society
were interested, as Fell as himself, he and his friends
wished to be present, and to hear what was to be said up-
on the subject. ' They therefore went to the house where
the gendemen were met, and Mr. Robbins observed, that
he understood they were come on his account, and that he
Tvas come to see them, but would not interrupt them ; and
that upon their desire he would withdraw. One of the
principal gentlemen in the town, observed the same for him-
self, and the friends of Mr. Robbins, who were present.
'The committee of the association allowed Mr. Robbins,
bis deacons, and one or two more of his friends, to stay,
but ordered the rest to depart. They proceeded to read
the first confession which Mr. Robbins made to the asso-
ciation, to know whether it was satisfactory to the com-
plainants. When it had been read, by the order of Mr.
Stiles, Mr. Ruggles represented its deficiency, and the
reasons why the association would not receive it.* The
complainants said but little ; the principal conversation
■was between Mr. Robbins, and the committee of the asso-
ciation, relative to his getting into good standing with
them ; but they could agree upon nothing with respect to
that. Mr. Robbins made this proposal ; that if it would
make peace in the society, he would resign the ministry
among them ; They might go to Cambridge, New-Haven,
or wherever else they pleased, and obtain a candidate to
preach to them two or three months ; and when his time of
brobation was expired, if they would setde him, he would
quit the ministry. But the ministers were so sensible that
this would not succeed, that they did not advise to the
ineasure. The committee of the association, before they
left the town, went to the house of Mr. Robbins and urged
iim to attend the next association, and make one attempt
more to obtain his good standing ; but he imagined it
would be in vain, as he could offer nothing more than he
had offered. Nevertheless, upon their importunity, and

* Two of the gftntlemen appointed by the association only were pres^
l^nt : Mr= Hemingway did not attend. "^z

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 20fi

hoping that it might give some present ease, to those who Book II.
were dissatisfied among his people, he consented to go. .v^^v^^pf*"
This the committee reported to the complainants, and left 1745.
the to;ivn.

According to his agreement he went to the next associ-
ation, at Waterbury, in September, 1745, and offered the
following confession to the association :

"I, the subscriber, do humbly acknowledge that I preach-
ed at Wallingford, within the bounds of the first society,,
to the people called the baptists, on Jan. 6th, 1741-2, for
which I have teen excluded the consociation of New-Ha^
ven county ; which has occasioned great uneasiness to me,
and among my people. And though I cannot (after more
than three years study, meditation, and prayer, for light in
the matter,) be convinced jn conscience that my so preach-
ing was contrary to the holy scriptures, or the mind of God;
yet, I am free to own and acknowledge the circumstances
that attended it, yiz. that it was without the consent of the
Rev. Mr. Whittelsey, pastor in Wallingford, contrary to
the desire and advice of two ministers, and a considerable
number of church members in Wallingford; and farther,
that it was contrary to the vote of the Rev. consociation of
New-Haven county ; a reverend and worthy body of gen-
tlemen, whom I esteem and honor. And I acknowledge
my preaching as above, to be disorderly in this respect, as
it was contrary to said vote of said authority ecclesiastical.
And now, gentlemen, I humbly beg forgiveness : let my
ignorance of its being a crime apologize for me, that I may
be restored. And I would humbly ofter one motive to en-
gage your compassion, viz. a prospect of peace among my
people, who have been uneasy ; for I think that in other-
respects, they are friendly and kind ; but this case has
been an uneasiness with them, and a principal uneasiness.
if 1 may judge by their complaints, or what I hear from
their own mouths. And thei'efore, gentlemen, as you are
professed lovers of peace, you will undoubtedly promote it,
by restoring your unworthy servant.

" Philemon Robbins."

The association would not accept it, nor give it so much
as a second reading. The association insisted on his mak-
ing a confession for disorderly preaching and, praying,
which he could not do.

Soon after the association, a copy of the last confession
which had been drawn for Mr. Robbins to make, was hand-
ed about the society, to show on v/hat easy terms the n%-
sociation were ready to restore him, and how obstinate he
was ; to prejudice the people against him. and increase

206 HISTORY OF Chap. VHI.

Book IT. their uneasiness with their pastor : and a threatening]; was
■s^-v-'w given out by some of the association, that before long, the
people should have the w'nole matter in black and white.
In this state of the business, Mr. Robbins judged it expe-
dient to make his peoph* acquainted Avith the whole affair ;
and as a society meeting had been warned on Monday the
14th of October, Mr. Ilobbins, on the Lord's day, after
the public service was ended, addressed the people in this
manner, viz :

" I understand you arc to have a society meeting on the
morrow : I purpose to attend it myself, and give the soci-
ety a particular account of my relation to the association,
and their proceedings with me ; and shall desire to know
their minds in some particulars relating thereto ; and there-
fore desire them to be universally present."
Oct. 21st -^t the society meeting, Mr. Robbins laid before them,
1745. the whole proceedings of the association and consociation
relative to him, and what he had done to be reconciled to
them, and withdrew. The meeting was very full, and the
following votes were passed.

"1. That this society is of opinion, that what our pas-
tor has offered to the association of New-Haven county^
relating to his preaching to the baptists in Wallingford, is
sufficient."

" 2. That this society desire the Rev. Mr. Robbins to
continue in the ministry among us, notwithstanding his
preaching to the baptists, and what the consociation ot
New-Haven county have done thereon."

'" 3. That we desire the Rev. consociation and associa-
tion not to send any councils or committees among us, un-
less the society desire it."

, " 4. That a particular people have right to choose their
own minister; and as no ecclesiastical authority has right to
impose one upon them without their vote and consent, so
no authority has right to censure, suspend or depose a
minister regularly ordained, without the vote and consent of
his people."

" 5. That we cannot submit to the acts or conclusions
of any councils respecting the ministry among us, that are
made without the vote and consent of this society."

Votes in the affirmative, 52 — in the negative, 15.

At a church meeting in Branford, Nov. 4th, 1745, the
church passed the following votes :

" 1. That we renounce the Saybrook platform, and can-
not receive it as a rule of government and discipline in
tliis church."

" 2. That we declare this church to be a congregational
•^•hurch,"

C'HAP.VIIL CONNECTICUT. 201

" 3. That we receive the scriptures of the Old and New Book II.
Testament as the only perfect rule and platform of church v^^-v**^
o-overnment and discipline."

" 4. That though we receive the scriptures as the only-
perfect rule ; yet as we know of no human composure that
comes nearer to the scriptures in matters of church gov-
ernment and discipline, than the Cambridge platform ; so
we approve of that for substance, and take it for our plat-
form, agreeably to the word of God."

" 5. That we are not hereby straightened in our charity,
but are free to hold communion, not only with congrega-
tional churches, and church members that are in good
standing, but with those called Presbyterian, and also
with those under the Saybrook platform regimen."

" Voted, That in testimony of our respect to other chur-
ches, and freeness to commune with them ; we are willing
that our Rev. pastor should exchange labours with ordain-
ed ministers in New-Haven county, or invite any of them
to preach with us, as opportunity presents."

The uneasy party, dissatisfied with these votes of the
church and society, got a complaint, 6t prayer, drawn, di-
rected to the moderator of the consociation, to come and
hear, and determine matters relative to Branford. There
was nothing charged against Mr. Robbins, more than these
general articles : " That he had not taken gospel methods
to get into good standing with the consociation, and also for
leading part of the church to fling off the authority of asso-
ciations and consociations."

The moderator, on receiving this complaint, referred it
to the association which was to sit at East-Guilford, in May,
1746. What passed at the association, was not known.
One of the complainants went, but Mr. Robbins was not
warned to attend, nor any of his friends. But soon after,
upon an exparte hearing entirely, the association came to
the determination expressed in the following words :
•' The association, regularly convened at East-Guiifofd,
May 27th, 1746,
To the Rev. Mr. Philemon Robbins, at Branford. ,, ^„ ,
Rev. Sir, — A complaint against you and a part of your 174^^ ^
church, hath been exhibited to the Rev. moderator of the
consociation of this county of New-Haven, praying that
the said consociation may be called to hear and determine
upon the matters of uneasiness and difficulty, v.hich un-
happily subsist among you, signed by a number of breth-
ren, members in full communion in your church, and be-
low by a larger number of members of your society, re-
questing the same thing 5 as also a paper of many articles.

50a HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book IL hath been given to the said moderator, wherein they ac-
"•^'-"^'^i^ cusc yon, both as to doctrine and practice, as also an at-
1 746. tested copy of some votes lately passed in your church :
This association having deliberated upon the premises.
and being still desirous, as we always have been, that:
your difficulties might be healed in the most tender and
amicable manner ; do advise you, and those with you, tc>
concur with the dissatisfied party, in choosing three or five
of our body, and desire them to come to Branford, and en-
deavour an accommodation of your difficulties 5 the which,
if it be not done, or the good ends designed be not attain-
ed thereby, we have advised the said moderator, after the
end of June next, if properly applied to and informed, to
call the consociation of this county, at suitable time and
place, to hear and determine upon the premises, accord-
ing to our ecclesiastical and established constitution.

A true copy. Test. Thomas Ruggles, Scribe."

In this instrument, there was an intimation of a number
of articles of complaint given in to the moderator, but Mr,
Robbins had never heard or seen any one of them, nor was
he desired to ap})ear before the association to make any
reply to them.

Some time after receiving the above letter, several of
die dissatisfied brethren, with the deacons of the church,
and others of his friends, met at Mr. Robbins' to converse
on their affairs. After some conversation on the subject,
and vv'hat methods could be taken for peace, one who was
present, applied himself to one of the dissatisfied party in.
these words : " Did ever any of the ministers put you in
any way for peace ? I have been on your side, and was
very uneasy with Mr. Robbins, and do now dislike a great
many things that are past. I was the promoter of the first
complaint that was carried to the association, and have
asked one and another of the ministers what we should do
for peace, but never did any of them put me in any way fov
peace, but told me, if you can get hold of Mr. Robbins,
hold fast. That opened my eyes, and convi)iced me that
they had no desire for peace." To this there was no reply.

In conversation with the dissatisfied, Mr. Robbins made
several proposals far an accommodation : that they should
refer their difficulties to a council ; the church should nomi-
nate three, and the dissatisfied three. That they should
represent his errors and faults, and that he would retract
all the errors, and confess ail the faults of which they should
convict him, as fully and openly as the case required : or
that the church should propose one article of agreement,
and the dissatislied another, until there were enough, then

iDHAf. VIIL Ct)NNECTICUT, -209

each side should comply with the others articles, if thoy Book IT.
were not sinful ; and that he would call a church meeting, v^'-vx-/
and know whether the church would rescind their votes. 1746.
The dissatisfied party would not agree to either of the pro-
posals, but insisted on having three or five of the associa-
tion. The brethren of the church who were present, de-
clared, " that they could a- freely refer the matter to any
three of the dissatisfied party, as to three of the associa-
tion." So they parted without agreeing upon any terms of
accommodation.

In this state of affairs, it was judged expedient to warn
a meeting of the society, which, after a legal warning,
met June 16th, 1746, when, it was voted, "that this so-
ciety is deterniined to abide by the votes We passed, Octo-
ber 21st, 1745." And as a fm-ther testimony of their reso-
lution, they personally and severally desired the clerk,
in open meeting, to subscribe their names to said vote.
Sixty five subscribed in open meeting 5 afterward twelve
more, who were absent at the society meeting, went to the
clerk and desired him to enrol their names with those who
were in the vote. In the meeting were twenty eight on-
ly who dissented. The society voted, " that John Rus-
sell, Esq. William Gould, Esq. and Samuel Rose, or any
two of them, be a committee to represent this society, be-
fore any ecclesiastical council, that may be called among
us, to lay the votes of this, and the meeting in October
last, l>efore them ; also to deny and earnestly declare a-
gainst their jurisdiction." It was reported, after the
society meeting, when it was generally known that the ju-
risdiction of the council would be denied, and neither an-
svvcr given nor cause pleaded before them, that the arti-
cles of charge v/ere greatly multiplied. Since none of the
articles were to be heard, it seems that the disaffected im-
agined it would help their cause, to multiply articles of
complaint against Mr. Robbins, both respecting his doc-
trines and conduct.

Some time in September, a number of the disaffected
people brought Mr. Robbins the citation following :

" To the Rev. Philemon Robbins, minister of the eldest Citation of
parish in Branford, in the county of New-Haven, and colo- ^/- I^^b-
ny of Connecticut, and pastor there.

" Rev. Sir,~=^A complaint against you, consisting of
various articles, respecting both your preaching and
your conduct and behaviour, bearing date, Branford, July
23d, 1746, signed Joseph Frisbie, a member of said church,
(an attested copy cf which is ordered to be delivered to
you) being brought to roe the subscriber, as last modera-
B2

HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book 11. tor of the consociation of said New-Haven county, with a
v„*r->^>w» request that the consociation might be called, to hear,
1 746. judge and determine upon the several articles of complaint,
according to the ecclesiastical constitution and establish-
ment of this government ; and the association of this said
county, in their last session at East-Guilford, May 27th,
last, having advised the moderator of the said consociation,
to call the said consociation after the end of June» then
next, if properly applied to, in case the grievanc e and
difficulties in said Branford, first church and societ)^, were
not accommodated, in the method by them prescribed j
and being well informed that they are not so accommo-
dated ; 1 have therefore given order for the convening of
the said consociation, of the county of.New-Haven, at the
dwelling house of John Factor, in said Branford, at one of
the clock in the afternoon, on the last Tuesday of Septem-
ber next ensuing the date hereof •, and you the said Phile-
mon Robbins, are hereby, in the name of Christ, cited and
required to appear before the said consociation, at the
time and place aforesaid, then and there to answer to the
several articles of the said complaint; and thereof you may
not fail. By Nathaniel Chauncey, Moderator.

Durham, August 28th, 1746-."

With this citation the articles of complaint were deliv-
ered. Those which respected his doctrine were,
Complaiat " I. That he, the said Mr, Robbins, has 'in public ta-
'm^"r*k ^^^'^ ^^ upon him to determine the state of infants, dying in
bins. '^ ' i'lfa'icy, declaring that they were as odious in the sight of
God, as snakes and vipers were to us ; and left it wholly
in the dark Avhether there were any saved or not.

" 2, That he had assumed to himself the prerogative of
God, the righteous judge, in judging the condition of the
dead, in a funeral sermon, saying that they were in hell,
to the great grief of mourning friends and othei's.

" 3. That in his public preaching he had been guilty of
speaking evil of dignities ; declaring, that the leaders or
rulers of the people were opposers of the glorious work of
God in the land ; and comparing our civil authority to and
with Darius, who cast Daniel into the lion's den.

" 4. In judging and declaring those persons carnal and
^mconverted, that did not approve of the late religious stir
that has been in the land ; and in the improvement of his
sermon dividing diem, and calling one part, that is, the
approvers, the children of God, and branding the other
part, with the name and character of opposers.

" 5. The said Mr. Robbins has also publicly and
censoriously judged those that did not fall in with and

Chap. VIXL COJ^NECTICUT. 211

impute the religious stir in the land (which he calls a glori- Book IL
ous work of God) to be the work of God's spirit, dcclar- ^-^"n/-'«w'
ing such were guilty of the unpardonable sin. 1746=

" 6. He has publicly asserted, and taught and laid down,
that a man might be sincere in religion, and a strict ob-
server of the sabbath, and yet be a hypocrite.

" 7. Said Mr. Robbins has publicly reflected upon and
reviled the standing ministers of this land, calling them
Arminians, and comparingthem with and to false prophets,
putting himself in the place of Micajah."

With respect to his Antinomian doctrines, they com-
plained,

" 1. That he has publicly taught us, that there is no
promise in all the bible that belongs to sinners : thereby
frustrating the covenant of God's free grace, and the con-
descension and compassion of God, and his Son, our Sav-
iour, to poor, lost and perishing sinners.

" 2. That there is no direction in all the bible how men
should come to Christ, nor could he direct any persons how
they should come to him : thereby rendering the study and
search of the holy scriptures, at least an unsafe and insuffi-
cient way of finding Christ ; and the preaching thereof
useless.

" 3. He has publicly taught that it is as easy for per-
sons to know when they are converted, as it is to know
noon day light from midnight darkness ; making the only
sure evidence of conversion to consist in inward feqling.
and a sense of their love to God.

" 4. He has declared in public, that believers never
doubt of their interest in Christ, after conversion ; and if
they do, it is the sign of an hypocrite ; rendering sanctifi-
cation no evidence of conversion or justification, and
that believers are never in the dark.

" 5. He has also taught that God could easier convert
the seat a man sits on, than convfli't a moral man ; and that
the most vicious or vile person stands as fair for conviction
and conversion as the strictest moral man : thereby mak-
ing holiness and obedience to the moral law, no way ne-
cessary to be found in men for their salvation.

"6. Mr. Robbins has taught that there are some sin-
ners that Christ never died for, nor did he come to save
them ; thereby perverting the great doctrines of redemp-
tion in the gospel, and rendering all endeavours in men to
obtain salvation, useless ; Arminianism, and blending the
covenant of works and covenant of grace together."

With relation to his enthusiasm, which they complained
of as exceedingly grievous to them, these articles were
charged against him ;

212 HISTORY OF Chap, VllT.

Book 11. '• 1. That bitter and censorious P[)irit discoverer] by the
v<(r>rs^ said Mr. Robbins, against all, even civil magistrates, as
well as ministers, who do not think the commotions in the
land which bear the name of religion, a glorious work of
God, and the effect of the agency of the Holy Spirit, dc-;
daring all such to be guilty of the unpardonable sin.

" 2. In that strange heat of spirit, under which the said
Mr. Robbins has acted ; discovered in a perpetual uneasi-
iiess, or craving to be preaching ; going into those many un-
fc.criptural night meetings, and frequent public preaching
Hnder a religious pretence ; consorting with, and improving
those to preach and carry on in public, as well as in those
private nieetings, that have been most forward and famous
for their enthusiasm in the present day.

" 3. In the spirit of pride and conccitedness, and ex-
pectation to be believed only upon positive and bold asser-
tion, discovered by said Mr. Robbins; among other in-
stances thereof, by publicly declaring, in a sermon, thai
the standing ministers in this land were Arminians, and
calling them false prophets, while he put himself in thq
place of Micajah before Ahab, in 1 Kings, xxii. pro-
nouncing these words upon it. That if the body of this
people were in the way to eternal life, the Lord had not
spoken by him.

" 4. Mr. Robbins has publicly taught, that unconverted
persons have no right to praise God."

With respect to his conduct, these articles were charged :

" 1. Mr. Robbins- earnestness in promoting and improv-.
ing strolling or travelling preachers •, and improving those
that were most disorderly, to preach and exhort in the so-
ciety ; more especially, in one such meeting carried on at
liis own house, by Messrs. Brainard and Buel ; and anoth-
er, at the same place, carried on by Messrs. Wheelockand
Munson ; to the dishonor of religion, to the just offence of
many of the church and people, and to the destruction oi'
peace and gospel order, in our church and society.

" 2. His introducing Mr. Davenport to preach and ex-
port, and also his man to pray and sing, at the time when
lie went through tke country, singing along the streets ; at-
tended with this aggravating circumstance, that it was on
sacrament day ; to the great confusion and disturbance of
the church, and profaning of th^ sabbath in this society.

" 3. His preaching in Wallingford, in the meeting-house
of the anabaptists there; and that contrary to the desii-e
of a great number of the people at Wallingford, requesting
liim that he would not, and to the advice of neighbouring
jninisters to the contrary."

Though Mr, Robbins and the church were not mstructeu

Chap. Vill. CONNECTICUT, 213

to make answer to these articles before the council ; Book IL
yet, for his own satisfaction and vindication, and for the ^-..^-s/-^^^'
satisfaction of his people, he drew up a concise answer to 1746.
them. This, in justice to his character, and the manifes-
>ation of the truth, ought here to be inserted^ It is in eiiect
as followeth :

To the objections against his doctrines 5 " In a sermon, ^^i*- ^o^'-
as I was labouring to co^ifute an error, which I apprehend- g^'^^. ^Qll^^^
ed was embraced by some of my people, viz. That the articles of
death of Christ not only satisfied for, but wholly took away charge,
original sin from all persons ; I said, even infants were by
nature children of wrath, and while unsanctifiod were as
odious in the sight of God, as snakes and vipers are to us ;
adding, that serpents when first come into the world, were
not odious on account of any mischief they had done, bur
because of their serpentine nature ; but as to their salvation.
110 doubt but multitudes of them were saved."

With respect to his determining the state of the dead, hk
reply was, " I never spake of any particular person, Avhen
dead, as gone to hell absolutely, escept those mentioned
in the word of God. I suppose the article refers to an
awakening discourse I had, after the death of a particular
person, attended with some awful and extraordinary cir-
cumstances, wherein I said, if the last person that v/ent to
hell, should arise and declare, &zc. you Avould not believe,
unless you will believe Moses and the prophets."

With respect to the third, under the head of doctrines,
and the first article under the head of enthusiasm, his an-
swer was, " I say again, I never declared my opinion of
any person, or denomination of persons, as being guilty ol
the unpardonable sin ; and do not remember that ever i
publicly censured any as opposers of the work of God, so
that they might be known any otherwise than by their fruit.
1 do not know why the complainant should speak so much
of my censuring magistrates, or ministers, unless he would
tell me how, when, and in what discourses, I seldom have
occasion to speak of them in public ; when I do, I careful-
ly write what I say ; but I find what is received is pften
very ditferent from v/hat is delivered, not only in expres- '

sion, but in sense. As to my comparing our authority to
Darius, &;c. as before objected, I have looked over the
whole sermon, from Dan. vi. 23. There is not a word
there, of any civil authority, or civil rulers, from the
doctrine to the end of the sermon. All I said about them .
was in opening the context, that speaks plainly its own
meaning : and my disaffected neighbours were very atten-
tive— but I studiously avoided saving apy thing about any
;duthority, since Psriiis' dav," '^

214 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book IL With respect to his calling all persons unconverted who
^^~>^">-/ did not approve of the religious stir, he answered, " This
1746. I deny ; and instead of so preaching, I publicly declare,
and teach, that the line of distinction between the righteous
and the wicked cannot be so drawn as to leave all the ap-
provers of the religious appearances in the land on the one
side, and all that speak against them on the other. I be-
lieve many that are called opposers, are truly gracious,
and many that have been approvers, are, I fear, without
God in the world."

The article of natural men's sincerity, as consisting with
hypocrisy, he answered, " I own the article with this alter-
ation, instead of in religion^ read in duty. So I expressed
it, aad added, 2d Cor. i. lO; we read of a godly sinceri-
ty; which may imply, that there is a sincerity which is not
godly. So the servant that has no love to his master, sin-
cerely labors to escape the whip."

His answer to the charge of persons having committed
the unpardonable sin, was this, " I believe, and have spok-
en of those that reject the glorious work that has been in
the land, imputing all to the devil, that they know not what
they do, otherwise they would come near the unpardonable
sin, if not really be guilty of it ; but never have declared
my opinion of any person, or denomination of persons
among us, as being guilty of it."

The seventh article, under the head of doctrines, is es-
sentially the same as the third article of complaint under
the head of enthusiasm, and are both answered together, in
reply to that.

With regard to the first article under the head of Antino-
mianism, relative to there being no promises to the unre-
generate, his reply was, " The complainant knows, that I
teach that all men are sinners, and that there are promises
in the bible, belonging to some men ; but I have taught
that there is no promise of any saving good, in all the bible,
made to any unconverted man, or any sinner, while in an
unregenerate state : And how this frustrates God's cove-
nant of free grace, &c. I leave the orthodox world to
judge."

In regard to article second, relating to directions how to
come to Christ, he answered, "I firmly believe and teach, that
the bible contains the best directions how men should come
to Christ ; and his ministers are to make use of them to that
end : But I have taught that an unregenerate man, merely
by reading those directions, or hearing them from the
mouth of a minister, will not thereby rightly understand
ajid know them ; he may know them historically, but not

Chap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. -j!5

experimentally. I cannot direct an unconverted sinner Book II.
how to come to Christ, so that he will know what it is, un- v-^-v-^t^
til the Father draw him ; and then he will know that it is 1746.
one thing to gire sinners gospel directions how to come to Mr. Hob-
Christ, and another to enlighten their minds to understand ^^^"*' ^""
and receive them : the one is the duty of ministers, and ^^ ''
the other is the work of God's holy spirit."

As to the charge of a christian's knowing the time of
his conversion, he said, '• The passage in a sermon, that
I suppose this article refers to, ran in the following man-
ner:— When a sinner is converted he knows it ; (i. e.) he
knows the change, though it may be that he is not satisfied,
or rather then does not think that it is conversion : (I mean
that his mind may not then be exercised about the change
he has experienced, as being conversion :) yet, can a man
be brought out of the kingdom of Satan into the kingdom
of the son of God ; can a man be brought out of midnight
darkness into noon day light, and not know there is a
change ?"

Relative to the article of christians not doubting after
conversion, &c. he replied, " These articles leave me
wholly in the dark, as to what sermons they refer to, what
subject, what text preached from, or when preached : oth-
erwise, I probably could give you most of the passages re-
ferred to. But the article, I cannot think, refers to any
thing I ever preached : for it is not likely I should preach
directly contrary to my sentiments ; and I never thought
as the article speaks ; but on the contrary, do often speak
publicly of the doubts, fears, and scruples, of real chris-
tians ; and sanctification I esteem the very best evidence
of justification."

In reference to the article of its being easier to convert
the seat than a mere moral man, Mr. Robbins sard, " I know
iwthing of the expression of the seat, &;c. The passage
which I suppose the article refers to, runs thus — It is a great-
er manifestation of power to convert a mere moral man, than
to create a world ; for in creation there is no resistance, but
in conversion there is a blind mind and a perverse will
to oppose. The most vicious person stands as fair, oi'
fairer, for conviction and conversion, than the strictest
moralist, that is settled upon his lees, and built strong on
his own righteousness. Publicans and harlots shall enter
into the kingdom of heaven before such. The inuendo,
or inference, at the close of the article, I leave the ortho-
dox to judge of; though I would fain believe the drails-
man of the articles, (being one of the reverend consocia-
tion, as 1 om informed.) dpes not think that mere moralitv,.

2iG HISTORY OF Chap. VIII .

Book li. as the Vvord is commonly used, aiiJ real holiness, are the

1740. To (he article of Christ's not dying to save some sin-
Mr. Roh- ners, he answered, " I own the article, that there are some.'
^•"®' ""' sinners tlr>!t Christ never died for, with a design to save
' ' them; and yet I believe the merits of Christ sufficient for
all, and that his satisfaction has as much vindicated the
honor of the broken law of God, as if all mankind had
been damned. But what a strange inference does the
draftsman make, from my denying universal redemp-
tion !''

The first article under enthusiasm, relative to the un-
pardonable sin, is answered above. The third article, rel-
ative to his censorious spirit and comparing himself to
Micajah, is also answered under a similar article already
noticed. ^Vith respect to the second article, his heat of
spirit,. and desire to be perpetually preaching, under pre-
tence of religion, Mr. Robbins seems to have judged that
the command, j^reach the word, be instant in season and
(lut of season, and the examples of the apostles and prim-
itive christians in their frequent night meetings, were a
sufllcient answer. He replied, therefore, to the last article
I of the charge only, as worthy of notice ; his improving

ministers most forward and famous for enthusiasm in the
present day ; " I have not admitted any man into my pulpit,
that Avas not ordained or licensed."

In- answer to' the charge of his teaching that the uncon-
verted had no right to praise God, he said, " I have taught
that unconverted persons cannot rightly praise God ; (as
they can do no other du'y rightly, cither from a right prin=
cii)lc, or for a right end :) but that it is the duty of all men
to praise God ; witness more than twenty sermons 1 have
preached on that beloved subject."

With respect to the first article of charge, relative to im-
proving strolling preachers, Brainard, Buel, Wheelock, &c-
lSh\ Robbins replied, " I believe my improving itinerant
preachers has had some happy eflect here. That the meet-
ing carried on by Messrs. Buel and Brainard had a good ef-
fect upon some persons, I cannot but think. But it had
some unhappy attendants; and i believe neither they nor
I should carry on a meeting just in the same forai again.
The other was after Mr. Wheelock had been preaching a
public lecture. A number of persons came to my house,
'indcr concern about their spiritual state. Vv^e discoursed
and prayed with them. Some evidenced great concern ;
and I cannot but think, one especially was then, and since,
convinced cf sin, righteousness, and judgment,"

Chap. VIIL CONNECTICUT, 217

Relative to introducinsj Mr. Davenport to preach, &ic. Book II.
Mr. Robbins, replied, " Mr. Davenport came in on Satur- n-^'-v^^/
day evening ; I asked him to preach the next day. I knew 1 746.
nothing of his design to sing in the street, until we had-^ir. Rob-
got part of the way to meeting. When he mentioned it, I *"''*' ^^'
labored to prevent, and did not join with him in it. I think ^^^*^'^' ^*
he preached well, and after service was ended, in the af-
ternoon, he spoke to his man to pray, but not with my con-
sent, or my liking."

In answer to his preaching at Wallingford, he said,
" This is the grand article, and sine qua non of all the rest.
You have an account of the matter before, in this narrative,
and I shall here only say — the baptist minister desired that
I would come and preach for him ; and I knew of no ob-
jection against it, when I consented to go. The weight
of objections that were flung in my way afterwards, the
world must judge of."

With respect to his being a promoter of schismaticai
separations, baptizing at New-Haven, &:c. his reply was,
" With respect to baptizing Dr. Mix's child, I offered this
to the consociation, viz. had I known as much before, as I
do now, I should not have done it. They voted to over-
look it. I offered the same to the complainant, and sev-
eral others, who said they were easy with respect to that,
and all other articles they had complained of; and left it
under their hands. Notwithstanding, most of those arti-
cles are brought in among these. As to separating from
the constitution, if it means Saybrook platform, I do not
know that this church was ever fairly under it. There is no
record nor any living member that knows any thing of its
ever being voted into the church : and when, (after some
of my brethren had been urging it for more than twelve
months,) I put it to vote in the church, to renounce the Say-
brook platform and take the Cambridge platform, there were
but six brethren appeared in the negative. All the defence
I desired against the association, was only to know the
minds of my people in sundry votes, which they readily
passed, and have since voted to abide by.

With respect to his haughty, assuming, and unpeaceable
spirit, and being truly self-willed, and his treatment of the
association, his answer was, " As to the prudent and gen-
tle measures taken by the reverend association, to com-
pose our difficulties, and settle us in love, peace, and gos-
pel order, it is well known, that the association has received
articles of complaint against me, privately signed and car-
ried into the association, time after time, when I had not
been informed of one of the articles, or any one of the
C2

21i} HISTORY OF CftAJ>. tllL

Book IL signers ; and have appointed a council, or Committee, time
^..^-v-x-/ after time, to come to Branford, and make inquiry, when
1746. neither minister, church or society desired it. Is this a
Mr. Rob- prudent and gentle method to settle us in peace, kc, ? As
bins' an- jq jjjy obstinacy, and refusing to comply with my duty and
swer, ^^c.jip^^j^igg^ jQ ggj -j^^Q good standing, &:c. I never promised
any more than to do my endeavour to get into good stand-
ing ; in order to which, I have offered four written confes-
sions, as you have seen before, but could not be received."
As to the last article relative to the standing ministers
not thinking as Mr. Bobbins did, &c. his reply was, "Here
comes in standing mhiisters again : and now 1 suspect the
article refers to the neighbouring ministers of this county ;
for I have said of some of them, that they and I did not:
think alike : and I am of the same mind still. As to my
saying I had rather be under a bishop, than under our as-
sociation, it is probably true, and I have no reason to alter
my mind, (though I must dissent from the church of Eng-
land, for some weighty reasons.) As to my joining with
ministers unknown in their principles to my people, I sup-
pose they do not know the princij^les of most ministers
that they like, but by their preaching and conversation;
and they may have the same trial of those I join- with.
Prove all things."

As the time for the meeting of the consociation ap-
proached, Mr. Bobbins appointed a church meeting, at
which they unanimously voted, that they would abide by
their votes passed ISovember 4th, 1745 •, and they made
choice of John Russell and William Gould, Esq'rs.the pas-
tor, and deacons, to be a committee, to represent the
church before the consociation, to lay the votes of the
church in 1745, and of this meeting, before said consocia-
tion, and earnestly to declare against its jurisdiction.

In this meeting Mr. Bobbins read the articles of com-
plaint, and his answer to them, with his citatioh fi-om the
moderator. The consociation met, according to appoint-
ment, on the last Tuesday in September. The council,
immediately after dining, chose a committee, of whom their
moderator was one, and sent over to Mr. Bobbins. The
moderator professed a great desire to heai* their dilRcul-
lics : he said he did not cjuestion but Mr. Bobbins might
do much good there j but now they were not peaceable,
and he wished to have them in peacie. Mr. Bobbins ob-
served, he apprehended there was but a step which parted
them — the matter of the Saybrook and Cambridge plat-
forms : that if he should espouse the Saybrook, though it
might satisfy the minor part, he should disaffect the ma-

-Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 2ia

jority of the church and society : that ho knew of no way Book IL
for peace, but for the council to advise the minor party to vw>^^<w'
be easy as they were. He also observed, that some of 1746.
the heads of the minor party had said, we will sit down
easy, as we now are, if the association shall advise us to
do it. But this did not suit the committee. They propo- ,

sed that Mr. Robbins would submit to have them, use their
endeavours to make peace among them ; tliat he would
answer to the articles, or only go and answer for his
preaching to the baptists, or offer the same confession
now that he had offered before to the association ; and that
he would call a church meeting. Mr, Robbins referred
these proposals to the committee, who unanimously reject-
ed them. They acquainted the council, that they had a
message from the church and society, which they wished
for an opportunity to lay before them. Soon after, the
council sent for Mr. Robbins, who went with the commit-
tee of the church and society. Mr. Robbins offered to
speak, but the moderator forbade him, and the council
proceeded, by his order, to the reading of the moderator's
letter for convening the consociation, and the articles of
charge against him. He then begged liberty to speak,
but the moderator would not hear him, telling him that
there was not time to hear articles, and the council must
be adjourned until eight o'clock to-morrow morning. He
said he had but a word to offer. He was then reprimand-
ed by one of the council, and told that he knew the orders
of the council better; that it was adjourned till to-morrow,
&LC. It was then ordered, that the citation should be read.
Immediately after which, Mr. Robbins desired liberty to
speak again ; but the moderator said the council was ad-
journed, and would not hear him. After this, the scribe
got up and adjourned the council.

The next morning Mr. Robbins and the rest of the com-
mittee, went to the house where the council met, and just
as they knocked at the door, they met the committee of the .-
consociation, who were going over again to speak with
Mr. Robbins. They urged the same things which had
been proposed the day before. But the committee utterly
refused to comply with them ; and as soon as they could
obtain liberty, exhibited the votes of the church and socie-
ty at their first and second meetings, relative to these mat-
ters, and denied their jurisdiction. The council urged
them to give their reasons, but they observed the votes
contained reasons, and they had no orders to give any.
Indeed they agreed among themselves to give none.

The council, finding Mr. Robbins and the church, witk

220 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book II. the society, totally renounced their jurisdiction, and would
«.-*'-v->^ make no answer or pica before them, or have any thing to
1746. do with them, proceeded to consider the matter of juris-
diction in this case. One of their principal members un-
dertook, in a long and zealous speech, to prove Mr. Rob-
bins and his church were under the Saybrook platform,
and could not get from under it. Others insisted upon it,
that they were not under it, and that the council had not
jurisdiction in the case before them. But the council de-
termined that they had jurisdiction. And then, upon an
exparte hearing, (the evidence of the complainers,) or
without any hearing at all,* came to the following result ;
viz :
The result u j^^ ^ meeting of the consociation of the county of New-
sociation?" Haven, regularly convened, upon the request of twelve
members of the first church, and thirty of the inhabitants
of the first society in Branford, at the house of Mr. John
Factor, in said Branford, September 3Qth, 1746. A com-
plaint having been exhibited to this consociation, against
the Rev. Mr. Philemon Bobbins, pastor of said first church
in Branford, in various articles respecting his preaching,
conduct and behaviour, by Joseph Frisbie, a member of
said church, bearing date July 23d, 1746; after using re-
peated methods to reconcile the parties, which proved in-
effectual, Mr. Bobbins rejecting all proposals for accom-
modation ; the consociation proceeded to the consideration
of said complaint. The parties appearing, the R.ev. Mr.
Bobbins denied the jurisdiction of this council, refusing to
assign any reasons for his so doing, except what may be
gathered from the votes of the church and society, laid be-
fore the council ; which votes being read and considered,
it was resolved, that what Mr. Bobbins had offered against
the jurisdiction, was insufficient. Whereupon the conso-
ciation entered upon the hearing of the several articles
contained in said complaint, and examined the evidences
in support thereof; and find the following articles of com-
plaint against Mr. Robbins sufficiently proved, viz.

" I. With respect to his public preaching and doctrine.
" 1. That he hath taken upon him, to determine the
state of infants, dying in infancy, declaring them as odious
in the sight of God, as snakes and vipers are to us.

"2. That he hath assumed the prerogative of God, the

* As the complainants, or disaffected, were the only persons appearing
before the council, upon what was called the trial, it seems that they only
must have been the witnesses. And there is no mention of proofs on file, in
the judgment. Mr. Robbins sent to the scribe for a copy of the evidences ;
but he returned answer, that he had nothing to send but men's names. H^
fben desired the names, but could not obtain even thera.

Chap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. 221

righteous judge, indetermining the state of the dead ; say- Book II.
ing, that they were in hell. \^'>r"*^

"3. That he hath spoken evil of dignities; that the 1746,
leaders and rulers of this people, Avere opposers of the Result of
glorious work of God. the conso-

" 4. That he hath reviled the standing ministry of this *^-^'^^"'"-
land, calling them Arminians, and comparing them to
false prophets.

" 6. That he hath publicly taught, that there is no direc-
tion in all the bible, how men should come to Christ, nof
could he direct any persons how they should come to him.

" 6. That he hath publicly taught, that God could easier
convert the seat a man sits on, than convert a moral man :
and that the most vicious person stands as fair, or fairer,
for conviction or conversion than the strictest moral man.

" 7. That he hath publicly asserted and taught, that a
man might be sincere in religion, and a strict observer of
the sabbath, and yet be a hypocrite.

" 8. That he hath publicly taught, that it is as easy for
persons to know when they are converted, as it is to know
noon day light, from midnight darkness.

" 9. That he hath declared in public, that believers
never doubt of their interest in Christ after conversion ;
and if they do, it is a sign of an hypocrite.

" 10. That he hath publicly taught, that unconverted
persons have no right to praise God.

" II. With respect to his conduct and behavior, we find,

" That he hath been ^ promoter of schismatic conten-
tions, separations and divisions. That he hath led off a
party with him to rise up against and separate from the
ecclesiastical constitution of this colony, under which this
church was peaceably established ; reproachfully insinu-
ating, in a church meeting, that under Saybrook platform
it was king association, in opposition to Jesus Christ, the
only king of the church. And also, that he hath remain-
ed obstinate, under censure of a former consociation, not-
withstanding repeated endeavours used to bring him to his
duty : with some errors, and many other unguarded and
unsuitable expressions, as appears by the articles of com-
plaint, and proofs offered upon file. In \vhich articles,
upon mature deliberation, we judge said Mr. Robbins
is guilty of a breach of the 3d, the 5th and the 9th com-
mands, and many gospel rules, for which he ought to give
christian satisfaction, by making a confession to the ac-
ceptance of this consociation. The above voted, Jfemine
contradicente.

" Test. Samuel Whittelsev, jun. > s^j.:ugg n
Robert TreaX; 5

222

HISTORY OF

Chap. VIIL

Book II. '• Voled, that this consociation be adjourned until such
vwi^'N^'^./ time as the moderator of the council shall see it needful to
1746, convene it again, according to the following method, viz.
" That the Rev. Mr. Chauncey, and the messenger of
the church of Durham, the Rev. Messrs. Samuel Whittel-
sey, Joseph Noyes, Thomas Ruggles, with the messengers
of the churches of which they are pastors, be appointed
and constituted a committee, with full power tp receive
the satisfaction and acknowledgment of the Rev. Mr.
Robbins, if he shall see it in his way to comply with the
judgment of this consociation ; and to advise and concur
with the Rev. moderator to convene this consociation,
if it shall be needful therefor; and that the moderator be
empowered to cite all persons that are by them esteemed
necessary, a major part of them being empowered to act.
Test. Samuel Whittelsey, jun. Scribe."
Mr. Robbins remarked on the judgment to this effect.
" The council speak of using repeated methods to reconcile
the parties ; but that I rejected all proposals for an accom-
modation. I thought, by their sending committees to me
Eemarlis the first and second day, so early, before we could possi-
on the re- }^\y have opportunity to do the message assigned us by the
church and society, that they mtended to do something to
make a handle of against me. But what were their pro-
posals for an accommodation ? Not such as I had made
to the dissatisfied party, viz : That whatever errors and
faults they would convict me of, I would recant those er-
rors and confess the faults, as openly and publicly as the
nature of the thing required ; or that we should mutually
call a council, which would be much more likely to find out
truth and promote peace among us. But their proposals
were evidently calculated to bring us under, or to own
their jurisdiction ; to which we could not submit." He
noticed, that in the council, mention was made of the
proofs offered on file, and that he therefore concluded,
they had proofs against him on file, in writing. That he
sent to the scribe for a copy of the evidences ; and the
scribe declared he had nothing to send but men's names i
That he then desired a copy of the names, but these he
never could obtain. These, doubtless, were no other than
the complainants, and they were not willing that it should
be known that they had condemned their brother merely
upon the articles of complaint, and the evidence of the
"very persons who had offered it. Mr. Robbins further re-
marked, that in the close of the result, it was attested
by the scribes that it was, nemine contradicente ; whereas,
Qjie of the Rev. council had assijred him that he was not in

suit of the
consocia

tiOD.

Oha?. VIIL CONNECTICUT.

the result; that he did not vote that what was oftered a- Book II»
gainst the jurisdiction of the council was insufficient, nor ^^^-v-v^
that they had the right of jurisdiction. He also said, he 1746.
opposed the passing of one of the articles. And he declar-
ed, that as he could not vote with the council in every ar-
ticle, so that v/hen they were proposed to be passed all to-
gether, he did not hold up his hand.

Mr. R,obbins further remarks, that one of the Reverend
council, had told him, since the result, that he settled un-
der the Say brook platform, whereas, he affirms, that at the
time of his ordination, he had never seen it. He says,
" I well remember the ordination council asked me whether
I approved of the Saybrook platform ? I answered 1 could
not tell, for I had never seen it. Then they asked me, if
1 approved the assembly's catechism ? I replied, I did.
And so they proceeded to my ordination, without saying
any thing further to me on that subject."

In this important crisis, when thus condemned by the
consociation, Mr. Robbins judged it expedient to know
the minds and feelings of his brethren. A church meeting
was called on the 22d of January, 1 747< At which time, •^^°' ■^^■^^'
the articles of charge were read, with Mr. Robbins' an-
swer to them ; and the church passed the following votes,
viz.

"1. We are of opinion, that what is contained in the Votes of
said articles of charge against the pastor of this church, ^ranford
respecting doctrine and principles, is very wrongfully and ^ ^^^
injuriously charged, and disagreeable to the known course
and tenor of his preaching — We are generally steady at-
tendants on his ministry, and do not remember that he has
ever expressed himself as charged in those articles — And
as to what respects his conduct, we apprehend it wrong-
fully represented in the articles of charge. Indeed, his
admitting Mr. Davenport to preach at that time, and so
Messrs. Buel and Brainard to hold a meeting at his house,
as they did carry it on, was what we could not, some of us,
so well approve of, under circumstances, and we do not
think that he would act in the same form again.

" 2. We think Mr. Robbins' answers to said articles,
are according to truth, and agreeable to his known prin-
ciples and doctrine. Some of us remember the particular
passages in his sermons, which are quoted in his answers
10 said articles, and they truly represent what was deliv-
ered.

" 3. We think Mr. Robbins preaches the doctrines of
free grace, more clearly and pungently, than in some o^
the first years of his ministry among us ; and yet, we h'avc

52 i HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book II. too much reason to fear, our uneasy brethren and neigh-
Si^'v'^s-/ hours, especially some of the principal men among them,
1747. are dissatisfied on account of those doctrines ; which doc-
trines for our part we think are clearly revealed in the
word of God, adhered to by the reformed churches, as ap-
pears by their confessions of faith and catechisms — And
we trust, God has and will impress them on our hearts, and
will enable us to maintain them as long as we live.

" 4. That the above votes be signed by the deacons ot
this church, in behalf of the church.

" Accordingly We, who heartily join with our brethren
in the above votes ; subscribe our names.

John Russell, ) Deacons of the first
Samuel Rose, 5 church in Branford.
" The above was voted nemine contradicente. A true
copy.

" Test. Philemon Robbins, Pastor, &c. in Branford."
Remarks Various remarks were made on the proceedings of the
on the consociation with Mr. Robbins, some extracts from which
of^Mr*^"*^ are necessary to give a just history of the times. A cer-
Robhins, tain clergyman in a communication made to Mr. Robbins,
by the con- printed at the close of his narrative, remarks, " The ques-
sociation. j^-Qj^ whether your preaching there (at Wallingford) with-
out Mr. Whittelsey's consent, was disorderly or not, de-
pends on the meaning of the word parish, in the resolve of
the council at Guilford, Nov. 24th, 1741, wherein it is
said, For a minister to enter into another minister's parish
and preach, &c. without the consent of, or in opposition
to the settled minister of the parish is disorderly.* For,
if in preaching there as you did, you did nothing contrary
to the natural and true meaning of that resolve, your so
doing cannot be disorderly by that resolve ; and I sup-
pose it but just, to understand the word parish in the re=
solve of the New-Haven county consociation, in the same
sense, though they may put a different sense upon it. Now
I take it, that by the word parish, in the said resolve of
the council at Guilford, is to be understood an ecclesias-
tical society, and not a circuit of ground which people
do inhabit, that belong to several churches. For although
it be true, most of our ecclesiastical societies have their dis-
tinct local bounds, or circuits drawn, yet they have not
all, as at Hartford and Guilford, are two ecclesiastical so-
cieties in one circuit of ground ; so there are several such

* From t.hi3 scrap of the doineis of the council, at Guilford, which is all
that I have ever been able to obtain, i( appears that the extraordinary
law for punishinfi^ ministers, had its origin ia the clergy M'ho were op-
posed to the work then in the country.

t'HAP. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 32i

like circuits, wherein there is a baptist church, and one of Book II.
another denomination : so also others, Avherein are those v^'-n^^^*/
of the church of England communion, and of our own. 1747.
Any other understanding of the word will infer the ab- Remarks
surdity of subjecting ecclesiastical societies and minis- &c.
ters one to another, in an unreasonable and preposterous
manner ; and depriving som<; ministers and churches of
such rights as all confess they have. As for instance, I
will suppose, that the first church in Hartford, with its pas-
tor, may not invite or suffer any other minister to preach
to said first church, without the consent of the second ;
and that the minister, who should so preach in the first
church, must be judged disorderly for it. ^ I suppose it is
the common understanding, since this res6lve at Guilford,
that eithePof the said ministers, or churches, has a right to
invite a minister to preach in them without asking leave of
one another; and that they have practised accordingly.
Nor can I suppose a minister's preaching to the baptists
in New-London or Groton, upbn their minister"'s desire,
without the consent of the ministers in the first churches in
New-London and Groton, within the bounds of which the
baptists dwell ; or a minister's preaching to those of the
church of England, on their incumbent's, Mr. Johnson's
desire, without the consent of the minister of the first
church, in Stratford, would be accounted disorderly.

" As to the objection that they are not a lawful society,
at Wallingford, not having taken benefit of king William's
act of toleration, I would say, the baptists are allowed by
the laws of this colony, to enjoy or attend their own way
of worship, without qualifying themselves according to
the aforesaid act. That the same privileges had been
granted to them as to the quakers, by the act passed in
their favor, in 1729. Agreeable to this, was the advice
of governor Talcott to the collector, relative to the bap-
tists at Wallingford." The remarker insists therefore,
that Mr. Robbins' preaching at Wallingford, was not a-
gainst the Guilford resolve, nor that of the resolve of the
consociation of New-Haven county, understood consist-
ently with reason, nor contrary to any law of this colony.

On the proceedings and result of the consociation, he
remarks, " That according to the natural construction of
the preamble, or preface to the judgment, it must be sup-
posed you was present at the trial, confronting the evi-
dences brought in against you, for it is said the consocia-
tion proceeded to consider the complaint, the parties ap«^
pearing, &c. 'Tis true they say you denied the jurisdic-
ti<Tn of the counq;!], but not a word is noted of your refirs*
P2

22ii illSTORY O^ Chap. VIIL

Book II. ing to plead before them, after they had determined tha^
v^^*-v>w/ they had jurisdiction. It is no new thing, nor uncommon
1747. for a person to make such a plea, befoi-e a judge, who,
Remrrks ^^"'^^'^ overruled therein, proceeds to a further plea, in his
&c. t^ ^' defence ; and the omission of noting your refusal to an-
swer the articles before them, must, I think, leave the rea-
der of that judgment with an apprehension, that you ap-
peared on the trial of the articles, especially when it is
considered that they say, " they proceeded to hear the ar-
ticles, examine eviderjces for the support of them, and find
. the following things, &c. sufficiently proved." It being,
as I conceive, contrary to an equitable procedure, for »
council to do what they here say they did ; and the party
to be tried, not there to answer for himself. Add to this..
that there is no remark made, in any part of their judg-
ment, of your contemning the authority of the consocia-
tion, for refusing to be tried by them : which surely a rea-
der of their judgment would expect to find, if they had d
right to try you, and you had refused to be tried by them.
So that from the face of the judgment, you are represented
as having been present at the trial, and pleading for your-
self, and on a full trial found guilty, of publicly teaching a
niimber of errors, &c. when really the case was otherwise.
" You are condemned as guilty, &c. without ever being
heard in your own defence, upon defective evidence, which
1 take to be contrary to equity. I conceive it to be con-
trary to Saybrook platform, which the consociation pre-
tends to be governed by ; where it is expressly said, in the
eleventh article, " That if any person orderly complained
of to a council, having regular notification to appear, shall
neglect or refuse so to do, except such person shall give
some satisfying reason thereof, he shall be judged guil-
ty of scandalous contempt." It is wholly silent on theii*
proceeding to a trial of die cause in such case. Here the
council pass no sentence of contempt for refusing to ap-
pear ; and proceed to try the cause in such a way, wherein
the truth is most unlikely to appear. Ten of the articles,
ihe council in their judgment say relate to jyour public
preaching and doctrine, which they say were sufficiently
proved. I am of opinion, that your foregoing answers to
the several articles, do sufficiently defend you against the
charge of such preaching.

" Indeed, it seems somewhat hard, such a complaint
should be received against a minister of Christ, charging
falsehood, &c. on his public preaching, in so general
a manner, without mentioning time, or place, or text dis
cOursed on, when the false doctrine v^ras supposed to be

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 22^

delivered. I suppose it coiitrary to the methods of trial Book II.
in civil courts, and subjects a person to such difficulties -^^tf^/-^^
and disadvantages for his own defence, as the civil aulhori- 1747.
ty will not suffer the king's subjects to lie under. Remarks

"But then how are these proved against you? Why, i.c.
by evidences (without your being present to answer for
yourself,) who had taken offence against you, for these
and several other things mentioned in their complaint.
Now, if it be considered, that it is no uncommon thing,
for persons not prejudiced against a preacher, to misap-
prehend some passages he may deliver, either from want
of attention, or from not observing the connection of a dis-
course and the like, that the omission or adding of a word,
or the alteration, or misplacing of a word, will give a dif-
lerent meaning; that a sentence or passage abstracted
from its relation to what preceded or followed, appears to
be of a different sense from what it really had in the dis-
course ; if these evidences had committed the sentences
to writing when they supposed you spake them, or if they
had so done before the council, and sworn to tliem, (though
by what the scribe of the consociation says, they never
were written at all ;) in either of the cases there would have
been a deficiency in the proof: but then so much of pre-
judice as is in the mind of the hearer against a preacher,
so much is his evidence in that case weakened; which was
the case here. Your unprejudiced hearers, it seems, nev-
er understood any passage in your sermons, as these evi-
dences ^pretend to have done ; and as to some of the arti-
cles, they can witness for you, that you preach the contra-
ry, as is evident by their declaration at a church meeting.
And a just presumption of prejudice lies against these evi-
dences, and so of mistake, about what they evidence ;
when it was well known to the council, that the generalit}'
of the church and congregation, (of many of whom it ma}
be said without offence, that they were as understanding
and judicious hearers as the evidences were, and as con-
scienciously concerned to bear testimony against errors in
doctrine, had they heard you deliver any) were satisfied of
the soundness of your preaching. So that on the whole, I
think it apparent, the judgment is founded on such evi-
dence as is in its own nature deficient, for the proof oi
your preaching false doctrine ; and will really amount to
just nothing, if your answers thereto be considered.

" And as to the fact, it is pretty remarkable, that they
should judge you guilty of teaching a number of errors,
enumerating ten, with some others say they, as appear.'i
by the articles of complaint and proofs on file, and there

228 fflSTORY OF Chap. \Uh

Book II. should be no proofs on file, but men's names ; as it seem s
v-*->^^>-/ the scribe says there are no other. So that by his, and
1747. their own account taken together, their sufficient proof is
Remarks ^^ article of complaint, with some names affixed to it."
«s;:c. ' He proceeds to remark on the great difterencc between
the judgment which the consociation gave and that of scan-
dalous contempt, which the constitution directs them to
have found and denounced against Mr. Robbins, had he
in fact been under their jurisdiction.

But he insists, thc?t Mr. Robbins and his church were
never under Saybrook platform ; that without some vote
oi' act of the church adopting it, or consenting to it, they
could not be under it ; but no such vote or act could be
found : That Mr. Russell, in his day, and the church, were
congregational, and a majority of them had always been
so to that day. And if tJiey ever had been, they v/ere not
so after passing the vote, Nov. 4th, 1745; and con se-
quendy, the consociation had no j-urisdiction over them.
Every pastor and church had a right to judge what consti-
tution was most agreeable to the word of God, and ought
to conform to it. To suppose otherwise, is to suppose that
Saybrook platform, or some other human composition or
establishment, is the rule, and the scripture is to be set
aside. But the right of private judgment, in religion,
never can be given away. " On this very principle, the
unalienable right of private judgment, I take it, those wor-
thies acted, who were once of the church of England com-
munion, had actually consented to its discipline, and ac-
tually separated therefrom, many of whom came over and
planted these New-England churches- These always
judged themselves injuriously treated, when stigmatized
■with the name of schismatics ; by some of those from whom
they separated. And what wise man does not think so ';"
And it seems hard treatment to be branded by the council
with such an epithet, without ever being heard in your vin-
dication, or the church's being ever cited to appear and
answer for itself, which I take to be directly contrary to
the 5th article, under the head of communion of churches,
among the heads of agreement, assented to by the united
ministers, formerly called presbyterian and congregation-
al ; according to which, those who consent to take Say-
brook platform, for the administration of church discipline
are obliged to practice. The words are, " One church
ought not to blame the proceedings of another, undl it hath
heard what that church, its elders or messengers, can say
in vindication of themselves, from any charge of irregular
2ir injiuious proceedings." Tlie reason holds as gooLl

Chap. VIU. CONNjECTICUT. 229

against a council's judging in such a case, as a particular Book II.
church : and you have done nothing to merit such a cen- s-^-n/-^
sure, but exercise that right ofprivate judgment, which 1747.
you never did, nor can give up : And at the same time you Kemarks
have voted your freedom to hold communion, not only with Lc.
congregational churches and church members that are in
good standing, but with those that are called presbyterian,
and also with those under the Saybrook platform regimen ;
as desirous of maintaining a unity of the spb-it in the bond
of peace.

" But further, if the ground of this harsh sentence lies
in this, viz. your separating from an ecclesiastical consti-
tution which has a civil establishment, as I know not but
they intend so to be understood : To this it may be said,
on the same foundation, multitudes of innocents in the
christian world, as well as in our own nation, must be con^
demned. I will not dwell on this — but this I might say,
that the civil authority have no power to establish any hu-
man composure, or form of church government, as a rule
binding to christians. This I suppose has been unexcep-
tionably proved in a pamphlet, entitled the essential rights
of protestants. But I add, the civil authority, so far as I
can find, never intended by an act of theirs, to oblige the
churches in this colony to be under or to conform to that
platform. What they did in this matter, may be seen in
the 141st page of the colony law book. The very title of
the act speaks (as I take it) the sense of the legislature, so
far as the present question is concerned. It is called " an
act in approbation of the agreement of the Rev. elders and
messengers of all the churches in this government, made
and concluded at Saybrook, 1708." And in the enacting
part, they declare their great approbation of such a hap^
py agreement, and do ordain that all the churches within
this government, that are or shall be thus united in doc-
trine, worship and discipline, be and for the future shall
be owned and acknowledged established by law. Then
follows a proviso : That nothing herein shall be intended
or construed to hinder any society or church, that is or
shall be allowed by the laws of this government, from ex-
ercising worship and discipline in their own way, accord-
ing to their consciences, I can see nothing in all this, that
they intended to make a rule of discipline for the churches,
or bind any of them to receive this platform, but the con-
trary. They do not turn the articles of the platform into
laws, but declare only their approbation of them. It is
certain then, you have broken no law of the goverment in
refusing the Saybcook platform, and preferring that dt
Canjbridgeo

230 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book II. " I might go on to make some further; remarks, on the
\.**^v-N»^ extraordinary proceedings of this council, but forbear,
1 747. having said enough to shew, both the church and its pastor,
to be innocent of the crimes they are judged guilty of."

As Mr. Robbins was conscious of his innocence, he
could make no confession for the pretended faults for which
he was condemned. Had he been guilty, and a righteous
sentence denounced against him, he might, upon a proper
confession, have been restored ; but as the case now was,
he could make no confession. If the consociation Avould
proceed, there was nothing before him but deposition.
Nov. 4th. In this crisis of affairs, a society's meeting being regu-
larly convened on the 4th of November, 1747, it was vo-
ted, " That the doings of the consociation against Mr.
Robbins, should not be read in the meeting." It was then
further voted, "That whereas the first church of Christ in
Branford, was first settled on, or agreeable to the platform,
drawn up and agreed upon at Cambridge, in the year
1648 ; agreeable to which, said church ruled and govern-
ed in peace : And whereas, after the settlement of a plat-
form of church government at Saybrook, the said church,
with their minister, did, once or twice, choose their mes-
senger to attend the consociation of the churches ; but did
fiot renounce the form of government on which the said
church was settled, nor vote themselves under the Say-
brook platform : And whereas the said first church, which
is now the church in this society, being under such circum-
stances, settled the Rev. Mr. Philemon Robbins in the
ministry here, Avho was chosen by this society and the
said church, for their minister and pastor ; Avho has con-
tinued in said office to general satisfaction : And whereas,
by reason of some late difference, arising by means of some
uneasy persons in this society, it v/as found necessary thai
both the church and society should more explicitly declare
which rule of government they would agree to, and be gov-
erned by ; therefore, the church in this society, at their
faceting, November 4th, 1745, declared their renunciation
of Saybrook platform aforesaid, and declared the same to
be a congregational church ; and this society, at thei?
meeting, October 21st, declared their denial to be govern
ed by, or submission to, the acts or conclusions of council,
formed on the Saybrook platform, without their being call-
ed by the consent of the society : And whereas, notwith
standing the church in this society is congregational, and
this society agree with the church in those principles ; yef
the consociation of New-Haven county, since the said 4tli
of Kovember, on the complaint of one mei^ber of said

ijHAP. Yin. CONNECTICUT. 23t^

church, assumed to themselves a pretended government Book II.
and jurisdiction over this church and society ; and have, v.^<->r>«w»
without hearing the parties or persons concerned, pretend-
ed to come into conclusions respecting our reverend elder ;
and, without knowing the truth from him, the church, or
society, have, as we are credibly informed, passed a sen-
tence, by v/hich they endeavour to depose him, the said
Mr. Robbins : — Wherefore, lest such an extraordinary step
should tend to our disturbance, and create scruples in
weok minds, the society do now, by this, their vote, de-
clare, that we own the said Mr. Robbins to be our lawful
and worthy minister; and do now renewedly declare the
continuance of our choice of him to be our minister, ac-
cording to the laws of this government : And further de-
clare, that we will continue to support and assist him, as
formerly : and that we are of opinion, that the conclusions
of the consociation are not, by this society, to be acknow-
ledged or regarded,"

The consociation proceeded to depose Mr. Robbins.
The sabbath after, he preached from 1 Cor. ix. 16. " For
necessity is laid upon me ; yea, woe is unto me, if I preach
not the gospel." Some of the people went to meeting, with
hesitation whether he would attempt to preach, or if he
should, whether they should stay and hear him or not ; but
he made such an extraordinary prayer, as arrested all their
attention, and deeply impressed their minds. They judg-
ed that such a prayer had never been made;,before in that
house. They all tarried, to hear what he would preach to
them. And here again he gained their attention, and en-
tered" deepty into their feelings. They imagined that his
discourses were not less extraordinary than his prayer.
He corftinued preaching, and performed all ministerial du-
ties, as he had done before, and the people attended his
ministrations. The society advanced his salary, and en-
couraged him by public acts of generosity.

At the session of the assembly, in May, 1748, Joseph May,!? 18.
Frisbie and Nathaniel Harrison, who had been the most
zealous complainants and actors against Mr. Robbins, with
some others of the disaffected party, preferred a petition to
the assembly, to interpose, and adopt measures for their
relief. The society, upon a citation, appointed agents to
appear before the assembly, to act in their behalf, as occa-
sion should require. The assembly, on hearing the par-
ties, appointed a council, consisting of the Rev. Messrs.
Eliphalet Adams, of New-London ; Ebenezer Williams, of
Pomfret; Benjamin Lord, of Norwich ; Solomon Williams,
of Lebanon; Stephen Steele, «f Tolland; Ashbel Wood-

232 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book II. bridge, of Glastenbury ; and Noah Hubbard, of Fairfield.
v«<'"v'^-/ Tiiese gentlemen were directed by the assembly, to hear
174S. all the grievances of the respective parties, and to use their
endeavours to make peace in the society. The assembly
advised the parties freely to communicate all the difficul-
ties to the council, and recommended it to them to submit
to their advice.
June 13th. 'Soon after the rising of the General Assembly, the firsf
society in Branford, in a regular meeting, accepted of the
advice which had been given, and appointed gentlemen to
desire the ministers appointed by the General Assembly,
with their delegates, to meet in council at Branford, and
the day for their meeting was appointed, but the council
did not meet.

The society again voted their earnest desire, that the
council vrould come, and appointed men to wait on the sev-
eral ministers, and urge it upon them, to attend the service
to which they had been appointed. But, it seems, the
council never met. They perceived, undoubtedly, insu-
perable difficulties in the way. The assembly's appoint-
ing a council was unconstitutional, and subversive of their
own law, by which they had established the constitution,
and made the determinations of the consociations a final
issue, and bound all parties to sit down by it. They could
fasily perceive, that they could do nothing for the relief oi
Mr. Robbins, and the church and society, without, in some
measure, setting aside the judgment of the consociation ;
which would, at once, involve them in a controversy with
the ministers of New-Haven county. If they could not da
that, they must leave the matter as it was. There was nc?
going back nor forward, without very great difficulties.
They, therefore, judged it expedient not to meddle* in the
affair. The disaffected party by degrees became recon-
ciled, and the society enjoyed peace.

The assembly manifested their zeal to suppress the new
lights, as the zealous Calvinistic ministers and people were
then called,^ by turning out esquire Russell and esquire
Gould, and by putting into the same office one Harrison,
who had been one of the complainants against Mr. Robbins.

Mr. Robbins was a most inoffensive gentleman ; mild,
peaceable, and a peace-maker ; was uncommonly gifted in
prayer ; a sound and searching preacher, and greatly be-
loved by his people. He was popular in the neighbouring
towns and societies, and gradually grew into esteem among
his brethren in the ministry. In the year 1755, about sev-
en years after, he was invited to sit with the consociation,
at the ordination of Mr. Street, at East-Haven; and no ob-

t HAP. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 233

jections were made on the account of any thing which had Book II.
passed in the times of his trouble. s-^'-v^^

The friends of Calvinism, zealous experimental preach- 1748.
ing, and vital religion, greatly increased, and gendemen
who had been kept out of the assembly because they had
been friends to the religious awakening, were now chosen
again by the freemen. The justices who had been turned
out at Branford, were again put into office, and the severe
measures against the zealous ministers and people, became
unpopular, and the old lights, as they had been called,
rather lost credit in the colony. Many, indeed, viewed
them as haters of God, opposers to his truth, and perse-
cutors of his servants.

At the General Assembly, this year, upon the memorial May,
of the first society in Hebron, presented by the principal 1748.
men of the town, representing that the Rev. Benjamin
Pomeroy, their pastor, conformed to the laws of the colo-
ny, and performed the ministerial office to the great satis-
faction of the people ; he was restored to the benefit of the
laws. The legislature ordered that the information lodged
against him should be given up, and that his salary, in
future, should be paid, as though no such information had
been lodged against him. Thus after several years pun-
ishment and persecution, for preaching the gospel to a
multitude of people thirsting for the words of life, and that
without other offence, he was restored to the common
rights of men.*

At the same session of the assembly, Solomon Paine of
Canterbury, and Matthew Smith of Stonington, preferred
a memorial in their own names and in the name of about
three hundred others, of those who had separated from the
standing ministers and churches in the colony, represent-
ing that " they were the loyal subjects of king George,
and most of them freemen of the colony of Connecticut :
That liberty of conscience in matters of religion, was the
unalienable right of every man ; that for the enjoyment of
this liberty, our forefathers left their native country for a
howling wilderness ; that God had, in all ages, gready
blessed those who, with zeal and integrity, had stood for
the glory of God, and this liberty of conscience, in his

* Mr. soon after Dr. Pomeroy, had an opportunity of exhibiting an ex-
cellent spirit towards Mr. Little, who shut him out of his pulpit, and had
been the occasion of his so lon<? losing ^lis legal salary. Mr. Little, at the
invitation of some of Mr. Pomeroy's people, came into Hebron and preach-
ed in his parish without his leave, in direct violation of the law. Many
of Mr. Pomeroy's parishioners were for lodging a complaint against hira,
but Mr. Pomeroy used all his influence against it, and prevented it, ren-
dering good for evil.

ES-

^■M HISTORY OF Chap. ViiL

Book II. worsliip ; and especially our ancestors : That in the char-
'■!-«'-^^>w ter granted to this colony, that liberty was not abridged ;
1748. and that in the act of William and Mary, liberty of con-
science was granted to all their subjects, and it prohib-
ited and disallowed their subjects of every denomination,
t.o impose ui>on, er disturb othei-s, &cc.- That this law vva?^
in force under his then present majesty king George :
That in consequence, the quakers, anabaptists, and thosf-
who worshipped in the way called the church of England,
had applied to the honorable assembly, and had the force
of the ecclesiastical laws aba-ted with respect to them : yet
(hat they who worshipped God in his fear, and could not,
■vvithout making shipwreck of a good conscience, worship
with those denominations, were obliged to sutler fines and
imprisonments, as many of them had done already, for
preaching the gosjjel ai)d other acts of divine service, which
ihcy had performed by the command andpower of God's
.spirit ; and that great quantities of their temporal goods,
by which they should sei've God a-nd honor the king,^ had
been taken from them, to support a worship, which they
fould not in conscience uphold. Therefore they prayed,,
that their honors would be the happy instruments of un-
l)inding those burdens, and enact universal liberty, or for-
bid the execution of those laws."*

The legislature, nevertheless, rejected their petition and
granted them no relief. They suffered much in tlieir per-
sons and estates. When they were called upon to pay
rates to the ministers, in the towns and parishes where
they inhabited, they utterly refused, and in some instances
their goods and chattels were taken and sold, at the post,
for much less than their real value. In other instances,
they were committed to prison. This was done by mere
force. They would neither go themselves nor ride ; the\
were held upon horses by main strength, and would cry
out and scream until the blood ran out at their mouths.
These measures were every way calculated to do mischiel',
not only to impoverish individuals, but the governmeni,
to beget ill will among neighbours, to prejudice peoph"
against the government and the ecclesiastical constitution,
and to increase and confirm, rather than prevent the sepa-
rations. Why these people should be treated worse than
\ quakers and baptists, while they were loyal subjects, de-
voutly and zealously worshipped God, in their own way,
and, excepting their peculiarities, were many of them stric;..
in morals, peaceable and good inhabitants, I know not.

* The inemoriaJ was subscribed by three hundred and thirty jjersone^

bdoijgin^ priticipaJly tcj the counties ol" >'ew-Loiidon and Windham.

€hap. VUL CONNECTICUT. 23^

While God was building up Zion and appearing in his Book II.
::^lory, and these diings were transacting in the country, \.**-v-n»^
there were various writers infovourof the work: Particu- 1743.
larly, the Rev. Jonathan Dickinson, president of the col- -^^j^^^g j^^
kge in New-Jersey ; the Rev. Gilbert Tennant ; and in favor of
New-England, the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, of Northamp- the reli-
?on, afterwards president. They not only endeavoured to ^'^"^ -°'
prove the revival in the land to be the work of God, but
to correct the errors attending the work. Mr. Edwards
wrote the most largely «pon the subject, and brought into
view almost every thing necessary to be said at such a
time, relative to the work itself, the errors, and impru-
dences attending it, and with regard to such things as had
a tendency to hinder it ; to show tliat all ought, by all
means to promote it ; and what things ought to be done for
iliat purpose.

In the first place, he undertook to prove, that it was a IMr. Erf-
glorious work of God ; a work which nothing but the spir- wards,
it and power of God could effect ; and that it evidently ap-
peared so when judged of by his word only. He says,
"• Whatever imprudences there have been, and whatever
sinful irregularities ; whatever vehemence of the passions,
and heats of the imagination, transports and extacies ;
and whatever errors in judgment, and indiscreet zeal ; and
whatever outcries, and faintings and agitations of body ;
yet it is manifest and notorious, that there has been of late
a very uncommon influence upon the minds of a very great
part of the inhabitants of New-England, from one end of
the land to the other, that has been attended with the fol-
iov/ing effects, viz. a great increase of a spirit of serious-
ness, and sober consideration of the things of the eternal
world ; a disposition to hearken to any thing that is said of
things of this nature, with attention and affection ; a dispo-
sition to treat mattery of religion with solemnity; and as
matters of great importance ; a disposition to make these
things the subject of conversation ; and a great disposition
to hear the word preached, and to take all opportunities in
order to it; and to attend on the public worship of God
and all external duties of religion, in a more solemn and
decent manner ; so that there is a remarkable and general
alteration in the face of New-England, in these respects :
Multitudes in all parts of the land, of vain, thoughtless, re-
gardless persons, are changed and become serious and
considerate : There is a vast increase of concern for the
salvation of the precious soul, and of that enquiry, JVhat
shall I do to be saved ? The hearts of multitudes have
?5een greatly taken off fi-om the things of the world, its prg>

236^ HISTORY OF Chap. VilL

Book II,. fits, pleasures and honors, and there has been a great in-
^«*''"^^"***^ crease of scnsibleness and tenderness of conscience. Mul-
titudes in all parts, have had their consciences awakened,
and have been made sensible of the pernicious nature and
consequences of sin, and what a dreadful thing it is to be
under guilt and the displeasure of God, and to live without
peace and reconciliation to him. They have also been
awakened to a sense of the shortness and uncertainty of
' life, and reality of another v/orld and future judgment, and

the necessity of an interest in Christ : They are more
afraid of sin, more careful and inquisitive that they may
know what is contrary to the mind and will of God, that
they may avoid it, and what he requires of them, that they
might do it ; more careful to avoid temptations, more
•watchful over their ov/n hearts, earnestly desirous of be-
ing informed what are the means that God has directed to,
for their salvation, and more diligent in the use of means
that God has appointed in his word, in order to it. Many
very stupid, senseless sinners, and persons of a vain mind,
have been gready awakened. There is a strange altera-
tion almost all over New-England, amongst young peo-
ple : By a powerful invisible influence on their minds,
ihey have been brought to forsake those things, in a general
way, as it were at once, that they were extremely fond of,
and greatly addicted to, and that they seemed to place the
happiness of their lives in, and that nothing before could
induce them to forsake ; as their frolicking, vain company
keeping, night v/alking, their mirth and jollity, their im-
pure language and lewd songs : In vain did ministers
preach against those things before ; in vain were laws
made to restrain them, and in vain was all the vigilance of
magistrates and civil ofhccrs ; but now they have almost
every where dropped them, as it were of themselves. And
there is a great alteration among old and young as to drink-
ing, tavern haunting, profane speaking, and extravagance
in apparel. Many notoriously vicious persons have been
reformed, and become externally quite new creatures :
Some that are wealthy, and of a fashionable, gay educa-
iion ; some great beaus and fine ladies, that seemed to.
have their minds swallowed up with nothing but the vain
shews and pleasures of the world, have been wonderfully-
altered, and have relinquished these vanities, and are be-
come serious, mortified and humble in their conversation.
It is astonishing to see the alteration that there is in some
towns, where before was but little appearance of religion,
or any thing but vice and vanity t and so remote was all
\hat was to be seen or heard among them, from any thing

Chap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. 237

that savoured of vital piety, or serious religion, or that had Book II.
any relation to it, that one would have thought, if they s^'-vv^
judged only from what appeared in them, that they had
been some other species than the serious and religious,
which had no concern with another world, and whose na-
tures were not made capable of those things that appertain
to christian experience and pious conversation : especially
was it thus among young persons. And now they are trans-
formed into another sort of people ; their former vain,
worldly and vicious conversation and disposition seem to
be forsaken, and they are, as it were, gone over to a new
world. Their thoughts and their concern, aftections, and
inquiries, are now about the favour of God, an interest in
Christ, a renewed and sanctified heart, and a spiritual
blessedness and acceptance, and happiness in a future
world. And through the greater part of New-England,
the holy bible is in much greater esteem and use than it
used to be ; the great things contained in it, are much more
regarded, as things of the greatest consequence, and are
much more the subjects of meditation and conversation;
and other books of piety, that have long been of establish-
ed reputation, as the most excellent, and the most tending
to promote true godliness, have been abundantly more in
use. The Lord's day is more religiously and strictly ob-
served: and abundance has been lately done at making
up differences, and confessing faults, one to another, and
making restitution ; probably more within these two years,
than was done in thirty years before. It has been so, un-
doubtedly, in many places. And surprising has been the
power of that Spirit that has been poured out on the land,
in many instances, to destroy old grudges, and make up
long continued breaches, and to bring -those that seemed
to be in a confirmed, irreconcilable alienation, to embrace
each other, in a sincere and entire amity.

" Great numbers under this iniluence, have been brought
to a sense of their own sinfulness and vileness ; the sinful'
ness of their lives, the heinousness of their disregard of
the great God, and ,the heinousness of living in contempt
of a Saviour. It has been a common thing, that persons
have had such a sense of their own sinfulness, that they
have thought themselves the worst of all, and that none
ever were so vile as they : and many seem to have been
greatly convinced, that they were utterly unworthy of any ^
mercy at the hands of God, however miserable they were,
and though they stood in extreme necessity of mercy ; and
that they deserved nothing but eternal burnings ; and have
been sensible that God would be altogether just and right-

233 HISTOHY OF Chap. MU,

BookII. eous m inflicting endless damnation upon them. — And so
^^.jCN/'-x-/ far as we are worthy to be credited, one by another, in
what we say, multitudes in INew-England have lately been
brought to a new and great conviction of the truth and
certainty of the gospel ; to a firm persuasion that Jesus is
the Son of God, and the great and only Saviour of the
world ; and that the great doctrines of the gospel, touching
reconciliation by his blood, and acceptance in his right-
eousness, and eternal life and salvation through him, are
matters of undoubted truth : together with a most affecting
sense of the excellency and sufficiency of this Saviour,
and the glorious wisdom of God shining in this way of sal-
vation, &:c. — With a sensible, strong and sweet love to
God, and delight in him, far surpassing all temporal de-
lights, or earthly pleasures ; and a rest of soul in him, as
the fountain of all good, attended with abhorrence of sin,
and self loathing for it, and earnest longings after more
holiness, Sic, And these things appear to be, in many of
them, abiding now for many months, yea, more than a year
and an half; with an abiding concern to live an holy life.
And not only do these eflects appear in new converts ; but
great numbers of those that formerly were esteemed the
most sober and pious people, have, under the influence of
this work, been greatly quickened, and their hearts re-
newed with greater degrees of 'light, renewed repentance
and humiliation, more lively exercises of faith, love and
joy in Geo.

" And under the influences of this work, there have been
many of the remains of those wretched people and dregs
of mankind, the poor Indians, that seemed to be next to a
state of brutality, and with whom, till now, it seemed to be
to little more purpose to use endeavours for their instruc-
tion and av^akening, than with the beasts ; whose minds
have been now strangely opened to receive instruction,
and have been deeply affected ivith the concerns of their
precious souls, and have reformed their lives, and have
forsaken their former stupid, barbarous and brutish way
of living ; and particularly that sin to which they have been
so exceedingly addicted, their drunkenness ; and are be-
com^e devout and serious persons ; and many of them
brought, to appearance, truly and greatly to delight in the
things of God, and to have their souls very much engaged
in the things of the gospel. And many of the poor negroes
also have, in like manner, been wrought upon and changed.
" And the souls of very many little children, have been
iemarkably enlightenigd, and their hearts wonderfully af-
fected and enlarged ; and their months opened, expressing

CttAP. Vlll. CONNECTICUT. 239

themselves far beyond their years, and to the just astonish- Book II.
ment of those that have heard them; and some of them, 'v^-v-«w
from time to time, for many months, greatly and delight-
fully affected with the glory of divine things, and with the
excellency and love of the Redeemer, with their hearts
greatly filled with love and joy in him, and have continued
to be serious and pious in their behaviour.

" The divine power of this work has marvellously ap-
peared, in some instances I have been acquainted with, in
supporting and fortifying the heart, under great trials, such
as the death of children, and extreme pain of body; won-
derfully maintaining the serenity^ calmness and joy of the
soul, in an immoveable rest in God, and sweet resignation
to him. There also have been instances of some that have
been »the subjects of this work, that, under the blessed in-
fluences of it, have, in such a calm, bright and joyful frame
of mind, been carried through the valley of the shadow af
death.

" And noAv let us consider, — Is it not strange that, in a
christian, orthodox country, and such a land of light as
this is, there should be many at a loss whose work this is,
whether the work of God, or the v/ork of the devil ? Is it
not a shame to New-England, that such a work should be
much doubted of here ? Need we look over the histories
of all past times, to see if there be not some circumstances
and external appearances that attend this work, that have
formerly been found amongst enthusiasts ? — whether the
montanists had not great transports of joy, and whether
the French prophets had not agitations of body ? Blessed
be God ! he does not put us to the toil of such inquiries.
We need not say, who shall ascend into heaven, to bring
us down something whereby we may judge of this work '!
Nor does God send us beyond the seas, nor into past ages,
to obtain a rule that shall determine and satisfy us. But
we have a rule near at hand, a sacred book, that God him-
self has put into our hands, with clear and infallible marks,
sufficient to resolve us in things of this nature; which
book, I think, we must reject, not only in some particular
passages, but in the substance of it, if we reject such a work
as has now been described, as not being the work of God.
The whole tenor of the gospel proves it ; all the notion of
religion that the scripture gives us."

He mentions three things, in which those who judged
unfavourably of the work, exceedingly erred, viz. — by
judging of it a priori, from the manner in v/hich it began;
the instruments which had been employed in it ; the means
and manner in which it had been carried o'n, (S:c. He

240 HIST6RY of Chap. VIIL

Book II. shows, that no just judgment could be formed from these ;

^-^'v-'^.' that if it was found to agree with the scriptures, that was
sufficient ibr us. That they erred in not making the scrip-
tures the only rule, and whole rule, in judging ; and in not
justly separating and distinguishing the good from the bad.
He observes, that the \veakness of human nature has al-
ways appeared in times of a great revival of religion, by
a disposition to run into extremes, and get into confusion ;
and especially in these three things, enthusiasm, supersti-
tion, and intemperate zeal. He shows this to have been
the case, ev^n in the times of the apostles, and at the re-
formation. He observes the great disorders, divisions,
and evil things, which were in the church at Corinth ; and
to what lengths we might reasonably suppose they would
have gone, had they not been prevented by inspired
guides. He suggests that, by the increase of their irregu-
larities and contentions, they Would have broken to pieces,
and dissolved in the utmost confusion^ And yet this would
have been no evidence that the Spirit of God had not, in
a most glorious and remarkable manner, been poured out
upon that city. He shoivs outcries and bodily agitations,
were no new things under great awakenings ; and that they
were no evidences of grace, nor any evidence against it,
as they had been found in men of the greatest eminence for
piety and genuine religion, as well as in others : that great
degrees of terror and of joy were no evidences that .the
work was not the work of God, as persons eminent for ho-
liness, both in primitive and later times, had been the sub-
jects of them.

He shows the indispensable duty of magistrates, minis-
ters and people, by all means to promote, and carry on
such a glorious work ; and the great sin and danger of op-
posing it. He evinces that all ought to rejoice in it, and
_^ve thanks for it. He suggests that there was reason to
tear that God had been greatly provoked, in diat civil ru-
lers had proclaimed no public thanksgivings to render
praise to God for it, and that they had done so litde to
promote it.

He observes, that above all others, God's eye was upon
the ministers of the gospel, expecting them to arise and
acknowledge him, and honor him in the work, and do their
utmost for its encouragement and promotion : That this
was the very work and business of their office.

With respect to others, he represented, that as all the
people brought a willing offering unto the Lord, to build
the tabernacle in the wilderness, so that with a willing and
cheerful heart, every n^an, woman, and child, ought to do

Chap. ViiL CONNECTICUT. 241

something to promote the work : That they who could not Book IL
bring onyx stones, gold or silver, might, at least, bring ^-^'^/'-^^
goats hair.

He shows what things had been complained of, relative
to the work, without or beyond any just cause ; and then,
what thin2;s oua:ht to be corrected and avoided in advanc-
ing the work, and in the behavior of the people under it.
He notices and condemns the errors, makes clear distinc-
tions with, respect to that in which true religion consists,
and in what it does not, and gives excellent directions for
the conduct of ministers and people, in such a day as that
was. He compares those who could see nothing of th'^
work of God, in the reformation which had been effected,
to subjects in the kingdom of a great and good prince, who,
when all the people were rejoicing and proclaiming his ex-
cellencies and honor, on the day of his coronation, should
rather appear sorrowful than joyous, and dwell only on
some defects they might notice in his body, vv^alk, or con-
duct ; or who on his marriage, to a beautiful ah'; excellent
princess, when the nation in general were rejoicing with
great gladness, should m.anifest no joy on the occasion,
but employ themselves in remarking upon, and aggravat-
ing some small defects in the royal bride, in her beauty, or
dress, or in the manner in which the marriage was conduct-
ed ; and enquires v/hether such could be considered as
loyal subjects, well affected towards their prince ?

Dr. Chauncey, who had been an eye witness of the work Dr.ChRun-
at Boston, and the wonderful reformation which had been^^^.^"^^^
effected in that metropolis of the province, differed entire- y^^^^ ^^^^
ly from those excellent men, Dr. Coleman, Dr. Sewall, against Mr
Mr. Cooper, Mr. Gee, and most of the ministers in that F'.dwarcU
town, and appeared to be a great opposer of the work.
He wrote a large book, of between four and five hundred
pages, relative to it, in which he dwells abundantly on the
irregularities and errors attending the work, all calculated
to set it in the most disadvantageous point of light. He
inserts in his preface the story of the Antinomians and en-
thusiasts, in Mr. Cotton's day in Boston, among whom the
famous Mrs. Hutchinson was a principal actor, who were
full of falsehood and deceit, and represents or insinuates at
least, that the nevv^ lights, as they were called, were of the
same character, enthusiasts and liars. In his introduction,
he undertakes to give a general view of a work of God,
in which many things are well said ; but nothing so dis-
tinguishing with respect to the loving of God for his own
perfections and glory, rejoicing in them, and in the divine
government, with a full sense of the glory of God, of his
F2 •

2A2 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book II. love to iriPii, of the glory of tlu- work of redemption, the
v-i'-v^^ transccndant cKcollency and loveliness of Christ, and the
principles from which external acts of conformity to the
divine law originate, as Mr. Edwards and many other di-
vines. And it is remarkable, that all the marks of a work
of God which he specifies, were found in most of those Avho
made a profession of a change of heart and obedience to
CHRist, at that time. Indeed, they were found and increas-
ed in many of them, during their whole lives. He remarks,
a Ibrsaking of vice and sin, as one special mark of a work
of God. And when was there ever such a forsaking of all
open sins and vice, and such a general reformation of man-
ners, as at this time ? He mentions a spirit of forgiveness
and forbearance, as a mark of the work- of God. And at
what time before or since, did ever so many confess their
faults one to another, and forgive one another, as at this
time ? Persons who had been long at enmity one with an-
other, whom nothing before could reconcile, now con-
fessed, w.-ih shame and contrition, their ill treatment of
each other, and became apparently reconciled in the bands
of brotherly love. He makes love to the house of worship
and ordinances of God, an evidence of the work of God.
And who ever saw ministers and people in general, so in-
stant in seaspn and out of season, to preach and to hear the
word ? When did people ever so flow to the house of God ;
hear with such attention ; keep the sabbath, and attend
sacraments with such apparent zeal and pleasure ; and so
much abound in singing the praises of God, as at this time?
He mentions repentance and mourning for sin, as an evi-
dence of the work of God : And when v/as there ever in
New-England, so deep and general a sense of the evil of
sin, of the danger of it, and such apparent mourning for it,
as against an holy God, as at this time ?

The first part of his book, after the introduction, the Dr.
entitles, " Particularly pointing out the things of a bad
and dangerous tendency in the late religious appearances
in New-England." The first thing he mentions of this na-
ture, is itinerant preaching. This, he says, had its rise in
these parts from Mr. Whitefield. He owns he never could
see from what warrant, either from scripture or reason,
lie went about preaching ; and intimates that his design
was his o\Vn worldly advantage, that he made large col-
lections, &c. and faults '^him for leaving his own little
charge ; intimates that none but himself could tell the
amount of the presents he received in that town. Mr.
Whitefield gave a satisfactory account of these matters to
Other ministers in Boston, and to ministers and peopi?,

Cmap.VIIL CONNECTICUT. 243

who were well affected towards the doctrines he preached, Book II.
and the work he was instrumental in promoting. That he v-*'~>^>*-/
should preach every day in the week, and often twice and Doctor
three times a day, and often ride many miles and preach '^'^auncey
when he was so weak as not to be able to mount his horse reliebus
without help, pass dangerous seas, endure such fatigues appear-
by day and night, through a whole life, and conduct him- ^"'^*?"-
self with such piety and devotion, to the end of his days, on
worldly motives, and that he should, after all the collec-
tions he made for his orphans, die poor at last, is not credi-
ble. That he Vv^as able to effect what he did with his col-
lections, may afford abundant satisfaction on this head, and
show that the Doctor's imputations were uncharitable.

He equally blames Mr. Tennant, for leaving his people,
and preaching as an itinerant in New-England. But Mr,
Tennant undertook this only by the advice and desire of
his brethren in the ministry, who, upon receiving the ac-
counts of the great awakenings in New-England, and at
Boston in particular, judged that it would be well to send
him to the assistance of their brethren in these parts, and
advance the interests of the Redeemer's kingdom. He
hesitated at first; it was a matter of very great self denial,
to leave his family and people for' such a length of time.
He must necessarily endure much hardship and fatigue,
and be exposed to many dangers. But at the earnest de-
sire and mature advice of his brethren, he ujidertook the
journey, and appears to have performed the mission on
which he was sent, with great zeal, labour and fidelity.
He proved himself to be a faithful brother, and received
ihe thanks of the ministers in Boston, in general, for his
searching, fervent preaching, and abundant labours. Dr.
Chauncey, nevertheless, brands him, Mr. Whitefield and
all itinerant preachers, with the odious character of busy
bodies. " I see not but those," says he, " who make it
their practice to go about gathering assemblies in other
men's parishes, properly come under the character of busy
bodies."* In short, he compares them to those deceitful
workers, whom the apostle represents, as transforming
themselves into the ministers of righteousness, according
to the example of satan, wlio can transform himself into an
angel of light.! He introduces letters, calling them by
the worst names, and possessed of the v/orst feelings ;
with such declarations as these : " As to the present itine-

* Pa£;e 42. He quotes with apparent approbation, the extraordinary-
act of the legislature of Connecticut, prohibitina: ministers preachinj!: out of
their own parishe?, without the consent of the rainis-ter and churches wher,p
■ihej preached. t Ppge-44,

::44 HISTORY OF Chap. VUL

Book II. rants, ii is remarked, as certain and obvious, that themost^

\..ii^-'''^^*^ if not all of theni, are swollen and ready to burst with spir-

Dvocior itual [)ride." " Such ignorant and mischievous itinerants ab

Chaiincey ^^.^ jj^^^. caressed and encouraged." " Those vagrants,"

the reli- ^c.* He takes up almost eighty pages in decrying itinerant

gious ap- preachers, introducing letters, exhortations of ministers

pear- ^^,}^q were evidently prejudiced and em! ittered against

^"^^^° them, and quotations from authors, calculated to set them

in the worst point of light. The next thing he takes notice

oi', as of bad tendency, is the great fears and terrors which

some had, and the eflects which it had upon their bodies.

This he conceived of a very dangerous tendency. These

he pretends were highly thought of, as sure evidences of

grace, &c. whereas, it does not appear that any but the

separates approved of these things, or considered them as

any evidences of grace. Not one minister in Connecticut

considered them as such. Mr. Edwards showed that they

were no evidences of grace, nor were they any evidence:-

against it. Especially in his thoughts on religion, and in

his treatise on religious affections, he shows from scripture

and the best writers, that the most eminent men for piety

liave been tiie subjects of them, as well as wicked men.

No men, so far as I am acquainted with the writers of
New-England, and of protcstants in general, have more
clearly distinguished between all the errors and delusions
of these times, and shown wherein true religion consisted,
than the gentlemen who favoured the uncommon religious
concern and reformation, especially Dr. Coleman, Mr.
Edwards and Mr. Bellamy in New-England,, and the Rev.
Jonathan Dickinson, in New-Jersey.

Dr. Chauncey collected the most exaggerated accounts
from those who were the most zealous opposers of the
work, and even condescended so low as to publish accounts
from nevv'spapGrs relative to it, throwing the greatest odi-
um and rej)roach upon it ; and represents the effects of the
preaching at that time, such as might be expected from
mad men, raving front bctllam, hallowing and screaming
and frightening tlic ]ieo})le.t lie attempts to prove, that it
was not a divine work ; and he takes it as a certain fact,
that the spirit of God could not be in it. He trusts that
from these things, he had made it evident, that the ap-
pearances had been produced, only by the wild and ex-
ti-avagant conduct of overheated preachers.l

He employs between twenty and thirty pages, in rc-
j-U'esenting the bad princi]')les of Mr. Davenport, Messrs..
Pomeroy, Wheclock, and Allen ; and represents them a^-
* Pa-e 61,6^. t Pa-e 96, 106. X Page 99.

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 24^

having imbibed the principles of quakerism in college, Book IL
which had now broke out again. He represents Mr. Pom- v^^vx^*
eroy and Mr. Wheelock as the principal instruments of Doctor
the disorders and confusion in Connecticut. Nothing, I ^^,^3'^^"!'^^^
suppose, was more groundless and unjust than these insinu- religious
ations. The great body of those who were subjects of the appearan-
divine operations at that time, were humble, prayerful, so- ^^^' *^'^-
ber christians ; loved and adhered to their ministers, and
were strict in their morals. Those who imbibed errors,
and went into bad conduct, were few, when compared
with the others. Mr. Pomeroy and Mr. Wheelock were
not accused of any false doctrine, or any tincture of qua-
kerism, by the associations, or consociations, to which they
belonged ; but were in good repute, esteemed, and treated
with respect, by their brethren in the ministry, who had
the most intimate acquaintance with them. They were
gready beloved by their people ; and I never knew of a
quaker, or separate, in either of their parishes. They op-
posed the sepfirations, and united with their brethren in
condemning the errors of the times.! But the Doctor hav-
ing said what he judged proper to depreciate and blacken
the characters of those gentlemen, concludes that head with
this observation : — " This enthusiastic spirit, it appears to
me, is one of the most dangerous that can take place in a
land. It is, indeed, the true spirit of quakerism ; the seed
plat of delusion."! He proceeds but a few pages before
he again introduces Mr. Davenport, and his conduct. Af-
ter observing, " that there were no absurdities, either in
doctrine or practice, but they" (that is, such men) " are
capable of falling into, instances whereof have been com-
mon in all ages of the world," he quotes Mr. Flavel, as fol-
lows : — " In the beginning of our reformation, by Luther
and Calvin, &lc. there sprung up a generation of men, call-
ed Swenkseldians, great pretenders to revelations and
visions ; who were always speaking of deifications ; and
used a higher strain of language among themselves, than
other serious christians understood ; and they, therefore,
scornfully styled orthodox and humble christians, who

t I had an intimate acquaintance with those gentlemen, and with their
people; was hiouu;ht up under the preaching; of Dr. Pomeroy j lived some
time in the family of Dr. Wheelock ; heard them both preach abundantly ;
and [ never saw or heard of any thin<, in either of them, which savoured ia
the least degree of quakerism. They were some of the most distinguish-
jns; preachers, in their day, between true and false religion. They were
strict in their morals, and extensive in their charity. They ever consider-
ed themselves as greatly injured by Dr. Chauncey. He took up reports
against his brethren, not at the mouth oi two or three vritnesses. and v.-ili"
c^ut inquiring whether they were friends or enemies.
t Page 217.

24G HISTORY OF Ca\f. VIII.-

BooK II. stuck (() scripture phrases, and wholesome forms of sound
^^^^"T-^*^ words, granimatists, vocabulists, literalists," &c.§
Doctor The Doctor appears to have been a gentleman of pretty

Ujaunccy extensive reading, and a good scholar; but it is very re-
rcHsjious markable, that he frequently, by hi» concessions and quo-
»}ipenran- tations, insensibly gives up his whole argument. This he
ces, Lc. f^cenis to do in this place. If the glorious work of God, in
the reformation, was attended with such errors and con-
fusion, then (he work in New-England might also be a glo-
jious work of God, notwithstanding the enthusiasm and
errors which some imbibed. It cannot be pretended, that
Luther and Calvin, whom God made so remarkably instru-
metital in the reformation, Avere without great faults. Who
can justify the bitter zeal and language of Luther, and
some instances of Calvin's conduct? But if imperfect
men, attended, in some instances, with great faults, have
been used as great and principal instruments of such a
glorious work as the reformation, then God might also im-
prove such instruments in the reformation ifn this country ;
and it might have been, notwithstanding, a glorious work of
God : and so the Doctor's argument against the work is
wholly ovei'thrown. If God hath done it in this instance,
!t is perfectly correspondent with the operations of his pro-
vidence in other instances.

The Doctor inveighs exceedingly against exhorters, con-
demns the violent things which have been said, in oppo-
sition to tinconverted ministers, and against many errors
and disorders of those times, and has said many things
worthy of serious attention, with a variety of quotations
from the best authors upon those subjects.*

In the second part of his book, he represents " the ob-
ligations which lay upon all the pastors of these churches
in particular, and upon all in general, to use their endea-
vours to su]:>pyess the disorders prevailing in the land ;
with the great danger of their neglect in so important a
matter." '' The obligations to this, (he says,) are solemn
and weighty : and they are binding upon the pastors of
these churches in particular, and upon ail in general."
^" The churches in this land, upwards of an hundred year^
ago, were almost ruined with their religious disturbances.
The spii'll which then operated was surprisingly similar to
ihe spirit of these times. "t He represents the whole vv'ork
as nothing but error and enthusiasm ; and about forty or
fifty pages are em])Ioyed to stir up ministers and peopl'*
against it.
^i Page 221.

* From pa?e 220 to 3C2, to the close of the first part o£ his book.
t Page 33;:!, 324, 350.

Chap. VIIJ. CONNECTICUT. 247

In his third part, he complains of instances in which Book !I.
those who had appeared against the disorders prevailing v-«ir-v->*-<
in the land, had been injuriously treated. He makes some DrAiiaim-
rcmarks on Mr. Edwards' thoughts on religion ; pleads for c<^yasai"J:t
using history and philosophy in judging with respect to j^ys appeu-
religion, and represents that those who had opposed the rancei,
religious appearances, had shown the greatest veneration
for the scriptures. He complains of Mr. Edwards as be-
ing uncharitable in reprobating those who did not think
of the work as he did. He condemns that censorious
spirit by which they were denounced as Arminians, Pela-
gians, &:c. ; yet he falls into the same error himself, and
terms the favourers of the work, false prophets, deceitful
workers, and represents men as transforming themselves,
like satan, into ministers of righteousness ; as having the
same spirit as the enthusiasts at the reforn^ation, &c, " I
am sensible (says he) that this work has been carried on
by the weak and foolish. I am sensible also that the mi-
nisters who have been chiefly employed, some of them,
have been mere babes in years and standing :" and in
the severity of his remarks spares neither ministers nor
people ; though there was not one minister in Connecticut,
nor one of the striding churches, that favoured these er-
rors, but unitedly spake and preached against them. Mr.
Edwards lamented this censorious spirit, and utterly con-
demned it, at the same time stating who might be termed
opposers, but named no man as such, nor gave the least
intimation with respect to any particular person. This
spirit of detraction prevailed only among the separates,
who, in comparison with the great numbers who were ap-
parently born of God, v/ere indeed very few.

The Doctor apologizes for the harsh words in some of
the papers he had occasion to use, and says they should
have been altered had it been in his power. In his pre-
face, p. 29, he says, " I have endeavored to write so as to
give no just occasion of offence to any gentleman with
whom I have thought it needful to concern myself." Yet
the Doctor said these hard things, and made these injur!-:-
ous representations, with respect to great numbers of his
brethren in the ministry, and probably thousands of good
people, who were truly subjects of Divine grace, and had
proved their faith and love by lives of strict piety, right-
eousness and temperance in all things. How could thp
Doctor conceive that he gave no just occasion of olt'ence
to those gentlemen in the ministry, whom he had publish-"
ed to the world as being cjuakers in their youth, and as
singe acting under the influence of these jDrinciples, v;heu

248 HISTORY OF Chap. \UL

Book II. lliey had been examined and approved by associations
^-^'■~^>i^/ and ordaining councils, had been a number of years in
1747. the ministry, and were of good report, not only among the
people with whom they laboured, but among their breth-
ren in the ministry ? Another thing is very remarkable :
In his preface, p. 29, he says, " As to facts, I have pub-
lished none but such as I really believe myself, and, as I
Observa- think, upon suflicient evidence :" and further states, that
tions on he had been a circuit of more than three hundred miles.
Dr.Chaun- n^^j jjjj^j conversed wuth most of the ministers, and many
cej s 00 c. Qj^i^gj. gentlemen in the country, and settled a correspond-
ence w^ith several of them, with a particular view to as-
certain the truth of things upon better evidence than mere
hearsay ; when he had not probably conversed with one
minister, nor settled a correspondence with any, but
those who thought unfavorably of the work ; and when
he had condescended repeatedly to take his accounts from
the newspapers. And further, in answer to Mr. Edwards'
observation, that the instruments of the work had been too
much, and in many instances unreasonably blamed, by
others, he says, " So far were they from magnifying real
errors, that I scruple not to say, they have never set them
in their full light : Nay, as to some of thj disorders of the
times, I do not think it is in the power of the worst oppos-
er of them all, to describe them to the life." (p. 391 .) Did
Dr. Chauncey really believe all that party and prejudiced
men said, and all the anonymous pieces in the newspapers ?
Was he so unacquainted with the nature of facts as to ima-
gine that newspaper publications, especially when parlies
ran high, were sufficient evidence ? Could he suppose that
representations of one party only, when their names were
generally concealed, without hearing the evidence on the
other side, were suflicient proof ? If such was the case, or
if he was influenced by prejudice to credit unsubstantial
facts, it must very greatly invalidate the Doctor's history
of those times.

How widely he differed from a great body of his breth-
ren, will appear from the public declarations of a very
great number of ministers, in all parts of the country.
About ninety ministers, on previous notice, met at Boston,
on the 7th of July, 1743, and after consultation, came to
the following result, viz :

" If it is the duty of every one, capable of obversation
and reflection, to take a constant religious notice of what
occurs, in the daily course of common providence ; how
much more is it expected that those events in the divine
economy, wherein there is a signal display of the power,

Chap. VIlt» CdNNECTICUT. 049

grace and mercy of God in behalf of the church, should be Book IL
observed with sacred wonder, pleasure, and gratitude ? — v^<««-v-^/
Nor should the people of God content themselves with a Testimony
silent notice, but publish with the voice of thanksgiving, ^j."^ advice
and tell of all his wondrous works. sembi^'of

" More particularly, when Christ is pleased to come in- pastors of
to his church in a plentiful effusion of his holy Spirit, by ^li''r<"h8s
whose powerful influences the ministration of his word is l" ' f^'j
attended with uncommon success, salvation work carried
on in an eminent manner, and his kingdom which is in
men, and consists in righteousness and peace, and joy in
the Holy Ghost, is notably advanced. This is an event,
which above all others invites the notice, and bespeaks
the praises of the Lord's people, and should be declared
abroad for a memorial of the divine grace ; as it tends to
confirm the divinity of a despised gospel, and manifests
the work of the Holy Spirit in the application of redemp-
tion, which too many are ready to reproach ; as it may
have a happy effect, by the divine blessing, for the revival
of religion in other places, and the enlargement of the
kingdom of Christ in the world ; and as it tends to enliv-
en the prayers, strengthen the faith, and raise the hopes, of
such as are waiting for the kingdom of God, and the com-
ing on of the glory of the latter days.

" But if this is justly expected of all who profess them-
selves the disciples of Christ, that they should openly ac-
knowledge and rejoice in a work of this nature, wherein
the honor of their divine master is so much concerned ;
how much more is it to be looked for from those employecl
in the ministry of the Lord Jesus, and so stand in a special
relation to him, as servants of his household, and officers
in his kingdom ? These stand as watchmen upon the walls
of his Jerusaleni •, and it is their business, not only to give
the alarm of war, when the enemy is approaching, but to
-sound the trumpet of praise when the King of Zion cometh
in meek triumph, having salvation.

" For these and other reasons, we, whose names are
hereunto annexed, pastors of churches in New-England,
met together in Boston, July 7th, 1743, think it our indis-
pensable duty, (without judging or censuring such of our
brethren, as cannot at present see things in the same light
with us,) in this open and conjunct manner, to declare, to
the glory of sovereign grace, our full persuasion, either
from what we have seen ourselves, or received upon credi-
ble testimony, that there has been a happy and remarkable
revival of religion in many parts of this land, through an
uncommon divine influence, after a long time of great de-
G2

iJO iJlSTORY OF Chap. Vl^.

Book If. co >/ and dcadness, and a scns^ible and vfcry awful withdrawal'
■.^*»-N/-«^ of th.e Holy Spirit from his sanctuary among us.

1 743. Though the work of grace \vrought in the hearts of men,

The ie.sii- by the word and spirit of God, and which has more or less

jiioriy of been carried on from the beginning, is ahvays the same for

oidrdrch-' substance, and agrees, at one time and another, as to the

es, kc. main strokes and lineaments of it, yet the present work

appears to be remarkable and extraordinary, on account.

of the numbers wrought upon. We never before saw s»

many brought under soul concern, and with distress,

making the inquiry. What shall we do to be saved ? and

these, persons of all characters and all ages. With regard

to the suddenness and quick progress of it, many persons

and places were surprised with the gracious visit, together,

or near about the same time ; and the heavenly inHuence

dillused itself far and wide, like the light of the morning.-

Also, in respect to the degree of operation, both in a way

of terror and in a way of consolation ; attended in many

with unusual bodily effects.

" Not that all who were accounted the subjects of the
jiresent work, have had these extraordinary degrees of
previous distress and subsequent joy ; but many, and we
sup})ose the greatest number, have been wrought on in a
more gentle and silent way, and without any other appear-
ances than are common and usual at other times, vdien per-
sons have been awakened to a solemn concern about sal-
vation, and have been thought to have passed out of a
state of nature into a state of grace.

" As to those Avhose inward concern has occasioned ex-
traordinary outward distresses, the most of them when we
came to converse with them, were able to give, what ap-
peared to us, a rational account of what afiected their
minds, viz. a quick sense of their guilt, misery and dan-
ger ; and they would often mention the passages in the
sermons they heard, or particular texts of scripture whicli
were set home upon them with such pov/erllil impression.
And as to such whose joys have carried them into trans-
ports and estacies, they, in like manner, have accounted
ibr them, from a lively sense of the danger they hoped
they were freed from, and the happiness they were now
possessed of; such clear views of divine and heavenly
things, and particularly of the excellences and loveliness
of the I<ci"d Jesus Christ, and such sweet tastes of redeem-
ing love, as they never had before. 'J''he instances were
very few, in which we had reason to think these aflections
were produced by visionary or sensible representations,
or .any other images, than such as the scriptui'e itself
presents to us.

€;hap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. 251

" And here we think it not amiss to declare, that in Book IL
dealing v/ith these persons, we have been careful to in- \,^>^>r^s^
form them that the nature of conversion does not consist 1743.
in such passionate feelings, and to warn them not to look The testi-
upon their state safe, because they have passed out of'"°"y°f
deep distress into high joys, unless they experience a q}\^^^ °*"
renovation of nature, followed with a change of life and a chuidie?,
course of vital holiness. Nor have we gone into such an ^-'
opinion of the bodily eifects with which this work has been
attended in some of its subjects, as to judge them any
signs that persons who have been so affected, were then
under a saving work of the spirit of God. No, we never
so much as called these bodily seizures, convictions ; or
spake of them as the immediate work of the Holy Spirit.
Yet we do not think them inconsistent with a work of God
upon the soul at that very time 5 but judge that those in-
ward impressions, which come from the spirit of God,
those terrors and consolations which he is the author of,
may, according to the natural frame and constitution which
some persons are of, occasion such bodily eftects. And
therefore, that those extraordinary outward symptoms,
are not an argument that the work is delusive, or from the
influence and agency of the evil spirit.

" With respect to numbers of those who have been under
the impressions of the present day, we must declare there
is good ground to conclude they are become real chris-
tians ; the account they give of their conviction and conso-
lation, agreeing with the standard of the holy scriptures,
and corresponding with the experiences of the saints, and
evidenced by the external fruits of holiness in their lives :
so that they appear to those who have the nearest access
to them, as so many epistles of Christ, written, not with
ink, but by the spirit of the living God, attesting to the
genuineness of the present operation, and representing the
excellency of it.

" Indeed, many who appeared to be under convictions,
and were much altered in their external behaviour when
this work began, and while it was most flourishing, have
lost their impressions, and are relapsed into their formci-
manner of life : Yet of those who were judged hopetullj,
converted, and made a public profession of religion, there
have been fewer instances of scandal and apostacy thau
might be expected. So that, as far as we are able to form
a judgment, the face of religion is lately changed much for
the better, in many of our towns and congregations ; and
together with a reformation observable in divers instan~
oes, there appears more experimental godliness, and live=

252 mSTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book II. ly Christianity, than the most of us can remember wc havo

^>^-<">''^**-/' ever seen ]:)eftjre.

" Thus wc have freely declared our thoughts as to the
work of God, so remarkably revived in many parts of this
land. And now, we desire to bow the knee in thanksgiv-
ing to the God and father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that
our eyes have seen and our ears have, heard such things.
And while these are our sentiments, we must necessarily
be grieved at any accounts sent abroad, representing this
work as all enthusiasm, delusion and disordei-. Indeed it
is not to be denied, that in some places, many irregulari-
ties and extravagances have been permitted to accompa-
ny it, which we would deeply lament and bewail before
God, and look upon ourselves obliged for the honor of
the Holy Spirit, and his blessed operations on the souls of
men, to bear a public and faithful testimony against, though
at the same time, it is to be acknowledged, that in other
places where the work has greatly flourished, there have
been few, if any of these disorders and excesses. But who
can wonder if, at such a time as this, satan should inter-
mingle himself, to hinder and blemish a work so directly
contrary to the interests of his kingdom / Or if, \yhile so
much good seed is sowing, the enemy should be bup.y to
sow tares ? We would therefore, in the bowels of Jesus,
beseech such as have been partakers of this work, and are
zealous to promote it, that they be not ignorant of satan's
devices ; that they watch and pray against errors and mis-
conduct of every kind, lest they blemish and hinder that
which they desire to honor and advance.
" Particularly,

" That they do not make secret impulses on their minds,
without a due regard to the written word, the rule of their
duty ; a very dangerous mistake, which we apprehend
some in these times have gone into. — That, to avoid Ar-
minianism, they do not verge to the opposite side of Antir
nomianism ; while we would have others take heed to
themselves, lest they be, by some, led into, or fixed in Ar-
minian tenets, under the pretence of opposing Antinomian
errors : That laymen do not invade the ministerial olfice,
and, under a pretence of exhorting, set up preaching;
Avhich is very contrary to gospel order, and tends to intro-
duce errors and confusion into the church : That ministers
do not invade the province of others, and, in ordinary ca-
ses, preach in another's parish, without his knowledge,
and against his consent ; nor encourage raw and indiscreet
candidates, in rushing into particular places, and preach-
ing publicly or privately, as some have done, to the m

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. ^53

small disrepute and damage of the work, in places where Book II.
it once promised well. Though, at the same time, we v-^-v^i,^
would have ministers shew a regard to the spiritual wel- The testi-
fare of their people, by suft'ering them to partake of the ^°y ^°^
gifts and graces of able, sound and zealous preachers, as ^he pastors
God, in his providence, may give opportunity therefor ; of the
being persuaded God has, in this day, remarkably blest *^"''';!l^'L'
the labours of some of his scrvrjits, who have travelled, in ' "
preaching the gospel of Christ : That people beware of
entertaining prejudices against their own pastors, and do
not run into unscriptural separations : That they do not
indulge a disputatious spirit, which has been attended with
mischievous effects ; nor discover a spirit of censorious-
ness, uncharitableness, and rash judging the state of others ;
ihan which scarce any thing has more blemished the work
of God amongst us. And while we Avould meekly exhort
both ministers and christians, so far as it is consistent with
truth and holiness, to follow the things which make for
peace ; we would most earnestly warn all sorts of persons
not to despise those outpourings of the Spirit, lest a holy
God be provoked to withhold them, and instead thereof,
to pour out upon this people the vials of his wrath, in tem-
poral judgments and spiritual plagues ; and would call up-
on every one to improve this remarkable season of grace,
and put in for a share of the heavenly blessing so liberally
dispensed.

" Finally,

" We exhort the children of God to continue instant in
prayer, that He, with whom is the residue of the Spirit,
would grant us fresh, more plentiful and extensive effusions,
that so this wilderness, in ail the parts of it, may become
a fruitful field : That the present appearances may be an
earnest of the glorious things promised to the church in
the latter days, when she shall shine with the glory of the
Lord risen upon her, so as to dazzle the eyes of behold-
ers, confound and put to shame all her enemies, rejoice the
hearts of her solicitous and now saddened friends, and have
a strong influence and resplendency throughout the earth.
Amen.

" Even so come, Lord Jesus ; come quickly,"*

" After solemn and repeated prayers, free inquiry and
debate, and serious deliberation, the above testimony and
advice was signed" by about seventy ministers. Forty-
three, either at that time, or soon after, sent in their testi-
mony to the work, as a glorious work of God, making in
the whole about one hundred and ten. Among these, wt-. e
* Prince's Christ. History, vol. i. from page 156 to 164_,

254 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL

Book II. nine ministers of the congregational churches in Boston,
s^-v-x^ and the Rev. Mr. Moorhead, of the prcsbyterian congrega-
tion in Boston. Dr. Chauncey was ahnost alone in his
opposition to the work, among the ministers in Boston.
Most of the hundred and fifteen ministers mentioned above
l)elonged to the province of Massachusetts. Besides these,
there were a considerable number of others, who after-
wards sent in their testimoi'al to the work ; some in Mas-
sachusetts, some in New-Hampshire, and one or two in
Rhode-Island.
~ . In Connecticut, two associations bore witness to it, as a

of themin- glorious work of God : the whole association of Windham
jsters in county, in their letter to the churches under their pastoral
^^^^T-M^' ^^^^ ' ^^^ ^^^ association of the eastern district of Fair-
cut, 7 3. i^gi^ county, in a letter to Mr.. Prince, in 1743.* Twelve
ministers convened at Norwich, June 23d, 1743.t The
association in Fairfield county, in their attestation say,
" We look upon ourselves and all the ministers and peo-
ple of God throughout the land, under infinite obligations
for ever to admire and adore rich, free and sovereign grace,
so amazingly displayed in visiting a professing people, in
a day of such general security, indolence and formality ;
causing so great an awakening of all sorts of persons, con-
\'incing so many of sin, righteousness and judgment, and
bringing such numbers of difterent ages, hopefully to close
savingly with the dear Jesus, on the self denying terms of
the gospel, so as that it far exceeded even any hopes or
expectation of ours, as well as any thing of this nature we
ever saw in our day.

" We cannot but be sensibly touched with sorrow, to
see that there are many, who (not duly distinguishing be-
tween the blessed work, and some evils that have attended
it, by the misconduct both of some of the instruments and
subjects,) stumble and are in hazard of falling : as well as
to find reason to fear, that in some places, the work itself is
opposed.

'• To conclude, Ave cannot omit giving in our public tes-
timony, from our own happy experience and observation,
that the frequent interchange of ministerial labors, has been
remarkably owned and blessed of God to the hopeful
awakening of many souls ; and could heartily wish that
ministerial communion, and an hearty reception, as well as
joyful improvement of each others ministerial gifts, and oc-
casional labors might still be encouraged and maintained
among gospel ministers throughout the land.

Anthony Stoddard, of Woodbury, first society.
* Prince's Christian History, vol. ji. p. 311, 312. t Vol. i, p. 195, im.

Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 255

Samuel Cook, of Stratfield. Book IF.

John Graham, of Woodbury, second society. %..^-v«».^

Hezekiah Gold, of Stratford, first society.

Jedediah Mills, of Ripton, in Stratford.

Elisha Kent.

Ebenezer White, of Danbury.

Benajah Case, of New-Fairfield.

Joseph Bellamy, of Woodbury, third society.

David Judson, of NeAvtown.

Reuben Judd, of Woodbury, fourth society.
In the attestation of the Rev. gentlemen in the ministry,
convened at Norwich, there is the following declaration,
viz. " We are abundantly satisfied, that there has of late,
for about three years past, been a great and wonderful re-
vival of religion in the several places to which we minister,
and in divers others which w^e are acquainted with ; where-
in through the mighty power and grace of God, great num-
bers of persons of all sorts, but especially young people,
have been greatly awakened and convinced of sin ; and
many, as far as we can judge, upon careful observation
and examination, truly humbled at the foot of a sovereign
and righteous God, and savingly brought to believe in the
Lord Jesus Christ for everlasting life ; and have since
lived so as to give credit and confirmation to their preten-
sions ; and do now adorn their profe- sion in an humble and
holy life and christian conversation; walking in the fear
and love of God, and bringing forth fruits meet for repen-
tance in the exercise of the graces and virtues of the Chris-
tian life."

" Although many who have made profession of Christian-
ity and conversion have run into imprudent things, and
discovered much spiritual pride by rash censorious judg-
ings, hasty separations from their ministers and brethren,
and some have embraced wrong notions and principles in
religion : (though there has been little of that in the places
where we live :) yet we know of great numbers who have
been happily preserved from such falls and failings, and
who carry themselves like the meek and humble disciples
of the blessed Jesus ; and some who have been led astray
through the subtlety of satan, have by grace been recov-
ered in a great measure, convinced of those foiiies and
mistakes, and humbled for the pride and haughtiness of
their hearts. And all of a bad nature and tendency, that
we have seen, does not give us any reason to think that
there has not been a great and glorious work of divine
grace carried on among us, and a great reformation and re-
vival of rejigion ; for which \v§ desire to praii^e and adore
the sovereign aiQrcy of God,

2o6 ^ HISTORY Ot Chap. YUt.

Book II. " Thus much \vc thought ourselves obliged to say to the
'.^sy'-'^^ praise of divine grace, and the glory of Him who is the au
thor of all good, to whom bt' all glory, &;c."
We are your brethren, &ic.
Joseph Meacham, pastor of a church in Coventry.
Benjamin Lord, pastor of the first church in Norwich;
Hezekiah Lord, pastor of a church in Preston.
Solomon Williams, pastor of the first church in Leb-
anon.
Daniel Kirtland, pastor of a church in Norwich.
Jabez Wright, pastor of a church in Norwich.
John Owen, pastor of the first church in Groton.
Samuel Mosely, pastor of a church in Windham.
Jonathan Parsons, pastor of the first church in Lyme^
Eleazar Wheelock, pastor of a church in Lebanon.
Benjamin Pomeroy, pastor of the church in Hebron.
David Jewett, pastor of the second church in New-
London*
The general association of the colony of Connecticut ac-
Aftesta- knov/ledge the goodness of God in this revival, and give
tionsfrom thanks unto him for such a merciful visitation.*
i/Tnd '' '^^^^ Rev. Jonathan Dickinson, president of the college
Peaasy.Ka- at Eliza bcthtown, attested the work as a gracious and glo-
nia. rious visitation of God's people ; and at the close of his

narrative of the work of God at Elizabethtown and New-
ark, he observes, " I was exceedingly gratified by the dec-
laration of your last convention of ministers at Boston, and
have reason to praise God that there is such a number
among you who are willing to give him the glory of his
special grace so eminently displayed of late." In his nar-
rative he says, " numbers were almost daily repairing to
me for direction and assistance in their eternal concerns ;
there were then probably more come to me in one day on
that errand than usually in half a year's space before." Af-
terwards, in a letter to the Rev. Mr. Foxcraft, he says, " I
have still the comfortable news to inform you of, that there
is yet a great revival of religion in these parts. I have
had more young people address me for direction in their
spiritual concerns within these three months, than in thirty
years before."! The three presbyteries of New-York,
New-Brmiswick and New-Castle, oAvned it as a glorious
work of God. The presbytery of New- York protested
against such things as tended to disparage the work, or re-
flect dislionor upon it. Their protest is in these words r
'• We protest against all those passages in any of the

* Records of the General Association, 1742.

i Prince's Christian Ilistoiy, vol. 1, p- 256 and 258.

Chap. VJIL CONNECTICUT. 257

pamphlets which have been published in these parts, Book II.
which seem to reflect upon the work of divine power and Vri*»-v>»ii*#
grace which has been carrying on in such a wonderful 1743.
manner in many of our congregations, and declare to all
the world, that we look upon it to be the indispensable du-
ty of all our ministers to encourage that glorious work with
their most faithful and diligent endeavours. "J The pres-
byteries of New-Brunswick and New-Castle, manifested
their cordial concurrence with the protestation of the pres-
bytery of New- York. The Rev. Jonathan Dickinson was
the first signer of the protest of the presbytery of New-
York.

To these testimonials of this glorious work of God, it is Testimo-
important to add the attestation of the Rev. Mr. Prince, ny of the
one of the scribes of the convention at Boston, viz : Rev. Mr,

" That very few of the ministers present in the late ven-
erable assembly, complained of errors, or disorders in the
congregations they belonged to : That several declared
they had none from the beginning ; but, in the extraordi-
nary revival of religion among their people, the Avork had
been carried on with great seriousness and regularity :
That others declared, that where there had been some dis-
orders and mistakes at first in some, through the great num-
bers suddenly and mightily awakened, the great dis-
tresses of some in their convictions, the great joy of others
on their laying hold on Christ and finding a \Vondrous
change within them, the frailty of some, and the surprise
of all ; yet, in a little while, they saw and owned their mis-
takes, came into a more settled way of thinking, speaking
and behaving, and the disorders ceased ; declaring also,
that both errors and disorders had been greatly magnified
and multiplied, above what they really were, in the con-
gregations they belonged to ; and that as far as they could
learn, the greatest errors and disorders were in those pla-
ces where the ministers opposed the work, and thereby
lost much of their respect and influence.

" To this may be added, that as several of the Rev. pas-
tors present in the said assembly, subscribed the testimo-
ny afid advice as to the substance, others, as to substance,
scope and end, and others without restriction : this seem-
ed chiefly to arise from this particular passage in the ad-
vice, viz. " That ministers do not invade the province of
others, and in ordinary cases, preach in another's parish,
without his consent." In which particular article, some
of the pastors thought that ministers preaching in other
ministers parishes, was not sufliciently testified against.
t Priaco's Christian Hi!!l;ory, vol. 2, p. 29L
' H2

':i58 HISTORY OF Chap. VilL

Book JI. Oilier pastors feared, that this article was in clanger of be-
%^r'y^>^ ing construed and perverted to the great infringement of
1743. christian and human liberty of conscience. And other
pastors ajiprehended that this article was sufficiently guard-
ed by the limitation to ordinary cases : leaving it to the
Serious conscience, bolh of ministers and others, to judge,
when the cases arc ordinary or not ordinary.

" And as people of all denominations and opinions in
the christian world, reckon it lawful, in many cases, for
ministers to preach in the parishes of others, without their
knowledge and against their consent : Thus the protes-
tants preached in the parishes of papist ministers in Hun-
gary, and formerly in France ; the presbyterians, congrc-
gationalists, baptists and quakers, in the parishes of epis-
copalian ministers in England, Ireland, Virginia and Caro-
lina ; the episcopalians, baptists and quakers, in the par-
ishes of congregational ministers in New-England ; and
this liberty cannot be invaded, or denied, without inhu-
manly invading the essential rights of conscience : So ii
must be left to the serious consciences of ministers and peo-
ple : And in the free exercise of conscience, they are
doubtless to be indulged, with great tenderness, meekness
and forbearance ; as every man desires to be indulged in
the liberty of his own conscience."*
•Vfr. Mr. Prince, in the account he gives of the work in

Prince's Boston, observes, " Those who call tliese convictions by
observa- ^^^ name of religious frights or fears, an4 then ascribe
them to the mere natural or mechanical influence of terri-
ble words, sounds and gestures, moving tones or boiste-
rous ways of speaking, appear to me to be not sutficiently
acquainted with the subjects of this work, as carried on in
the town in general, or with the nature of their convic-
tions.t No, conviction is c|uite another thing. It is the
Avork of the spirit of God, a sovereign, free and almighty
agent ; wherein he gives the sinful soul such a clear and
lively view of the glory of the divine sovereignty, omni-
presence, holiness, justice, truth and power ; the exten-
siveness, spirituality and strictness of his law; the binding
nature, efficacy and clreadfulness of his curses ; the multi-
tude and heinousness of its sins, both of commission and
omission ; the horrible vileness, wickedness, perverseness
and hypocrisy of heai't, with its utter impotency, either right-
ly to repent, or believe in Christ, or change itself: so that.
it sees itself in a lost undone and perishing state 5 without

* rriflcc's Christian History, vol. i. page 197, 198.
t To these natural causes, Dr. Chauncey attempts to make it anpcar
!hat the wcrk was to be ascribedj and not to the spirit of God,

Chap.VIIL CONNECTICUT. 259

the least degree of worthiness to recommend it to the right- Book IL
eons and holy God, and the least degree of strength to v.*^~^'>w
lielp it out of this condition. These discoveries are made 1743.
by some revealed truths, either in reading, hearing or re-
membrance : When in hearing, sometimes by v/ords of
terror, and sometimes by words of tenderness : And the
Holy SjDirit, with such internal evidence and power, ap-
plies them to the conscience, that they become as sharp
arrows, piercing into the heart, wounding, paining and
sticking in it, when all the mechanical impressions of
frightful sounds are over, for many days, and weeks, and
months, if not years together ; until this Divine Agent, by
these and other convictions, agreeable to his inspired
word, entirely subdues the soul to Christ."

Further, to show the absurdity of those men who as-
cribed this glorious work to natural causes, he observes,
*' In Old England and in Nev\', I have been a constant
preacher and observer of the religious state of those who
heard me, for above thirty years ; they have passed un-
der many scores of most dreadful tempests of thunder and
lightning ; wherein, as the psalmist represents, the voice
of the Lord was upon the waters, the God of glory thun-
dered : Yea, even since the revival ; on Friday night, July
30th, 1742, at the lecture in the south church, near nine
o'clock, being very dark, there came on a very terrible
storm of thunder and lightning ; and just as the blessing
was given, an amazing clap broke over the church, with
piercing repetitions, which set many a shrieking, and the
whole assembly into great consternation. God then ap-
peared terrible out of his high places. He thundered
marvellously with his voice : and at this, the hearts of ma-
ny (as Elihu's) trembled, and were moved out of their
places, for near two hours together. And yet in all these
displays of the majesty of God, and terrifying apprehen-
sions of danger, of sudden destruction, neither in this sur-
prising night, nor in all the course of thirty years, have I '
scarce known any, by these kinds of terrors, brought under
genuine conviction. And what minister has a voice like
God, and can thunder like him ?"*

Nothing is more evident from scripture and the course Observa-
of providence, than this, that genuine convictions and a ^"^"'"^" ^
general reformation among a people, cannot be effected y^^^'^of tha
by the most alarming appearances, and the most tremen- work,
dous judgments, without the special operations of the Holy
Spirit upon the heart. Did all the terrible things done in
Egypt,*and at the Red Sea, produce conviction and refer-

* Prince's Christian History, vol. ii. p» 386. 387, 383, 389.

260 mSTORY OF Chap. VITL

Book II. mation in the Egyptians? Did the destruction of all the
v-^^>^'s^ first born, in one night, bring them to repentance ? Did
Observa- all the wonders in the wilderness, and the tremendous ap-
t;t)ns, kc. pearancc of God on Mount Sinai, at which Moses and all
Israel greatly feared and trembled, produce a genuine con-
yiction and reformation '! Have mighty earthquakes, which
have shaken cities to their foundations, and buried tliou-
sands of the citizens in their ruins, been able to produce
these effects ? Have the most mortal sicknesses, which
have deprived families of a numerous offspring in a few
weeks, and spread mourning through a whole country —
have the terrible visitations which some of our capital
cities have, of late years, experienced, had those happy-
effects ? Certainly they have not. God has reserved it
for the peculiar honour of his Holy Spirit, to convince
men of their sins, renew their hearts, and reform their lives.
They afford strong evidence, tEat there is a God, and of
the truth, power, and excellency of the christian religion.
A great outcry was made against the disorders which,
in some places, attended the work ; but of these, in most
of the churches, there was little or nothing ; and, perhaps,
they were not greater in any than were found in the church
at Corinth, even in the apostolic age. Allowing that there
were some impostors and false teachers, this is no more
than was found in the primitive and best ages of the church.
How docs the apostle Paul complain of false apostles and,
evil workers, and of such as made shipwreck of the faith.
A great matter was made of the separations which were
made in some places, and of the enthusiasm which appear-
ed among theni. These, indeed, were unhappy ; their
errors, at first, were great and dangerous 5 and the separa-
tions, in some places, have been of lasting disadvantage,
both in a civil and religious view. Yet, in justice, there
ought to be some things said in their favour, and in extenua-
tion of their faults : there were some things in the church-
es in general, at that time, which were grievous to many
good people, and have been judged wrong by the great
body of judicious and learned divines ; particularly, that
unregenerate men have a right to the sacramental table ;
can consistently enter into covenant with God, and partake
of the Lord's supper, and ought to do it as a means of their
conversion to Goo ;* and that persons who did not come
to the Lord's supper, might have their children baptized,
upon what was called owning the covenant. Another er-
ror of these times, was, the ordaining of ministers, or in-

* This seems to have heen the case at Canterbury, and olher'extraor-
^ary measures were t^kpn. .

dHAP. VIU. CeNNECTICUT. 261

troducing tlieni into the ministry, without the call of the Book il.
church, or against a majority of it; and sometimes even v.^^-n'^s^
where there was not a majority of the legal voters in the Observa-
society, for the candidate to be ordained. t In some othef ^j""^ '^o"''
instances, separations were occasioned, not by enthusiasm, '""^
or error, as to the doctrines ^of the gospel, but by reasoi]
of the ordination ; though not against a majority of the
church and society, yet against a large minority of sober,
respectable and orthodox members, both of the church and
society, who were opposed to the doctrine^ and preaching
of the candidate, who was ordained. At the same time,
the severe and extraordinary act of the colony, enforcing
the constitution by law, Avhich never was originally de-
signed, and was, undoubtedly, inconsistent with the rights
of conscience, gave further ground of disaffection to the
constitution, and of separation from the standing churches.
The shutting of the zealous and powerful preachers out of
their pulpits, by numbers of the ministers ; the suspending
of persons from the communion of the churches, for hearing
them in other parishes, had a further ill tendency, to cre-
ate distrust in their own ministers, as to their real religion,
and to alienate their minds from them.

It is also abundantly evident, from the accounts given
of those times, that there was a great defect with respect
to the plain and faithful preaching of the doctrines of thp
reformation ; of original sin ; regeneration, by the super-
natural influences of the Divine Spirit ; justification by
faith ; effectual calling ; and the saints' perseverance.
These doctrines were very little preached and insisted on,
by some of the clergy. Some were evidently Arminians.
Others there were who preached nothing distinguishing,
so that it could be told what their opinions wxre.

Imprisoning the separate preachers, and the cruel man
fler in which they were treated, tended to alienate them^
and fix them in their prejudices and separation.

With respect to some of the errors, which some of tha
separates seemed to hold at first, I do not find, by inquiry,
that ever they preached or propagated them : especially,
with respect to the doctrine of the Trinity, they preached
nothing, I believe, contrary to sound doctrine. Exclusive
of some peculiarities, more especially relative to the con-
stitutions of churches and church discipline, they maintain-
ed the doctrines contained in the Westminster catechism
and confession of faith.

+ At Plainfield Uiis was in fact the case, as is proved by the manuscrip(s
of the gentleman ordained, now in my hands. lie was persuaded to be or-
dained by the importunity of the ordaining counciJ. who hoped that, by lr,=i
prudence and good se^jse, he would unite theiin.

262 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII.

Book II. As lo tlie admission of persons to their communion and
church disci})h"ne, they were as strict as the standixig
churches, at that time, if not more so. They as much in-
sisted on the necessity of sanctification and a holy life,
that men might be saved, as did the standing ministers and-
churches. Some of their preachers were exemplary, and,
considering their advantages, were good preachers. This
character is given of the separate church, and of Mr.
Thomas Stephens, their pastor, at Plainfield, by the Rev.
Mr. Rowland, who was contemporary with him during the
whole of his ministry, viz. : — " Although some things ap-
peared among them, at first, very unwarrantable ; yet,
considering their infant state, it must be acknowledged by
all that were acquainted with them, that they were a peo-
ple, in general, conscientiously engaged for maintaining
and promoting the truth ; and the said Mr. Stephens, their
minister, was a very clear and powerful preacher of the
gospel, as must be acknowledged by all that heard him ;
especially, considering his education, which was hardly
equal to common learning."*

How far enthusiasm may consist with true religion, it is
difficult to determine. Governor Hutchinson relates of
the Boston enthusiasts, who were banished for their errors,
that " many of them returned, and were employed in posts
of honour and trust ; were exemplary in their lives and
conversation; and their letters and private papers shewed
that they were pious and devout ; and, with the name of
Antinomians, paid the strictest regard to moral virtue."!
I cannot but hope, from the best information I have been
able to obtain, that this was the case with many of the sepa-
rates. They gradually became sensible of many of their
errors, and renounced them. J

Of all the ministers and churches in the colony, those
of the county of New-Haven manifested the greatest op-
position to the work which was carried on in the land, in
the religious revival, and adopted the most severe and ty-
rannical measures to suppress it. They not only suspend-
ed the ministers who ordained Mr. Lee over a congrega-

* Manuscripts of the Rev. David Rowland.

t Hutchinson's History of Massacliusetts, vol. i. p. 75.

X In an Historical Narrative and Declaration, agreed upon at Kjllingly,
hy a number of their churches, convened at that place, Sept. 19th, 1781,
they confess and condemn most of the errors of the first separates ; and
express their willingness to hold comnjunion with such of the standing
churches, as required a credible profession of Christianity, in the admission
of members to full communion in their churches, and had renounced the
half way practice, as it was called. They also declared their assent to
the Westminster catechism, and the confession of faith in the Carabridgf
and Saybrook platforms.

Chap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. 26^

tional church, from their associational communion ; but Book II.
they undertook to reprimand the church, for not forming v^.^r^,-*!^
on the constitution, and adopting the Cambridge platform.
They reprimanded Mr. Cook, for assisting in the formation
of the church in New-Haven. They, indeed, proceeded
so far as to shut their pulpits against the ministers of the
whole presbytery of New-Brunswick, for their disorderly
conduct, in intermeddling with the separation at Milford,
until they should make proper satisfaction.*

They seem to have rendered themselves unpopular, and
to have awakened the general resentment of their brethren.
In June, 1 749, the general association was at the Rev. Mr.
Noyes': four members only met. There seems to have
been such a disagreement between the ministers at this
time, that they would not meet together. Two general
associations successively, were so thin, that no business
was transacted. But, notwithstanding the unreasonable
and powerful opposition made to the work of God at this
time, and all the clamour which was made about errors
and disorders, it was the most glorious and extensive revi-
val of religion, and reformation of manners, which this
country ever experienced. It is estimated that in the term
of two or three years thirty or forty thousand souls were
born into the family of heaven, in New-England, besides
great numbers in New- York and New-Jersey, and in the
more southern provinces.

The effects on great numbers, were abiding and most
happy. They were the most uniform, exemplary chris-
tians, with whom I was ever acquainted. I was born, and
had my education, in that part of the town of Hebron, in
which the work was most prevalent and powerful. Many
at that time imagined they were born of God, made a pro-
fession of their faith in Christ, were admitted to full com-
munion, and appeared to walk with God. They v/ere ex-
traordinary for their constant and serious attention on the
public worship ; they were prayerful, righteous, peaceable
and charitable. They kept up their religious meetings for
prayer, reading and religious conversation, for many }^cars.
They were strict in the religion and government of their
families, and I never knew that any one of them was ever
guilty of scandal, or fell under discipline. About eight or
ten years after the religious revival and reformation, that
part of the town was made a distinct society, and it w^as
mentioned to Mr. Lothrop, the pastor elect, as an encour-
agement to settle with them, that there was not a drunkard
m the whole parish. While I lived in it, I did not knov;
* Records of the 95$ociaticn of the cgmatj of N^iw-Hayen, 1713.

.264 HISTORY OF Chap. Vllf .

Book II. one piayerless family among his people, nor ever heard

Some of those people, who dated their conversion fron":
that period, lived until they were far advanced in life ; and
after I was setded in the ministry, I became acquainted
With them in one place and another. They appeared to
be some of the most consistent, practical christians, with
whom I ever had an acquaintance. Their light shone be-
fore men, through a long life, and brightened as they ad-
vanced on their way. Some I was called to visit, in their
last moments, in full possession of their rational powers,
who appeared perfectly to acquiesce in the will of God, to
die in the full assurance of faith, and in perfect triumph
over the last enemy.

But the principal instruments of this work, Whitefield,
Pomeroy, Wheelock, Bellamy, &c. were spoken of by the
opposers as the worst of men, even with contempt and
abhorrence. At the same time they were ever greatly es-
teemed and beloved by the warm, zealous, experimental
christians in the country, and many owned them as then-
fathers in Christ.*

* The incomparable Cowper, under the name of Leuconomus, thus
characterizes Mr. Whitefield :

He lov'd the world that hated him : the tear

That dropp'd upon his bible was sincere :

i\ssail'd by scandal and the tongue of strife,

Jlis only answer was, a blameless life ;

And he that forg'd, and he that threw the dart,

Had each a brothers' interest in his hea'rt.

Paul's love of Christ, and steadiness unbrib'd,

Were copied close in him, and well transcrib'd-

He followed Paul ; his zeal a kindred flame,

His apostolic charity the same ;

Like him, cross'd cheerfully tempestuous seas,

Forsakmg country, kindred, friends, and ease ;

Like him, he labor'd, and like him content

To bear it, suffer'd shame where'er he went.

Blush calumny ! and upon his tomb,

tf honest eulogy can spare the room,

Thy deep repentance of thy thousand lies,

Which aim'd at him, have pierc'd the offended skies.

And say, blot out my sin, confess'd, deplor'd,

Against thine image in Ihy saint, O Lord.

Cowper''s Poems, vol. i. p. 126.
Dr. Haweis speaks of him, as iastruixie;;tal of more conversions than any
man, since the apostle Paul.

Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT.

CHAPTER IX.

Spanish and French rvar. The colony put into a state of de-
fence. Expeditio7i against the Spanish settlements in the
West-Indies. Regiments raised in the colonies. His ma-
jesty''s requisition of the coloni/. The measures adopted
in compliance zvith it. Porto Bello attacked, taken and
vhindered. Unsuccessful expedition against Carthagena
and Cuba. The French declare zvar against England.
Canso taken by the French. Expedition against Caps
Breton. It surrenders to Admiral Warrren and General
Pepperell. Sickness among the Provincials zoho kept
garrison there. The effects of its capture on the French
court. The Duke d''Anville''s armament. Alarm in Jfezo-
England. His total failure. Supplies furnished by Con-
necticut during the war. The general ^'ects of it on the
colonies. Pacification.

S the differences which at this time subsisted between Oct. iitli,
the courts of Great-Britain and Spain, threatened the 1739-.
speedy commencement of hostilities between the two na-
tions, the general assembly passed several acts for the pur- The colo-
pose of putting the colony into a state of defence. It was ".y p"tinto
ordered that ten cannon should be procured and put into ^gj^j^^e
the battery at New-London, and that it should be well fur-
nished with ammunition. It was also provided that cannon
and swivels should be provided for a sloop of war : and that
the new towns on the frontiers should be provided with
arms and ammunition for their defence. The militia vv'ere
also now formed into regiments, and a colonel, lieutenant-
colonel, and major were appointed to each regiment. The
militia thus formed consisted of thirteen regiments.

About the same time war was declared between the two ^
nations: expeditions were soon undertaken against the^^P^"^^^.^
Spanish West-Indies, Porto Bello, Carthagena and Cuba, rjsd,'
Requisitions were made on the colonies to assist in these Expedi-
enterprises. It was contemplated that four regiments tions a-
should be raised in the colonies in America, to be trans- gamst the
ported to Jamaica, thereto forma junction with a power- ^6^1-111.
ful armament from Great-Britain. His majesty required ajps.
that the expense of victualling the troops and of providing
all necessaries for them until they should join the arma-
ment in the West-Indies, and of their transportation, ex-
cept their clothing, pay, arms, tents and ammunition,
should be borne by the colonies. Connecticut engaged
I 2

26b HISTORY OF Chap. IX.

Book II. with cheerfulness and expedition in his majesty's meas-
•^^'^^o^ ures. A special assembly was convoked in July, and it
1740* was enacted, that "Whereas his majesty has thought fit
to declare war against Spain, and hath appointed an ex-
pedition against the territories of the catholic king in the
West-Indies, and given his orders and instructions under
his royal sign manual, now laid before this assembly by
his honor the governor, for the raising of such troops in the
colony as shall voluntarily enlist in the said service, to join
the British troops in a general rendezvous in the West-
Indies : and whereas it appears by said instructions, that
it is his majesty's expectation that the assembly will pro-
vide victuals, transports, and all necessaries for the said
troops, to he raised in this colony, except their clothes,
tents, arms, ammunition and pay, until they arrive at the
place of the general rendezvous, which important affair
this assembly being most willing to exert themselves to
promote by a cheerful conformity to his majesty's instruc-
tions, therefore be it enacted, — That there shall be pro-
vided victuals, transports, and all other necessaries for said
ti'oops, &;c. till their arrival in the West-Indies." Com-
mittees were appointed to carry these measures into imme-
diate effect.

The governor, previously to this, had issued his procla-
mation giving notice of his majesty's pleasure, and encour-
aging the enlistment of volunteers for the service. The
committees Avere now ordered to collect the names of all
who had enlisted in the several counties. The governor
and council were directed to appoint the officers and to
give notice who they were, that the soldiers might choose
under whom they would serve. The governor was desir-
ed to issue a second proclamation, as his majesty's pleas-
ure was now more fully known than it had been before, to
give further information, and encourage able bodied then
to enlist into the service. Men of influence were appoint-
ed in every county to beat up for volunteers. The assem-
bly wished the governor and committee of war to forward
the expedition with the utmost dispatch. They were au-
thorised to draw on the treasury for such sum or sums as
should be found necessary for the service.

At the same assembly an act was passed, that a sloop of
war of eighty or an hundred tons should be provided for
the defence of their seamen and the coast. At the ses-
sion in May preceding, and this session, bills were emitted
to supply the exigencies of the colony, to the amount of
45,000 pounds; 30,000 pounds in May, and 15,000 pounds
at this time.

Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 267

The ministry in Great-Britain made the utmost exer- Book II.
tions to make effectual provision of all articles necessary \,^-v-%^
for the success of the expedition. The armament sailed 1740.
for the West-Indies in October, under the command of
lord Cathcart, a nobleman of great popularity and distin-
guished abilities, convoyed by twenty-five ships of the line,
besides frigates, fire ships, bomb ketches and tenders, com-
manded by Sir Choloner Ogle. A British historian says,
" they were like v/ise furnished with hospital ships, and
store ships, loaded with provisions, ammunition, all sorts of
warlike implements, and every kind of convenience. In
a word, the ministry exerted their utmost endeavours to
render the armament as complete as possible ; and never
had the nation more reason to hope for success from any
undertaking." When this armament and vice-admiral jamurr
Vernon formed a junction at Jamaica, the whole fleet con- gth. "
sisted of twenty-nine ships of the line, with nearly the same
number of frigates, fire ships and bomb ketches, well man-
ned, and plentifully supplied with all kinds of provisions,
stores and necessaries. The number of seamen amounted
to fifteen thousand : the land forces, including the four re-
giments from the American colonies, were not less than
twelve thousand. In the November preceding this junc-
tion, admiral Vernon had taken and pl.indered Porto Bel-
lo, on the Isthmus of Darien, and demolished its fortifica-
tions ; and now he found himself at the head of the most
formidable fleet and army ever sent into those seas. The
nation Jiad great expectations from him ; but they were
miserably disappointed. Lord Cathcart died in the West-
Indies before the complete junction of the fleets. This
probably gave a fatal blow to the success of the expedi-
tion. The chief command of the army now devolved on
general Wentworth, who was not equal to the command of
such an army. Vernon was a man of uncommon prejudic-
es and very much governed by his passions, and an invet-
erate hatred of France was said to be his ruling passion.
Under the influence of this he used his exertions and au-
thority to obtain the consent of a council of war to beat up
against the wind to Hispaniola, with the view of falling ia
with a French squadron commanded by the Marquis d'Au-
tin, which had been dispatched from France to reinforce
the Spaniards. It happened that the French admiral be-
fore his arrival had sailed for Europe. Disappointed in
this quarter, it was determined to make an attempt upon
Carthagena. It was about the tenth of March when they
commenced their operations against the enemy. Two
months time had been lost, and by this time the garrison

%9 HISTORY OF Chap. tK.

Book II. iiad been ivinluiced by the French, so Ihat it amounted tu
■^.^o^s/-^^ lour thousand men. The fortifications had also been in-
174]. creased and strengthened. Admiral Vernon and general
Wentworth, ncvertlieless attacked the town, and carried on
their o{)erations against it from the 10th of March till the
beginning of April. They demolished the strong forts and
raatles in the harbor, and the admiral forced his way into
it. An attack was made by Wentworth upon the town i
"but the troops were obliged to retire with the loss of four
or five hundred men. In the cour&e of the expedition, they
destroyed six Spanish men of war, eight galleons and some
.■mailer ships. In July they made an attempt upon the isl-
and of Cuba, They possessed themselves of a fine har-
bor, but by reason of an extraordinary sickness and mor-
tality, they were not able to eflfect any thin'g of conse
quence.

According to the accounts given of the sickness, it was
nearly as mortal as the plague. More than a thousand
men died in a day for several days.* Of nearly one thou-
sand men from New-England, not one hundred returned »
Of five hundred from Massachusetts, fifty only returned.

The Spaniards laid claim to the American seas, and in-
leiTupted the trade between Great Britain and her colonies.
This was one occasion of the war ; and the parliament pe-
titioned his majesty never to make peace with Spain until
she should renounce that claim. She had been a bad
neighbor, especially to the southern colonies, in time of
peace ; and as it was expected that she would be a much
worse one in time of war, governor Oglethorpe, of Geor-
gia, having at the commencement of the war received a
generaPs command, undertook an expedition against the
Kxpedi- Floridas. Assisted by Virginia and the Carolinas, he
tion a- raised an army of more than two thousand men, consisting
Floiidas!^ of regular troops, provincials and Indian allies. He suc-
ceeded in reducing two Spanish forts, Diego and Moosa.
St. Augustine v/as cannonaded and bombarded for some
considerable time ; but after all his exertions, he was, for
want of a sufficient naval force, obliged to raise the siege,
and the exjiedition miscarried,
fiTvaiiion of ^" I'J'i'i, the Spaniards, in their turn, invaded Georgia.
Georgia. Don Manuel de MonteanOy about the last of June, with a
formidable armament, came to anchor oft" Simons' bar.
His fleet consisted of thirty two sail, on board of which
v^ere more than three thousand men. The utmost exer-
tions were made by general Oglethorpe to prevent their

*' In tiie term of two days only, when the raodality was the greatest.
Iberc dkci three thousand torn hundred and forty men..

Chap. iX. CONNECTICUT. ' 263

sailing by fort Simons. The enemy, notwithstanding, sail- Book II.
ed up the river Altamaha, landed their troops, erected a v.>'->^'^te^
battery of twenty eighteen pounders, and hoisting the bloo- 1742.
dy flag, threatened the country with a general destruction.
Georgia and the Carolinas were filled with trembling and
dismay. General Oglethorpe had no force sufficient by
any means to meet the enemy. He perceived that the
most he could effect, was by vigilant and vigorous mea-
sures, to act on the defensive, and to adopt all means of
retarding the enemy, and of gaining time, until he should
be reinforced from the Carolinas. The general watched
all their motions by night and day. The Indian allies, ac-
companied by his highlanders, ranged through the woods
and harassed their out posts. When the enemy attempt-
ed to advance, they were so impeded by morasses and
thickets, and by the furious attacks of the Indians and high-
landers, who laid wait for them and harassed them in eve-
ry convenient place, that they were driven back in every
attempt. The general at last, by a stratagem, had the good
fortune to make the enemy believe that a great reinforce-
ment was just at hand, and they decamped, in a panick,
and returned to St. Augustine, without eifecting any thing
of importance.

Though the French made professions of peace, yet they French
were constantly assisting the Spaniards and preparing for ^^F P*]?'
war. It had been expected from the commencement of the March '
war with Spain, that France would unite with her : and ac- 4th, 1744,
cording to the general expectation, on the 4th of March,
1744, she proclaimed war against England. England, the
same month, proclaimed war against France. But before
it was known in New-England that war was proclaimed
between the two nations, Duvivoir fitted out an expedition
from Lou isburg, and on the 13th of May, surprised Canso. Canso ta-
He also made an attempt upon Annapolis, but this post l^en. May
had been reinforced by the Massachusetts people, and his ^
expectations Avere disappointed. While the French were
thus attacking our settlements by land, their privateers and
men of war captured many of our vessels, and carried them
into Louisburg. The French cruisers were so numerous
on the coast, that it became dangerous to prosecute the
fishery. The fishermen determined to give up the fishing
voyages for the ensuing summer. It was generally con-
ceived that no maritime business could be carried on with-
out a convoy.

This was so grievous and wounding to the New-England
people, that it became the general voice that Louisburg
must be taken. It was not however the opinion of any that

270 HISTORY OF Chap. IX.

Book II. tlie colonies could effect it without assistance from England,
'---^'^/-x^ It was the general opinion that application must be made
to his majesty, both for a naval and land force, to carry it
into execution. As winter approached, it began to be sug-
gested that the place might probably be taken by surprise.
It became the general opinion that if the fortress could not
be taken by surprise, that the provisions for the garrison
were so scant that it would be impossible for it to stand a
siege, until the usual time of the arrival of supplies froni
France. It was also said, that a naval force might be ob-
tained to cruise off the harbor, sufficient to prevent the en-
trance of any vessels which might by chance arrive.

While this was the conversation abroad, governor Shir-
ley, who then had the chief command in Massachusetts,
made the most diligent enquiry of those who had been trad-
ers and prisoners at Louisburg, concerning the state of the
fortress, the usual time of the arrival of supplies from
France, the practicability of cruising before the harbor,
and whatever else might be necessary for the fullest infor-
mation relating to the aftair.

He had before this time written to the ministry, repre-
senting the necessity of a naval force early in the spring,
for the preservation of Annapolis. He hoped that if this
should arrive, the commander would be willing to cover
the provincial troops. Commodore Warren was cruising
with a number of ships in the West-Indies. It was imag-
ined probable that, when he should be acquainted with the
expedition, he would either come with his whole force, or
at least, would send part of it to the assistance of the colo-
nies. These were no more than probable conjectures,
and yet these were all the chances which the colonies had
of a naval force in the spring, sufficient to cope with a sin-
gle ship which might arrive at Louisburg. Though the
ministry would be immediately acquainted with the expedi-
tion, by express, yet the distance between Europe and
America was so great, that no timely assistance could be
expected.
Plan of the The plan of the expedition was, that four thousand
expedition troops in small transports should proceed to Canso : and
L^u^bur-^ on the first favorable opportunity, be landed in Chapeau-
rouge bay. They were to be furnished with cannon, mor-
tars, ammunition, and all necessaries effectually to carry
on the siege. To prevent the arrival of provisions and
stores for the enemy, a number of vessels, as soon as the
season v/ould permit, were to be dispatched to cruise be-
fore the harbor of Louisburg. An estimate was made of
all the naval force which the colonies could muster. The

Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 271

largest ship which they could employ mounted twenty guns Book 1 1.
only. The whole number of armed vessels did not ex- v«x->''"%-/
ceed ten or twelve. With this land and sea force, it was 1745.
said there was a good chance of success. If, agreeably to
their expectations, the men of war should arrive, it was in-
sisted that there was every imaginable reason to expect
the reduction of the place. The whole affair was so prov^
idential and extraordinary, that it merits a particular re-
lation.

In the beginning of January, when the general court of
Massachusetts was sitting at Boston, governor Shirley com-
municated the plan of the expedition to both houses, who
had previously bound themselves to secrecy. Some of the
members, who had heard little conversation on the subject,
were struck with amazement at the bare proposal; They
imagined that it was an enterprize by far too great, even
if there were a fair prospect of success. They were ap-
prehensive that it would create an exDense which might
ruin the country. The scheme appeared wild and extrav-
agant, yet, in deference to the governor's recommendation,
a committee of both houses was appointed to take the pro-
posal into consideration. For several days it was delibe-
rated with great attention. By those who were for the ex- _*; j:^^®
pedition, it was insisted that if Louisburg should be suffer- p'^ct to the
ed to continue in the hands of the French, it would infaili- expeiUtioc
bly prove the Dunkirk of New-England, That the French
trade had always been inconsiderable ; that their fishery
was on the decline, and that for several years they had
bought fish cheaper at Canso, than they could catch and
cure them : and that by privateering, they might enrich
themselves with the spoils of New-England. It was also
urged, that in addition to these dangers, there was that of
losing Nova-Scotia, which would instantly cause an in-
crease of 5ix or eight thousand enemies. It was further
pleaded, that the garrison at Louisburg were disaffected,
that provisions were scarce, the works mouldering and de-
cayed, and the governor an old man, unskilled in the arts
of war, and that now was the only time for success. Fur-
ther it was said, Louisburg in another year, would be so
fortified, as to become impregnable : That there was no
danger from any force already there, and before any could
arrive from France, the garrison would be forced to sur-
render : That there was no danger of the arrival of any
capital ship from France, so early in the year : That if
one should arrive, five or six of our small ones might be a
match for her. But it was said, that there was a much
greater probability of the arrival of men of war frojn Eng

272 HISTORY OF Chap. IXe

Book II. land, or the West-Indies, at an earlier period than of any
^»,<-v->^ from France. It xvas observed, that there was always un-
1745. certainty in war, and that if we were disappointed, we
were able to bear it: That if we succeeded, the conse-
quences would be glorious indeed. The coasts of New-
England would not only be preserved from molestation and
plunder, but peace might be given to Europe. It was also
pleaded, that Great Britain in case of success, would reiiu-
burse the whole expense.

To this it was replied by others, that we had better suffer
in our trade, than by such an expensive measure, to deprive
ourselves of the means of it, for the future : That we could
annoy the enemy in their fishery, as much as they could
us in ours : That both parties would soon be willing to
leave the fishery without molestation : That the accounts?
given of the works and garrison at Louisburg, could not be
depended on : that the garrison at Louisburg were regu-
lar troops, who, though unequal in numbers, would, in the
field, be more than a match for all the raw inexperienced
militia which could be sent froni New-England : that it
was so dilFicult at that season of the year for vessels to
keep their station, and the weather was frequendy so thick,
that twenty cruizers could not prevent supplies from going
into the harbour of Louisburg, Further, it was observecl,
that there was no sufficient ground to expect any men of war
from England or the West-Indies, to cover our troops : that
if one sixty gun ship should arrive from France, or the
French islands, she would be more than a match for all the
vessels which the colonies could provide : that our trans-
ports in Chapeaurouge bay would all be destroyed, and the
army on Cape Breton would be obliged to surrender to
the mercy of the French : that the colonies Avould be con-
demned by the British court for engaging in such an en-
terprize without their knowledge or approbation; and
that they vt^ould be unpitied in their misfortunes, as they
would be the natural effects of their own wild and rash
measures. To these arguments it v/as further added that
there was no certainty that such a number of men as had
been proposed, could be raised, or that provisions, artille-
jy, military stores, and transports sufficient for the expe-
dition, could be obtained : that the season of the year was
a great discouragement, as in the winter it frequently hap-
pened, for many days together, that no business could be
done abroad ; and that though bills of public credit should
be emitted to carry the expedition into effect, yet they
would depreciate to a very great degree, probably nearly
>n proportion to their "vvl^^le amount. FinaJly, it was ufgcd

Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 273

/that iTthe expedition should succeed, it would be a nation- Book IL
A\ benefit, in which the colonies would }iave no share, in v.,*«'-v">«^
any measure proportionate to the expense of the blood and 1745^
treasure which it might cost them : and that, if it should
prove unsuccessful, it would give the country such a
shock, that it v/ould not recover its present state in half a
century.

On mature deliberation, the arguments against the ex-
pedition, in the view of the house, preponderated, and the
committee reported against the expedition. The houses
accepted the report ; and, for some days, the members
laid aside all thoughts of the enterprise.

Though the governor ardently wished that this proposal
misdit have been adopted by the court, yet he judged it
inexpedient to urge the aifair any further, by message, or
hy j)rivate influence with the members. He adopted a
measure more prudent and influential ; by forwarding a
petition from the merchants and men of influence, in the
colony, to the general court, on the subject. This, for
reasons therein expressed, and especially, for the preser-
vation of the fishery from ruin, prayed that the houses
V;'caild reconsider their vote, and comply with the gover- J.'\^ ^^P®"
vj r's proposal. This produced another committee, who gai'iis" ^"
reported in favour of the expedition. After a whole day's Cape Bfc-
debate on the subject, a majority of one voice was obtain- 1°" •"^sol-
ed to undertake the expedition. The whole affair was de- bythe^e'i-
liberated with the utmost calmness and moderation. There eral court
appeared no other division, than what resulted from a real of Massa-
difference in opinion, with respect to the true interests of jll^!®^*^'
tlie province and nation.

No sooner was the great point determined than there
was an immtdiate union in the measures necessary to carry
the expedition into the most eftectual execution. Dispatch-
es were immediately sent to the neighbouring colonies.,
urging them to join and assist in the expedition. None,
however, would join in the enterprise, but those of New-
England. An embargo was laid on all the shipping in the
harbours. The proportion of men in the colonies, as pro-
posed in the general plan, was, for Massachusetts, three
thousand two hundred and fifty men ; for Connecticut, five
hundred; and Rhode-Island and New-Hampshire, three
hundred each.

On the 26th of February, governor Law convened a Special as*
special assembly at Hartford, in consequence of letters re- c™n'i[;tT-
ceived from governor Shirley and the general court of Mas- cut. Feb.
sachusetts, relative to the expedition. No sooner were 26th.
the letters communicated to the assembly, than five hun-
K2

274 HISTORY OF Chaf. i::^

Book II; tired able bodied men were voted for the service. For
^>V>»ii^ the encouragement of the men to enlist, a bounty of ten
1745, pounds was granted to each soldier, who should furnish
himself with arms, knapsack and blanket 5 and three pounds
to every soldier Avho should not be able to arm himself.
The assembly resolved that the pay of the soldiers should
be eight pounds per month, and that one month's pay
should be made to them before their embarkation. It Avas
provided, that they should be under the command of their
own officers, so far as tlie general service would permit :
That, as soon as the expedition should terminate, they
should be brought immediately back to New-London, the
port where they were to embark, unless they should volun-
tarily enlist for further service ; and that they should be
exempted from all impresses, for the term of tivo years, af-
ter their discharge from the expedition. The five hundred
men were divided into eight companies.* Roger Wolcott^
Esq. lieutenant-governor, was appointed commander in
chief of the Connecticut troops ; major Andrew Burr, was
appointed colonel ; Simon Lathrop, lieutenant-colonel ;
and captain Israel Newton, major of the regiment. It was-
resolved, that the colony sloop. Defence, should be com-
pletely furnished, and sail as a convoy of the troops to
Cape Breton '. That the troops should embark at New-
London, and sail immediately, to form a junction with the
troops of the other colonies, at the place of their destina-
tion : That provisions and stores, of all kinds necessary
for the expedition, should be provided. Commissioners
were appointed immediately, to purchase provisions, pro-
cure transports, and to forward the expedition with the
utmost dispatch. Jonathan Trumbull and Elisha Williams.
Esq'rs. were appointed commissioners, with full powers,
to repair to Boston, and to treat with such gentlemen from
Massachusetts, and the other coIcKiies, as should be ap-
pointed for the same purpose, relative to all matters con-
cerning the expedition. The whole business respectinif
the expedition was finished in three days, and the assem-
bly adjourned until the 14th oi' March.

The time of preparation for such an expedition was
short ; but, from the day it was determined upon, every
circumstance so remarkably contributed to its success, that
a divine Providence seemed every where to watch over if
for good. The winter was so clement and favourable,
that business could be done as well abroad, and nearly"
with the same dispatch, as at other seasons. Colonel Pep-

* Five captains, Elizur Goodrich, David Wooster, Stephen Lee, Samu'rT
Adams, and John Dwight, only, were appointed at this scfsiofl-

Chap. IX. CONNECTrCUT. 275

perell was appointed commander in chief. He was a gen- Book IL
deman of a great landed interest, and largely employed in '-.t^-'^'^s^
commerce. He, and governor Wolcolt, the second in I7i_5^
command, were popular mjen. Their popularity, and the
sacrifices which they made of ease and interest, had great
influence on inferior officers and private soldiers, for a
season, to sacrifice domestic ease and their private inte-
rests, to the more important concerns of the public. Many
of the common soldiers were freeholders, and others the
sons of wealthy farmers, who CQuid hav€ no other view iu
their enlistment than the public welfare.

It was soon found, that it would be next to impossible to
clothe and victual the men, and to obtain the warlike stores
necessary for the expedition. Committees of war were
authorised to enter houses, cellars, and all places, where
these articles were, atid to take them for the use of the
army. During the preparation, many vessels unexpect-
edly arrived, with more or less of the very articles which
ihe country wanted ; and such was the general zeal and
union, tliat the people submitted to any measures which
appeared necessary for the general good. The chief men
in the New-England governments appeared willing to run
all risks, and to be at any expense, to accomplish the en- .
terprise in view.

All the shipping which was employed in the service
was insured by government. None could be engaged on
any other condition. The whole naval force which New-
England could then furnish, consisted of twelve ships and
vessels only. These were the Connecticut and the Rhode-
Island sloops of war ; a privateer ship, of about two hun-
dred tons; a snow, of less burthen, belonging to Newport;
a new snow, captain Rouse ; a ship, captain Snelling ; a
snow, captain Smethhurst ; a brig, captain Fletcher ; three
sloops, captains Saunders, Donehew, and Bosch ; and a
ship of twenty guns, captain Ting. Ting was commodore,
and commanded the whole. Several of these vessels sail-
ed as early as the middle of March, to cruise off the har-
bour of Louisburg. As a sufficient artillery could not be
obtained in New-England, governor Shirley, with much,
difficulty, procured, on loan, ten eighteen pounders from
New-York.

The General Assembly of Connecticut convened on the Generai
14th of March, according to adjournment. They com- Assembly
pleted the appointment of all the officers. As two of the ng^?."Jj.
five captains appear to have failed, two other captains March '
were now appointed to fill the regiment.* The Rev. Eli- l<lth.

* The captains at this time appointed, were James Church, DanieJ
'Chapman, William Whiting, Robert Denniso|i an(J Andrew Ward,

276 HISTORY OF Chap. IX,

Book IJ. sha Williams, who had been rector of Yale College, Avas

^.^•^^r^^ appointed chaplain to the regiment from Connecticut.

1745. The assembly appointed the last Wednesday in April to

be observed as a day of fasting and prayer, to implore the

divine blessing upon the expedition.

In two months, under all the existing difficulties, this
army was enlisted, clothed, victualled and equipped for ser-
vice. By the 23d of March, the troops of Massachusetts
were all embarked, and the fleet was ready to sail. The
same day an express boat which had been sent to commo-
dore Warren in the West-Indies, arrived with advice from
him, that as the expedition was wholly a colonial affair,
without orders from England, and as his squadron had
been weakened by the loss of the Weymouth, he must ex-
cuse himself from any concern in the enterprise. Though
this must have given great uneasiness to the goverHlf)r and
t^tr^i general, yet they suppressed the advice, and sailed the
armaoieut "^^'- morning as though nothing discouraging had happen-
sajls, cd. The governor, doubtless, hoped that if the reduction

of Louisburg should not be effected, Canso might be re-
gained, Nova-Scotia preserved, the French fishery be des-
troyed, and the New-England and Newfoundland fisheries
be restored. The troops of the other colonies sailed about
the same time,
April 4th, On the 4th of April, the fleet and army, from Massachu-
amves at gg^g^ arrived at Canso. The troops from New-Hampshire,
had arrived four days before them. On the 25th, govern-
or Wolcott arrived with the troops from Connecticut. The
land army now consisted of more than four thousand
troops, in health and high spirits.

The advice from commodore Warren was truly discour-
aging ; yet, under the all governing hand of the Supreme
Ruler, every thing was proceeding in the happiest train.
Had every thing been preconcerted in the wisest manner,
it could not have been better.

Soon after the sailing of the express boat for Boston,
commodore Warren received orders from England to re-
pair with such ships as could be sparejd to Boston, and to.
concert measures with governor Shirley, for his majesty's
general service in America. The commodore sailed im-
mediately for Boston, dispatching an express to such ves-
sels as were in these seas, immediately to. join him. The
Eltham of forty guns, was at Portsmouth, in New-Hamp-
shire, as convoy to the mast fleet. When the express ar-
rived, she had sailed with the fleet, but was soon overta-
ken by an express boat. The captain remanded the fleet
into port, and sailed directly for Canso* He arrived on

Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 27T

the tu^enty third of April, to the great joy of the army. Book II.
Commodore Warren receiving intelligence, on his passage, v-^^v^s.^
that the fleet had sailed for Canso, proceeded directly to 1745.
the same port, where he arrived the same day v/ith the The El-
Eltham, in the Superb of sixty guns, in company with the ^^^"^ ^^
Lauceston and Mermaid of forty guns each. High indeed ^^^^ War-
was the tide of joy which at once arose throughout the ren arrive
whole fleet and army. They had now a sufficient naval ^^ ^f^sd
force for their defence : a force more than equal to any ' ^ *
which was expected from France. After a short consulta-
tion with the general, the commodore, with his men of war,
sailed to cruise before Louisburg.

Before this time, the ships and vessels which had been
sent to cruise before the harbor, had done very important
services. They had taken several vessels bound to Louis-
burg, with provisions and West-India goods. They had
also engaged the Renomme, a French ship, of thirty six
^uns, which had been sent with dispatches from France.
For some time, she kept up a running fire with the small
ships, as she could easily out sail them ; but after making
several attempts to enter the harbor, she put back to
France, to relate what she had discovered. She fell in
with the Connecticut troops, under convoy of their own,
and of the Rhode-Island colony sloop ; and notwithstand-
ing she had force suflScient to have taken them both, yet,
after exchanging some shot, and considerably damaging
the Rhode-Island sloop, she made off for France. Thti
fleet and army soon followed the men of war, and on the
.^Oth of April, arrived in Chapeaurouge bay. The enemy
had not received the least intimation of any design against
them, till, early in the morning, they discovered the trans-
ports from the tov;n. The crufsers had, almost every day,
been seen before the harbor, but the enemy imagined that
they were privateers, in quest of their fishing and trading
vessels.

The sight of the transports first gave the alarm to the
town. Bouladrie was detached with an hundred and fifty
^en to oppose the landing of the troops. But while the Troops
general amused the enemy by a feint, at one place, he was '^"^
landing his men at another. Bouladrie, witli his detach-
ment, soon attacked them, but as many of his men v/erc
killed on the spot, himself and others taken prisoners, the
remainder were obliged to make a precipitate flight, to pre-
vent their being instantly destroyed, by the troops who
"ivere landing in great numbers.

The next morning, four hundred men marched round
behind the hills to the north-east harbor, setting fire to all

27a HISTORY OF Chap. IX.

Book II. the houses and stores, in their way, till (hey came within
v-^^N/-x^ a mile of the grand battery. Such a cloud of smoke arose
1745. as made it difficult to discover an enemy at the distance of
Burn the a few rods only. The enemy, therefore, expecting the
adjacent -whole army upon them, threw their powder into a well

countrv »/ i •' j

and deserted the grand battery, and the provincials took
possession of it without the loss of a man. The cannon,
which were forty two pounders, were turned upon the
town ; but the expense of powder was so great, that it was
judged best to cease the firing, and to reserve the ammuni-
tion for the fascine batteries.
DifficuJ- It was soon jfound, notwithstanding the remarkable suc-

!iltr^*^° cess which had thus far attended the enterprise, that the
° " capture of the town would be a work of uncommon labor
and difficulty. The fortifications were almost impregna-
ble, and the approach to the town exceedingly difficult.
The army had nearly two miles to drag their cannon, mor-
tars, shot, and the like, through a morass, in which oxen
and horses would bury themselves in mud, and be of no
service. This was to be performed by mere dint of manual
labor. Men of the firmest limbs, and who had been ac-
customed to the drawing of pine trees for masts, were ap-
pointed to this service. By the twentieth of May, the
troops had erected five fascine batteries. One of them
mounted five forty-two pounders. This did great execu-.
tion.

The New-Englanders knew nothing of regular approach-
es, but took the advantage of the night and went on in
their own way.

While the troops were thus busy on shore, the fleet was
equally vigilant and active in cruising off' the harbor. The
Vigilant, a French sixty-four gun ship, was met by the
Mermaid, whom she immediately engaged : but as she was
of inferior ibrce, captain Douglass suffered himself to be
chased, till he drew the Frenchman under the command of
the commodore, and the other ships, on which she struck
to the British flag : She was commanded by the Marquis
de la Maison Forte, and had on board five hundred and
sixty men, with stores of all kinds, for the garrison. This
r;apturc was of great consequence, not only as it increased
the naval force before the town, and afforded considerable
.supplies of military stores, but more especially as it was a
capital loss and disappointment to the enemy. It depriv-
ed them of all expectation of further supplies or succour,
and tended to accelerate the capitulation.

But a few days before this capture, a proposal had been
zpr.de, that the men of war should anchor in Chapeaurougt.

CftAil IX. Connecticut. 279

bay, and that the marines, and as many of the sailors as BookIL
could be spared, should land and assist the army. Had v-*r-N^>w»
this been done, the Vigilant would have made the harbor,
and defeated the expedition. Such were the prodigious la-
bors of the seige, that a great number of troops were want-
ed ; yet their numbers were constantly diminishing, by the
extraordinary service. This, however, was in some mea-
sure counterbalanced, by the continual increase of the na-
val force before the town. Four days after the capture of
the Vigilant, the Princess-Mary, of sixty, and the Hector, of May 22d.
forty guns, arrived. Soon after, arrived the Canterbury, j^^^ jq^^,.^
and the Sunderland, of sixty, and the Chester of fifty guns, and 12th,
There were now eleven men of war ; one sixty-four, four
sixty, one fifty, and five forty gun ships. Such was the
naval force, it was determined that on the 18th of June,
the ships should go into the harbor, and co-operate with
the army, in a joint attack upon the town.

Before this, the island battery was nearly silenced, and
was considered as not long tenable ; the west gate of the
town was much damaged and nearly beat down, and a
breach was said to have been made in the adjoining wall.
The circular battery of sixteen guns, and the principal one
against ships, was nearly ruined. The northeast battery
was much damaged, and the enemy driven from the guns.
The west flank of the king's bastion was almost demolish-
ed. From the preparations on board the men of war, the
enemy expected a general and furious assault. This they
were not willing to risk.

On the fifteenth of June, they therefore desired a cessa-
tion of hostilities, that they might enter on the considera-
tion of articles of capitulation. On the seventeenth, after
a siege of forty nine days, the city of Louisburg and island Louisbu^
of Cape Breton, were delivered up to his Britannic majes- Y^^^^^^l^
ty. Neither the inhabitants nor the ^rrison were to bear
arms against Great Britain or her allies in twelve months.
T^e captives were embarked in fourteen ships, and trans-
ported to Rochefort.

Nothing could have been more timely than this capitu-
lation. Notwithstanding the capture of the Vigilant,^ laden
with stores, the besiegers were in v/ant of powder ', and
»uch were the hardships and length of the siege, that a
greater number of men was found to be necessary. The
general had sent off dispatches to the colonies for a recruit
of men and ammunition. The colonies sent on a rein-
forcement of seven or eight hundred men, with r'l the
powder they could purchase : but the recruits did not ar-
sive until after the place was faken. Th*^. assembly of July 2d

280 HISTORY OF Chap. IX.

Book IT. Connecticut was convened on the occasion, and voted to
Vi-''~>^"x^ raise three hundred able bodied men, to reinforce the
1745, army, giving the 'same encouragements which they had
given to the other troops.

The very day after the surrender, the rains began, and
continued incessantly for ten days. These must have
greatly impeded, if not broken up the siege. They must
have been fatal to many of the troops, as they had no bet-
ter lodgings than the wet ground, and, as their tents, gene-
rally made of common Osnaburgs only, would not secure
them against a single shower. But, by this opportune sur-
render. Providence housed them in the city, in dry and
convenient barracks.

During this long and severe siege, the men on all occa-
sions, at landing, in skirmishes v/ith the French and In-
dians, and in their approaches to the city, behaved well.
In voluntarily embarking in the enterprise, they exhibited
a noble spirit, and in the prosecution of it, a steadiness,
perseverance and fortitude which before had never had
a parallel in the affairs of America. So remarkable was
the hand which directed them, that during this long and
dangerous siege, the w^hole loss by sickness and the ene-
my was no more than one hundred and one ; sixty of these
were lost in an unfortunate attack on the island battery.
News of On the 3d of July the news of this important acquisition
the cap- arrived at Boston and instantly flew through the colonies.
Louilburn- '^'^^^ J'^^y which it diffused was great and universal. Those
arrives ia colonies which had no share in the honours and dangers
iVew- of the enterprise, were not insensible of the importance of
iigand. the acquisition, nor that they were deeply interested in the
event. Pennsylvania, therefore, contributed four; New-
Jersey, two ; and New-York, three thousand pounds, in
money and provisions, for the support of the troops.

To France, Louislturg was a place of capital importance.
It had been fortified with prodigious art and expense. With
propriety it might be called the American Gibraltar. The
fosse, or ditch, round the tov/n, was eighty feet wide, and
the ramparts tliirty feet high. On these, round the town,
were mounted sixty-five cannon, of different sizes. The
entrance into the harbour, was defended by the grand bat-
tery, and the island battery. On the former, were mounted
thirty cannon, carrying a forty-two pound ball ; and on
the latter, an equal number, carrying a ball of twenty-eight
})ounds. The garrison, at the time of the surrender, con-
sisted of six hundred regulars, and thirteen hundred mili-
lia. There were ten thirteen, and six nine inch mortars.
There were provisions and ammunition for five or six
months.

Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 2§1

Neither by the combined armies of Great-Britain and Book U.
her allies, nor by her formidable fleets, had France, from v-i^-v^s^
the commencement of the war, received so deep and sen- 1745,
sible a wound. No event had taken place, by which her
schemes had been so entirely disconcerted and deranged.
The acquisition was, indeed, grand, and the consequences
were vast and important.

The value of the prizes taken, in consequence of the Conse=
expedition, was little, if any thing, short of a million ster- quences of
ling. The town was taken at a time when ships and ves- ^^^ '^^P'
sels from all parts were expected in the harbour. To de- Louisbure,
coy them, the French flag was kept flying. Besides the
Vigilant, and the prizes taken before and during the siege,
two East- India ships, and another from the South sea,
were taken, which, together, were estimated at six hun-
dred thousand pounds sterling.* Besides, Nova-Scotia
and the English fisheries were preserved, and those of the
French, in America, were totally destroyed. At the same
time, the colonies themselves, and their trade, were much
more secure. Indeed, the colonies were delivered from
dangers, of which, at that time, tkey had no knowledge-
Duvivoir, the winter after the surprise of Canso, went to
France, on the business of soliciting an armament for the
reduction of Nova-Scotia. On this application, he \\s,s
dispatched with seven ships of war, for that purpose. Oa
his passage, he took a prize, on board of which was lieu-
tenant governor Smith, of New-York* By him, receiving
intelligence of the reduction of Louis burg, he returned to
France. In expectation of this fleet, Monsieur Marin ap-
peared, with nine hundred French and Indians, from Cana-
da, before the fort at Annapolis; but finding no shipping
for his assistance, he soon retired.! Thus, by this enter-
prise, were the plans of France broken, and the colonies
secured. This enabled Great-Britain more honourably to
treat with France, at the general pacification, and seems ta
have been the means of restoring to her a great part of
what she had lost in Germany.

In this ent?'-prise, New-England, first and last, employed
more than tue thousand men. From the time of the sur-
render of the town, until the twenty-fourth of May, nearly
eleven montns, it was kept l^holly by the New-England
troops. During part of this time, great sickness and mor-

* July 24th, an East-India ship, from Bengal, was taken, estinaated at
75,000!. Another East-Inuianiau was soon alter taken, valued at 125,0001,
The South sea ship was decoyed by the Boston packet, captain Fletcher,
iinder the gnns of the men of war, and taken, August 22d. Sb^wasesti™
mated at 4PO,OOOI.

t Douglas, voJ. i. page 562,
L 2

282 HiStORt OF Chap. IX .

Book II. talifv prevailed, and New-England sustained a consider-
v-^^z-'ih^ able' loss of men; After this time, the garrison consisted
]74.'i. partly of regular troops, drawn fiom Gibraltar, and pardy
of New-England men, both paid by the crown.

The colony of Connecticut emjiloyed in this enterprise,
lucre than a thcaisand men. At first, they furnished five
hundred men for the land service, and their country sloop,
manned with an himdred men \ and, during the siege, they
sent on two hundred men. As the plac^ could not be
kept, for a number of months, but by New-England men
only, the colony provided three hundred and fifty men, to
keep gari'ison during the winter.

At a special assembly in August, the legislature address-
ed a letter to his majesty, congratulating him on the suc-
cess of his arms, in the reduction of Louisburg ; represent-
ing the number of troops which they had employed in the
reduction of it to the obedience of his majesty, and the num-
ber they had dngaged to furnish, to assist in keeping gar-
rison, until his majesty's pleasure should be further made
known. It was also represented, that, by reason of the
Spanish war, the great expense which they had been at
in the expedition against Louisburg, and the large boun-
ties they were obliged to give, to raise the men immediate-
ly necessary for his majesty's service, in that great under-
taking, and by the assistance the colony had given io
Massachusetts, in defending their frontiers, it was become
extremely in debt, and was reduced to a very low ebbo
They humbly begged his majesty's favour and bounty to-
wards them, in relieving their heavy burthens. They hum-
bly prayed his majesty to permit them to recommend to
his royal consideration, the officers and soldiers, who.
though they had endured great hardships, and acted with
spirit during the siege, had been allowed no share in any
thing taken ; while his majesty's officers by sea, had, be-
fore and after the surrender of the town, shared in great
and valuable prizes, which fell into their hands, amounting,
by estimation, to more than a million sterling, which would
none of them have been taken, had it not been for the
siege and capture of the town. They say, " We have pre-
sumed to send your majesty a roll of the officers from Con-
necticut, and most humbly pray your majesty's most gra-
cious audience and favour."

At the session in October, the assembly desired the gov-
ernor to write a letter to the honourable Peter Warren, Esq,
commodore, &c. acknowledging his favour of the 14th ol
September, congratulating him on the honour his majesty
had put upon him, in the success of his majesty's arms ;

Chap. IXv CONNECTICUT. 28^

nnd representing the happy consequences of harmony in Book IF.
the government of Louisburg, to the people there, and to v.^^v'''^..'
the colonies in general-. At the same time, the governor 1743.
was desired tg solicit the commodore's good offices with
his majesty, in a favourable representation of the services
rendered to his majesty by the troops of the colony ; and
that it might please him to order a reimbursement of the
expenses of the expedition against Louisburg; and that
favours might be conferred on the officers and soldiers.*

Thomas Fitch, Esq. was appointed agent for the colony,
to proceed to England, and solicit a reimbursement of the
expenses of it, in the expedition against Louisburg, and to
transact the other affairs of the colony, at the court of
Great-Britain. Mr. Fitch, notwithstanding, declined the
service, and never went.

Notwithstanding these important services, the colonies
had no share in the prizes, nor in any thing taken on the
island of Cape Breton, excepting a small sum allowed cap-
tain Fletcher, for leading in the South sea ship.t

In consequence of the successof this expedition, a shade
•was thrown over the imprudence and rashness with which /

it seems to have been imdertaken. On both sides of the
^v<ater, pious people could not but with grateful admiration,
notice the remarkable coincidence of circumstances which
contributed to this great event. Governor Shirley, in his
speech to the general court of Massachusetts, observes,
that " scarce such an instance is to be found in history."
The annual convention of the New-England ministers, in
their address to his majesty, term it " the wonderful suc-
cess God has given your American forces." A clergyman,
WTiting from London, has this observation : " This pros-
perous event can hardly be ascribed to any thing short of
an interposition from above, truly uncommon and extraor-
dinary."

Both to Great-Britain and France, the reduction of Lou- Effects of
isburg, by New-England, was an affair of no small sur-^f^e cap-
prise. In each of these courts, it was productive of grand Lpuj^^yrg
plans of operation. Great-Britain, flushed with victory, on the
thought of nothing less for the business of the next cam- courts of
paign, than the conquest of Canada, and the extirpation of ^^^"1^^"*^
the French from the northern continent. The French, France,
fired with resentment at the losses which they had sustain-

* Notwithstanding these humble and earnest solicitations, I believe no
officer except captain, afterwards general Wooster, who went, on business,
to England, and was honoured with a lieutenancy, and half pay during life,
received any appointmenl; or emolument from the crown.

t Hutch, vol. ii. p. 416, 423. Douglas, vol. i. p- 3 i?, 347, 356, Rider's
flift. vol. xxxviii, p, 124j 12^.

284 HISTORY OF Chap. IX.

Book II. ed, meditated the recovery of Louisburg, the conquest of
v.^~^^"%^ Nov^a-Scotia, the destruction of Boston, and the ravaging
1746, of the American coast, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia.

It was the plan of the British court, that eight battalions
of regular troope should, in conjunction with the provincials
to be raised in New-England, rendezvous at Louisburg,
and, with a squadron under admiral Warren, proceed up
the St. Lawrence to Quebec. From New- York and the
southern colonies, as far as Virginia, another army was to
be raised, and to rendezvous at Albany. This, under the
command of general St. Clair, was to cross the country to
Montreal. No proportion was fixed for the several colo-
nies; but they were left to show their zeal for the common
cause, by raising such numbers as they pleased. It was
expected that they would send five thousand men, at least,
into the field. The New-England colonies granted five
thousand and three hundred men. The other colonies
agreed to raise two thousand and nine hundred. Eight
thousand two hundred, in the whole.* Notice of the plan
Junejl746. was communicated to the colonies the beginning of June,
and in six weeks most of the New-England troops were
ready to embark.

The General Assembly of Connecticut convened on the
19th, and resolved to raise one thousand able bodied men ;
and, that it might be done immediately, a bounty of thirty
pounds was voted for every soldier who would enlist. It
was also resolved, that, if provisions could not be had with-
out, they should be impressed. Such was the zeal of the
colony for the public service.

While these exertions bad been making in the colonies,
a powerful armament, under the command of Richard
Lestock, admiral ol (he blue, had been prepared at Ports-
mouth, with ti'ansports which had six regiments on board,
to co-operate with the provincials in carrying the great
plan into execution. The fleet had orders to sail by the
first opportunity ; but its departure was unaccountably de-
layed, till it was judged that the season was too far ad-
vanced, to risk the great ships on the boisterous coasts of
America. t It is not improbable, that the landing of the
young pretender, the rebellion in Scotland, and the appre-

* The proportion? were very unequal, New-Hampshire raised 500 ;
Massachusetts, 2500; Rhode-Island, 300; New-York, 1600; New-Jer-
sey, 500; Pennsylvania, 400; Maryland, 300; and Virginia, TOO — only a
tenth part of what was raised hy the small colony of Connecticut. It ap-?
pears from the records of the colony, and numerous facts, that Connectir
cut, in her loyalty and zegil for the public service, had been second to pontj
(Of the colonies.

r Ride's History of England, vol. xxxix. p. 50, 53,.

Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 2S5

hensions of an invasion from France, were the occasion of Book II,
this delay. t ^^^^>^^»*-#

That this armament, which consisted of nearly thirty 174G.
ships of war, might not be wholly useless, it was, in Sep-
ember, dispatched against the coast of Brittany, with a
view to surprise port L'Orient, the grand repository of
all the stores and ships belonging to the French East-India
company. But it effected nothing worthy of notice.

Mean while, France, notwithstanding all her other pre-
parations, fitted out her fleets and troops for America.
The duke D'Anville, a nobleman in whose courage and
conduct the court of France had reposed the greatest con- ,
iidence, was appointed to command the expedition. The Arma-
armament consisted of eleven ships of the line, and of^j'^f^"""'
thirty smaller ships and vessels, from thirty to ten guns ; '^vMe
and of transports, carrying three thousand one hundred and D^Anville.
thirty land forces. These, at Nova-Scotia, were to form
a junction with sixteen hundred French and Indians from
Canada. Monsieur Pomeret was commander of the land
forces. As early as the beginning of May, this formidable
armament was ready to sail ; but it was so delayed by con-
trary winds, that the admiral was not able to leave the
coasts of France until the twenty second of June. Admi-
ral Martin waited, with a fleet of observation, to prevent
his sailing ; but he got out of the harbor unnoticed, and
proceeded without molestation. The duke D'Anville had
detached monsieur Conflans, with three ships of the line and
a frigate, to convoy the trade to Cape Francois in Hispa-
niola. Conflans was ordered to join D'Anville at Che-
bucto. In his passage, near Jamaica, he fell in with the
British fleet, commanded by commodore Mitchell. But
the commodore conducted in such a dastardly manner,
that he suffered him to pass without any considerable injury.
A British historian represents, that he refused to take him
when in his power.* It was. now therefore left to him
only, who disappointeth the devices of the crafty, and taketh
the prey from the mighty, without human aid, to save the
colonies from ruin. Let us, with grateful admiration, be-
hold how seasonably and how powerfully he wrought for
their salvation.

t This was a year of alarm, perplexity and danger with Great Britain,
on account of tlie rebellion in Scotland. The pretender landed in that
kingdom in August, 1745, and the rebellion soon commenced. On the
21st of September, the rebels defeated the king's troops at Preston Pans.
They triumphed for some months, and gave great alarm to the nation, (ill
April 16th, 1746, when they were entirely defeated by the duke of Cum-
berland. Most of the rebel officers were killed or taken, wiUi 2500 dS
tl^eir men. This put an end to the rebeljion,

' * Rjdej's hist. vol. xxxix. p. 53.

§86

HISTORY OF

Chap. IX,

1746.
Disasters
attending
D'An-
ville's
^eet.

J3ooK II. He not only laid an embargo on the enemy, and, for
'more than six weeks, prevented his sailing, but caused
his passage to be stormy and tedious. Like the chariot
wheels of Pharaoh, they moved heavily. It was not until
the third of August, that they passed the Western Islands.
On the 24th, when they were three hundred leagues from
Nova-Scotia, one of the great ships complained so much,
that the enemy were obliged to burn her. In a violent
storm, which overtook them on the first of September, the
Mars, a sixty-four gun ship, was so much damaged Jn her
masts, and became so leaky, that she bore away to the
West-Indies. The Alcide, another sixty-four, was so in-
jured, that she was sent off to keep her company. Soon
after, the crew of the Ardent, a third sixty-four, became
so sickly, that she put back to Brest,

It was not till the twelfth of September, that the duke
P'Anville arrived at Chebucto, in the Northumberland,
accompanied with one ship of the line, the Renomme, and
three or four transports only. One ship only had arrived
before him. This long and disastrous passage had totally
C-leranged his whole plan. Conlians came on the coast in
August, but hearing nothing of the duke, had, before his
arrival, sailed for Prance.

While the colonies were waiting, with impatience, for
the arrival of the English fleet under admiral Lestock, the
squadron under Conlians was discovered, and the news of
it brought to Boston, by the fishermen, who had made their
escape from Chebucto ; but their report was not credited.
In the beginning of September, the colonies had authen-
tic intelligence of the sailing of this formidable armament
for America. Reports were after brought them, that a
great fleet was discovered to the westward of Newfound^
land. Still, however, the colonies flattered themselves
that it was the English fleet, under admiral Lestock. But
on the 28th, there arrived an express boat at Boston, with
certain intelligence that these ships were the French fleet.
The report was, that it consisted of fourteen sail of the
line, and twenty smaller men of war ; and that the rest
were fire ships, bomb tenders and transports. It was
said, that there were eight thousand troops on board.*

As the colonies knew nothing of the disasters which had
befallen the fleet on its passage, they conceived of it as
consisting of all the force which it possessed at the time of
its sailing, and that the reports which they now received
were true. England was not therefore more alarmed with
the Spanish armada, in 1588, than Boston and New-Eng-
land were on the report of the arrival of P'Anville's flepi
'^ If utch. vol ii. p. 4?5. .

C^AP. IX. CONNECTICUT. 28f

atChebucto. The first advices of imminent danger often Book II.
shake the firmest minds. v.^#-v^*w/

But no sooner were the colonies assured that the French 1746.
fleet had arrived, than every practicable measure of de-
fence was immediately adopted. In a few days, six thou-
sand and four hundred of the inland militia were brought
in to reinforce Boston. Six thousand more, if occasion
should require it, were, on the first notice, to have been
dispatched to the assistance of their brethren.! The mili-
tia on the sea coasts, v/ere to be kept at home for their
own defence. But as they were altogether unacquainted
with v/hat had befallen the French armament, their prin-
cipal dependance, under providence, was on a fleet from
England, sufficient, in conjunction with that of Louisburg,
to defeat the French. But with respect to this and all
other human aid, they were totally disappointed.

That Almighty hand, which had already wrought so con- '^^^ ^^^^
spicuously for the relief of the country, completed its sal- ^.^g"^'^
vation. The duke D'Anville waited until the sixteenth of
the month for the arrival of the rest of his fleet, and not
one ship of war, nor any part of it arriving, except three
transports, he was so affected with disappointment and
chagrin, that it brought on an apopletic fit, or he drank
poison, and died suddenly the same morning.

In the afternoon of the same day, the vice admiral D'Es-
tournelle,.with four ships of the line, came into port. As
the troops had been long on board before they sailed, and
had a tedious passage, they arrived in a very sickly and
miserable condition. The admiral was dead, and Conflans
was returned to France. They had been deprived of four
capital ships, the Ardent, Caribou, Mars, and Alcide ; and
the Argonute fire-ship was missing. In these circumstan-
ces, D'Estournelle, on the 18th, called a council of his ofll-
cers ; and as they had not half the force designed for the
expedition, and the season for military operations was far
advanced, proposed to them to return to France. Monsieur
de la Jonquiere, governor of Canada, was on board the
Korthutnbcrland, and next in command to the vice admiral ;
he, with others of the council, for seven or eight hours,
strenuously opposed the vice admiral's proposal. They £j- . . -
m-ged, that the sick men, with fresh air and provisions, the ene->
would soon recover ; and that they were able, at least, to my's cdun-
reduce Annapolis and Nova-Scotia : that, after that, they '^''^'
might winter safely in Casco bay, or return to France, as
should best suit their inclinations. The debate terminated
in the rejection of the admiral's proposition. Thi? so ex-
t D.ous:!as.s, vol i, o. 322, 323,

588 HISTORY OF Chap. IX.

Book II. tremely agitated his spirits, that it brought on a fever, and
•^^-N/^Ni^ threw him into a delirium. A divine terror seemed to fall
1746. upon him. He imagined he was among the English, and
D'Estour- finally ran himself through, and was no more.* Jonquiere,
nclle kills ^ ^^^^^ gf g|^i|] g^j^^j experience in war, succeeded him, and
the expectations of the fleet and army were much raised-
From this time, the reduction of Annapolis and Nova-Sco-
tia became the object of the expedition.

The ttoops Avere landed, with a view to the recovery of
their health, and the Acadians and Indians amply furnished
Mortality them with provisions; Nevertheless, by dysenteries and
Fm'di ^ scorbutic, putrid fever, a very great mortality prevailed
and In- among them. The Nova-Scotia Indians took the conta-
dians, gion, and by it lost not less than one third of their whole
jiumber.t

Governor Shirley, supposing that he had received cer-
tain intelligence of the sailing of admiral Lestock for Ame-
rica, sent off an express, to inform the fleet at Louisburg
of the news. On the eleventh of October, the packet was
taken by the French, and carried into Chebucto. This,
probably, accelerated their sailing, and return directly to
Oct. i3-(h, France, without attempting any thing against Annapolis,
Jj'^^^^^^lj^jj or Nova-Scotia. Two days after they sailed from Che-
ifom Che- bucto, on the fifteenth, they were overtaken with a severe
bucto, for storm, which continued to increase for two days, so that
I lance. j^}-,g ^ggj. ^^^^g exceedingly scattered. Two only, a fifty and
a thirty gun ship, got into the bay of Fundy. The latter
came into the bason, and put on shore an express, inform-
ing De Ramsay, that the French fleet were returning to
France. These ships were discovered from the fort at
Annapolis, and the Chester man of war, the Shirley frigate,
and a small armed vessel, well m'anned, went out in chacc
of them ; but they made their escape to France. Thus,
after burying two admirals, and nearly half their army, at
Chebucto, they returned, without eflecting the least enter-
prise against the colonies. The French burnt the Caribou ;
the Mars was taken, on her return, by the Nottingham, just
as she arrived on the coast of France. The Alcide was
driven on shore by the Exeter, and burnt. This was the
fate of the grand French armada, sent against New-Eng-
land.

Such a succession of disasters as pursued the French,
from the day they sailed from France, till they returned, is
rarely to be found in the history of human events.' The
restraints put upon this mighty armament, and the protec-
tion of New-England, was little less remarkable, than tlu:
* Hntch, voj. ii. p. 427, 4^8. t Douglas, vol. i. p. 32g,

Chap. iXc CONNECTICUT, 2S9

defeat of the Assyrian monarch, and the defence of Jerusa- Book II.
lem, when, after all his vast preparations, and haughty w-v-x^
menaces, he v/as not suffered to go against her, nor shoot 1746.
an arrow there. Like him, the enemy returned, with un-
common loss and shame, to his own land.

The ministry in England well knew of the sailing of this
formidable armament ; yet seem to have cared very little
what might be the consequences to the colonies. The
only measure which they appear to have taken in conse-
quence of it, was an order to admiral Townshend, to sail,
with his squadron, from the Vfest-Indies, to reinforce com-
modore Ktiowles, at Louisburg. These combined squad-
rons were more than a match for the French fleet, and
might have destroyed it, in its distressed circumstances ;
but they made not the least attempt for its annoyance or
destruction. No admiral on the American station this
year, appears to have acted with any tolerable zeal or spi-
rit. Indeed, there was no exertion of military skill or prow-
ess ; no employment of policy ; nor the adoption of a sin-
gle measure, in Europe or America; vt^hich appeared to ^^'^^ Pj's-
have the least influence in the preservation of the country, ^nhecob-
The whole glory of that remarkable salvation which the nies, to be
country esperienced, appeared to be due to Him only, ascribed
whose kingdom ruleth over all. Pious men saw this in tht*divi!!e
a strong point of light, and, in their most fervent and pub- interposi-
lic devotions, ascribed the glory to Him, tioao

Great, indeed, was the disappointment of the colonies,
after ail their expense and exertions, that the fleet ex-
pected from England failed, and that the expedition
against Canada was, by that means, wholly defeated. But
no sooner was this perceived by governor Shirley, than
his enterprising genius projected an expedition against
Crown Point, in conjunction with the other colonies. For
this purpose, six months provisions, fifteen hundred men,
tents, ordnance, and ammunition, were sent on to New-
York ; but a great sickness, which, at that time, prevailed
at Albany, and the alarm spread through the country, by
D'Anville's armament, frustrated the design,

A part of these troops were kept in pay until Septem-
ber, 1747, Some were sent from P/lassachusetts, to rein-
force Annapolis. Others were employed for the defence
of the frontiers, but a considerable part were wholly in-
active.

De Ramsay, who had collected an army of about sis-
teen or seventeen hundred French and Indians, at Anna-
polis, receiving intelligence that the fieet was returned to
France, decamped, and returned to Minas. His design
M2

290 HISTORY OF Chap. IX.

Book IT. was, to canton his men here, and at Checonicto, that he

\^^^>^->>^ might have them in readiness to join the armament, which

1746. he expected from France, the next spring, for the reduce

lion of Annapolis. Thus ended the campaign of 1746.

When the General Assembly of Connecticut convene^

October in October, it was resolved, that the regiment raised in

9th, 1746. this colony should be dissolved, as it appeared that his

majesty had no further service for them.

As the Rev. Simon Backus, who went chaplain to the
recruits sent to Louisburg, died there, and as the vessel in
which his clothing, and some considerable presents, sent
by gendemen to his widow, was cast away, and all the
property lost, the assembly granted her two hundred
pounds, in addition to one hundred pounds, which had
been before paid to her by the treasurer.

The expedition against Crown Point having failed, in
the fall of the year, a number of principal gentlemen in
Massachusetts and New-York, were warmly engaged for a
winter campaign, with a view to reduce that fortress.

In consequence of a resolution of the general court of
Massachusetts, and the report of the committee of war at
New-York, in favour of an expedition at this time, pres-
sing letters were received from governor Shirley, at Bos-
ton, and governor Clinton, of New- York, soliciting C(m-
necticut to join with them, and the other colonies, in that
enterprise. Governor Law, on the reception of the let-
Generrvl ^ers, convoked the assembly on the 28th of January, 1747,
Assembly, at New-Haven, to deliberate on the subject. After the
Jan. 28th, letters had been read before the assembly, and a full dis-
cussion of the affair, the assembly declined to engage, or
bear any part in the proposed expedition. The reasons
Rea?ons alledged against it, were, That a winter campaign would
asrain^t the be attended with many and great difficulties, and subject
ton^ ill ^^^^ troops to such fatigues and hardships, as might dispirit,
winter. and render them incapable of the services necessary to
Jan. 28ih, render the success of the expedition even probable : That
1747. j.}jg small pox had been among, and, according to the best
accounts, was still among the troops of the western and
southern colonies ; and that their junction with the New-
England forces would communicate it to the whole army,
and defeat the design : That, supposing the expedi-
tion had been wholly laid aside, the government had sent
on no provisions to Albany, nor any other articles neces-
sary for such an enterprise ; and it was now impracti-
cable to do it in so short a time as had been proposed ;
That it was very uncertain, whether the western or south-
era colonies would join in the expedition : That som^^

Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 291

general agreement and plan, on which dependence might Book II.
have been placed, ought to have been previously fixed \^-^r^-m/
upon, but nothing of this kind had been effected: That 1747,
by a winter campaign, the army might be so weakened, as
to render it incapable of the services which his majesty
might require of them against Canada afterwards ; and
that they might thereby incur his majesty's displeasure.

The assembly, nevertheless, declared, that whenever a
prob ibie plan and proper time should be fixed upon for the
reduction of Crown Point, they would readily join with
the other colonies : and, that whenever his majesty should
call their troops into service, they would do all in their
power to subserve his designs.*

This assembly resolved on an address, congratulating '^'^'^'"^''^ ^o
him on the glorious victory obtained by his royal highn^^ss, ^j'^ 'gp^^
the duke of Cumberland, over the rebels in Scotland. The
legislature ex[)ress the strongest attachment to his majesty's
person, family, and government. They acknowledge the
favors which the colony enjoyed under his auspicious
reign. They express their utmost abhorrence of that
unnatural and wicked rebellion, raised in favor of a popish
pretender against the best ot kings, the best constitution,
and the best goverimient. They manifest great joy, that
the rebels had not prevailed to introduce popery and sla=
very, nor to endanger the protestant interest. They con-
clude by praying, that the merciful providence v/hich had
placed him on the British throne, and given him so long
and so illustrious a reign, might still protect his sacred
person, subdue his enemies, make his reign prosperous,
and continue the crown in his royal and illustrious family
to the latpst posterity.

■ While these affairs were transacted in this part of the
country, a great misfortune happened to a body of troops
belonging to Massachusetts. Governor Mascarene, of
Annapolis, had represented to the New-England colonies,
that a thousand men would be necessary to reinforce that
and the neighboring posts, and to drive the enemy from
Nova-Scotia. Inconsequence of this representation, the
three colonies of Massachusetts, Rhode-Island and New-
Hampshire, agreed to reinforce those posts with that num-
ber of men. Three hundred, furnished by Rhode-Island,
were shipwrecked on their passage, near Martha's Vine-
yard. The troops from New-Hampshire, after they were
on their passage, put back and never proceeded. These
misfortunes led to a still greater one. The Massa-
chusetts troops had been sent on and cantoned in a loose
* Records oj" the colony.

2D2 HISTORY 0?' Chap. Vi.

Book II, manner at Minas. De Ramsay having advice of their situa-
v-^~N'-^»w' tion, detached al)Out six hundred men under the command
1 747. of M. Ciilon and M. Lacorn, with a viev; to dispossess them
Troops at of that post. On the last of January, they surprised, kill-
JViiiias sur- ^^ ^nd captivated about an hundred and sisty men, who
taken ^'"^ weve scattc^rcd in small parties. Colonel Noble, who
Jan. 3isf, commanded the corps, was among the slain. The main
1747. body soon collected, but as they had lost their command-
er, were inferior in numbers, and had little ammunition,
they capitulated, engaging not to bear anus against the
French in Nova-Scotia, during the term of one year. They
were allowed to march off with six days provisions, arras
shouldered, drums beating and colours flying.
Pr?->3-ra- Notwithstanding the uncommon misfortunes of D'An-
lionsorthe ville's fleet, the last year, the French determined to renew
F.rench. their attempts against the British settlements, both ia North
America and in the East-Indies. With this view, two
squadrons were equipped. That for North America, was
coiomanded by De la Jonquiere, governor of Quebec :
that destined for the East-Indies, by M. de St. George.
The fleets made a Junction, early in the spring, and sailed
from Rochelle. The whole consisted of sis ships of the
Ime, six frigates, and four East-India ships fitted as men
of war •, with twenty nine merchant ships and transports.
The ministry dispatched admirals Anson and Warren, w th
thirteen ships of the line and several frigates, in pursuit of
Di-feat of them. On the third of May, they came up with the Fren(?h
their fleet, squadron, and commenced a furious attack upon theme
May 3d. De la Jonquiere maintained it with equal courage and con-
duct, until, overpowered by numbers, he was obliged to
strike to the British flag. Ten ships were taken, six ships
of the line and the four East-lndiamen. De la Jonquiere,
fourorfive thousand men, some bullion, and large sums of
money, were taken with the ships.* Thus did providence
once more interpose for the preservation of the English
colonies in America.

De Ramsay, on the advice of the defeat of De la Jon-
quiere, returned to Canada, and the French gave no fur-
ther trouble in Nova-Scotia.
TnHians During this war, the Canada, Cape Sable, St. John's,

hostile. Penobscot and Norridgewock Indians were hostile 5 so that
the frontiers did not escape alarm and molestation. They
burnt the fort and a number of dwelling-houses at St.
George's, and destroyed a great number of catde. They,
in a manner, destroyed Saratoga the last year, and were so
troublesome this, that the garrison abandoned the place,
* Rider's Hist. vol. xxxix. p. 92, 93.

Chap. it. CONNECTICtFT. 293

brought off the stores and ordnance, and burnt tlie fort. Book IL
Damage was also done by them on Connecticut river, on v-<*-n/-"«^
the frontiers of Massachusetts and New-Ha-:-ipshire. But J747o
the frontiers suffered very little in comparison with what
they had done in former wars. The Indians had been
much diminished in their numbers, and many had with-
drawn to the frontiers of Canada. Sometimes they were
kept at home for the defence of the enemy's frontiers, and
at others, they were employed in the great enterprises
which they designed against the colonies. These prevent-
ed their doing the mischief which otherwise they might
have done.

Towards the clcse of the year, the war languished, and
a general inactivity appeared among the belligerents, indi-
cating that they were nearly exhausted, and verging to-
wards a general pacification.

Accordingly, the next April, preliminaries were signed, ^P*"'' '^*»
at Aix la Chapelle, and in a few days, a cessation of hos-
tilities was proclaimed. The definitive treaty was com-
pleted on the seventh of October following. Prisoners q^^ ^^
were all to be restored without a ransom, and conquests
were to be given up. Thus, afternearly ten years war, in
which there had been a vast expense of blood and treasure,
the parties had gained notiiing. On cool reflection, it
could hardly be told for what reasons a war had been un-
dertaken, which had so embroiled and exhausted the na-
tions engaged in it, and occasioned such loss and expense
to the colonies.

The northern colonies, including New-England and Expenses
New-York, during this war, doubtless, expended not less °jg"'?^^j^°"
than a million sterling. The bills issued by Massachu- war,
setts, for between two and three years of the war, amount-
ed to between two and three millions currency. At the
time of emission, five or six hundred pounds were equal to
one hundred sterling. Governor Hutchinson supposed,
that the real consideration which the government received
from the people, was nearly four hundred thousand pounds
sterling.* He has given it as his opinion, that, for the
term of two or three years of the war, the province of Mas-
sachusetts paid two hundred thousand pounds sterHng, be^
sides the annual taxes, which were as high as the people
could bear. By the account which Douglass gives, the ex-
pense of that province in the expedition against Cape Bre-
ton, was not less than four hundred thousand pounds ster-
ling; and its entire expense during the war, must have
considerably exceeded half a million sterling. The other
* Hutch, vol. ii. p. 435.

.294 HISTORY OF Chap, it.

Book IT. tliree New-England colonies, with New-York, probably
A-^^v'-^Sfci/ expended nearly an equal sum. Connecticut, during the
1748. war, omitted .'bout eighty thousand pounds currency. A
considerable part of this was new tenor, and the currency
of the colony was but littie depreciated at the commence-
ment of the war. From the number of troops which Con-
necticut raised for the expedition against Cape Breton,
and that designed against Canada, it appears that the ex-
pense of this colony could not have been less, in propor-
'tion to its wealth and numbers, than that of Massachusetts:
Especially, considering that the colony maintained a gar-
rison in the county of Hampshire, in Massachusetts, for
the defence of that frontier, and was at the expense of
supporting a sloop of war, with about an hundred men.

South-Carolina and Georgia were put to considerable
expense, in the expedition against Florida, and in the
Spanish invasion. All the colonies suffered in their trade
and husbandry.

Towards the close of the war, especially, they sustained

very great losses in their shipping and commerce. The

Losses by shij)s which had been placed on the coast, for the protec-

the French tion of the trade, were called off to form a squadron under

privateers, g^j^jj,^! Xi^Q^^jgg^ foj. the reduction of St. Jago, the capital

of Cuba. While the coasts were left bare, the French

privateers seized the opportunity, and carried off many of

their vessels, without molestation. They became so bold,

as to sail up Delaware river, almost to Philadelphia.*

They ventured up many leagues into Chesapeake bay,

and they sailed up Cape Fear river, in North-Carolina.

In the expeditions against Cuba, and Louisburg, in gar-
risoning the latter, and in the defence of Nova-Scotia,
Loss of the New-England lost three or four thousand of her young men.
colonies, Such were the losses of the two colonies of Massachusetts
and New-Hampshire, in this, and in the last Indian war,
that from seventeen hundred twenty-two, to seventeen hun-
dred forty-nine, a term of twenty-seven years, there had
been no increase of the number of their inhabitants. In
this time they would, otherwise, have doubled their num-
bers. At the time when governor Hutchinson wrote his
history,! he observes, " It :s probable that there would
Imve been two hundred thousand souls more than there are
at this time in New-England, if the French had been ex-
pelled from Canada an hundred years ago." Such a
scourge were the French to New-England. The wars
with the French and Indians, first and last, swept off great
numbers of the inhabitants of Ncv/-York, as well as of
Nevt?-En gland.
* Douglass, vol., i. p. 343, 344 and 564. t In the year 1766,

Chap, X. CONNECTICUT^ 295-

In this war, the colonies had exhibited most striking ev- Book II.
idences of their loyaky and zeal for his majesty's service, ^.^•^r's^
But neither from these, nor for all their losses and expen- 1743.
diiures, did they derive any considerable advantage to
themselves, Though it be true, that the crown, in some

food part, repaid the bare expense of the expedition to
lOuisburg, yet this did by no means compensate the coun-
try. Nothing was done to compensate its loss of men, nor
the damage sustained by the depreciation of the currency,
nor its other numerous losses and services. Great Britain
engrossed all the advantages of the reduction of Louisburg.
It was finally given up, to recover what she had lost '"n
Germany, and to purchase peace for the nation. I'he
large quantities of clothing, arms and ammunition, pur-
chased by the colonies for their soldiery, and for the de-
fence of the country, while it impoverished the colonies,
increased the trade of Great Britain, and vvas no inconsid=
erable emolument to the parent state.

During the war, the colonies were obliged to emit such
sums in bills of credit, that they were scarcely able to re-
deem them before the commencement of the next French
war. Before the complete redemption of the bills, in the
colonies where their credit was the best supported, the
depreciation was nearly twenty for one. This was a great
injury to commerce, public credit, aad the morals of the
people, for years after the termination of the war.

CHAPTER X.

The reception of the towns of Woodstock^ Siiffield, EnfcJd
and Somers, under the jurisdiction of Conmcticut ^ and
the grant of the same privileges to the societies and
churches in those towns zohich the ecclesiastical societies
and the churches in this colony enjoyed. The oppositio7i
made to it by the province of Massachusetts, and mea,ns
of defence adopted by Connecticut.

,N the running of the line between Connecticut and
Massachusetts, an agreement was made with Massa-
chusetts, on certain conditions, that the towns which had
been setded by that government, should abide under its
jurisdiction. This was matter of great grievance to the
inhabitants of those towns, from the time of it uqtil the col-

296 HISTORY OF Chap. X.

Book II. ony assumed the government over them, and they were ad-
^«>^~^^Xi^ mitted to the civil and religious liberty of the other inhab-
1747, itants of the colony. The longer they continued under
the government of Massachusetts, and were denied the
privileges of the people of Connecticut, the more uneasy
they were. Therefore, determining if possible to rid them-
selves from the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and to enjoy
the privileges of the other inhabitants of the colony, they
preferred a memorial to the general assembly of Connecti-
cut in May, 1747, representing that they had, without their
consent, or ever being consulted in the affair, been put un-
der the jurisdiction of Massachusetts : that as they were
within the limits of the royal charter, they had a just and
legal right to the government and privileges which it had
granted ; and that they were deprived of their charter
rights : that the legislature had no right to put them under
another governm.ent ; but that the charter required that
the same protection, government and privileges should be
extended to them which were enjoyed by the other inhabit-
ants of the colony. For these reasons they prayed to be
taken under the government of this colony, and to be ad-
mitted to the liberty and privileges of its other inhabit-
ants.

The legislature, sensible of the weight of the reasons
suggested, and willing to grant the petition, provided it
could be done amicably, with the consent of the govern-
ment of Massachusetts, appointed Jonathan Trumbull and
John Bulkley, Esq'rs. Benjamin Hall and capt. Roger
Wolcott, or any three of them, commissioners, to meet and
confer with such gentlemen as should be appointed by the
province of Massachusetts bay, at such time and place as
should be agreed upon by them, to hear, consider and re-
port to the next assembly after their conference.

The legislature, after a trial of two years, finding that no
amicable settlement relative to the claim of jurisdiction over
the towns which had preferred their memorial, could be
made, and in consequence of the agents of said towns urging
that the agreement relative to them was made through mis-
take : that this government had received no equivalent for
the jurisdiction of the said towns : that the inhabitants
v/ere thereby deprived of their charter rights : that the
agreement never had been completed but in part : and
that it never had been confirmed by his majesty : the as-
Rf. ] to ^^^n^b'y ^^soived, "that as it did not appear that ever the
of the As- said agreement had received, so it never ought to receive
sensbly re- the royal confirmation : and that as the respective govern-
^atwe to jjrjpritg could not give up, exchange or alter their juri:dic=^

Chap. X. CONNECTICCt. ^97

tions ; So the said agreement, sd far as it respects jurisdic- Book TT.
tion, is void : And thereupon this assembly do declare, v,rf*~v-s«/
that all the said inhabitants which live south of the line 1747.
fixed by the Massachusetts charter, are within, and have the towns
a rifeht to the privileges of this government, the aforesaid ^^'^'^'^ ^^^
agreement notwithstanding." tled\y '

The assembly further resolved, that as there might be Massa-
some uncertainty, both with respect to the beginning and ^"^^*!fj(j
running of the line, it was necessary to ascertain the same - ' \
according to the royal charters, to the respective govern-
ments. Jonathan Trumbull, John Bulkley, Elisha Wil-
"iaras, and Joseph Fowler, Esq'rs. were appointed a com-
rnittee, to join with commissioners from the government of
Massachusetts, to ascertain and fix the line : and provided

, t, if the legislature of Massachusetts should refuse to

point commissioners, or in case they could not agree,
' :(t then the agent, in London, be directed to lay the case
b'c^fore his majesty, and pray that he would appoint com-
ni'-^sioners, for the purpose of ascertaining and fixing said
li.-.

The legislature, having taken the towns of Woodstock, Oct. 17525
Sutfield, Enfield, and Somers, under the jurisdiction of this J!^^!^*^'^-
colony, and having determined to maintain their charter Wood-
i-ights, within two and three years after, ordained, that the stock, &c.
ecclesiastical societies in those towns should enjoy all the vested
privileges of such societies, according to the constitution p^^j^jj^^pg
and laws of the colony. of other

The province of Massachusetts was totally opposed to societies,
relinquishing the right of jurisdiction over the towns which
had been settled by the inhabitants, and under the gov-
ernment of it. A petition was preferred by the agent of
the province to his majesty, in opposition to the proceed-
ings of the legislature of Connecticut. The legislature of
Connecticut, suspecting that such a measure would be
adopted, had previously desired the governor to make a
statement of the case, and prepare all the proofs relative
to it, and transmit them to the agent of the colony, ia
London. He Wcis directed to make the best use of them,
which he could, for the defence of the commonwealth^
against any motion which might be made in behalf o(
Massachusetts, for the establishment of any former line or
agreement. If it should be judged advisable, and most
expedient, by the best counsel he could obtain, to petition
for commissioners, to ascertain, and run the line b(?tween
Massachusetts and Connecticut, according to their respec-
tive charters, that he should then adof)t that measure.

When they were app^-ised by letters from their agent.

998 HISTORY 01' Chap. XL

BookII. thai. Mr. BollauJ hod preferred a petition to liis majesty

v-tf'-v-^w' on the subject, iu behalf of the province of Massachusetts^

17.52. a. committee was appointed to prepare a plan and survey

Maj,i755. of I he line run by the commissioners in 1713, between the

two colonies, and the desire of the said towns to be under

the Jurisdiction of Connecticut, and to enjoy the privileges

granted to its inhabitants by the royal charter; and the

evidence of thei)' desire at, and ever since the running of

the line, in 1713; with all other exhibits which could be

serviceable in the case : and directions were given, that

they sho'tld be transmitted, as soon as might be, to the

agent in Great-Britain.*

Th^ colony was successful in maintaining its claims and
j!jrisdiction, and the inhabitants of those towns have unin-
terruptedly enjoyed the government and immunities of the
people of Connecticut, from that, to the present time.

CHAPTER XL

i/i Spanish ship arrives at Merv-London^ in dislress. The
cargo is unladen, and stored in that port. When it zoas
called for by the supercargo, a great proportion of it could
. not be found, Don Joseph Miguel, the supercargo, refu-
ses to sail, zsithout the whole of his cargo. Petitions the
assemhly. The resolution of the legislature respecting it.

. , Ferment in the crovernmcnt., in consequence of it.

Spani?h "^ 7 J ^

ship, 17:)3,

ABOUT this time an unhappy event took place, dis-
.. honourable to the colony, injurious to foreigners,
and which occasioned a great and general uneasiness, and
many unfriendly suspicions and imputations, with respect
to some of the principal characters in the colony. A Span-
ish ship coming into the port of New-London, in distress,
ran upon a reef of rocks, and so damaged the vessel, that it
was necessary to unlade her, and put her freight into stores
at New-London. The cargo was delivered into the cus-
tcvly of Joseph Hill, Escj. collector of the port of New-Lon-
doii. The supercargo was Don Josej)h Miguel de St. Juan.
That he might sail with his cargo early in the spring, he
obtained a ship of about two hundred tons, and was ready
to sail it\ April. But when he had shipped part of his car-
go, other parts of it were withholden from him, or lost, and
* Colony records ja the severtil years to which reference is had.

Chap/X1. CONNECTICUT. 299

could not, by any means of his, be found and recovered. Book II.
As he could obtain no relief, and was determined not to v.^(*-v->w'
sail without the recovery of his cargo, or some indemnifi- I75r3,
cation for the loss of it, he waited until October, and then Oct. 1753.
preferred a memorial to the assembly, representing his ar-
rival in the .snow St. Joseph and St. Helena, from Havan-
na, bound to Cadiz, at the port of New-London ; and that
he had stored his cargo there, in the custody of Joseph
Hill, Esq. the collector; and that when he had procured a
vessel in April, and required his cargo, that it might be re-
shipped, that a considerable part of it :vas withholden,
lost, and embezzled ; and praying for relief, or that he
might reland that part of his cargo which remained, and
secure-it at their expense, and, also, that his men might
be discharged.

The assembly, after hearing and deliberating on the me-
morial, resolved. That whatever losses he had sustained,
it was either by means to them unknown, or which they
were by no means able to prevent. The assembly repre-
sented, that nothing appeared to them, but that he might
have put all his cargo on board, about the 23d of April,
when he shipped part of it : That Joseph Hill, Esq. col-
lector of the port of New-London, had, at that time, deliv-
ered his money, and part of his cargo, and they knew not
why the residue was not put on board. They resolved,
that they could not, according to law, discharge the mas-
ter and mariners, nor oblige and compel Mr. Hill to receive
the goods again into his custody, according to the desire of
the petitioner ; especially at their own cost and risk, as
the petitioner declared that he would be at no expense in
the affair. It was declared. That the requests of the pe-
titioner were unreasonable, and, therefore, could not be
granted: but, that as protection and assistance were due
to a foreigner, cast among them, the assembly did advise
the governor to gTant all due protection and relief to the
said Don Miguel, according to the laws of trade, nature,
and nations. The governor was also desired and empow-
ered, in case the said Joseph Miguel should desire it, to.
direct a full search after any part of his cargo, which might
have been embezzled, or lost; and to take all such reason-
able measures therein, as should be necessary to do jus-
tice in said case,*

Before the meeting of the freemen in April, it was gene-
rally known that the Spaniards had been robbed ; or, at
least, that an important part of a rich and very valuable
cargo, had been stolen, embezzled, or, by some means,

* Piecords of the colony.

30© HISTOHY OF Chap. XL

Book II. lost, or kept back from the owners ; and it occasioned a
\<^0r>r>^ great ferment through the colony. It was imagined, that
1753. it might involve the colony in great ditficulties ; that it
might be obliged to indemnify the owners, and that it
would bring a heavy debt upon it; or that it might effect
a rupture, and hostilities between the two nations. Olhers
were moved with a sense of honour, sympathy, and jus-
tice. They were ashamed and grieved, that, when fo-
reigners, in distress, had cast themselves upon, not only
a civilized, but christian people, they had been plundered
and injured, as though they had fallen among heathens,
thieves, and robbers. All the feelings of covetousness,
honour, sympathy, and justice, were touched. Great
blame was imputed to some of the principal characters
in the colony, especially to governor Wolcott. It was
imagined by many, that he had not taken such care, and
adopted such measures, to secure the property of thos?
foreigners, and to save them harmless, as he ought to
have done. Whether there was any just foundation for
faulting him or not, it so disaffected the freemen, that,
notwithstanding his former popularity, he lost their suf-
frages, and Thomas Fitch, Esq. was chosen governor, in
his place. Mr. Hill did not escape a share of blame,
among others. How such a quantity of stores, of various
kinds, should be lost, or embezzled, without his know-
ledge or privity, and that no thorough search should be
made for them, in so many ijnonths, is very unaccount-
able. But where the fault lay, or what became of the
lost goods, never came to public view. Nor does it ap-
pear that the colony was ever put to any exti'aordinary
expense or trouble, on that account. The war was now
commencing, and private concerns were neglected an^
forgotten ; while national interests, of greater moment,
and more general concern, engrossed the public mind-^
both in Europe and America.

Chap. XIK, CONNECTICUT.

CHAPTER XII. 1730.

The history of the College continued from Chapter I. Its
state under the rectorship of Mr. Williams. Donations
made to it while he presided. He I'esigns, and the Rev.
Thomas Clap loas chosen prcsideiU. A new charter grant-^
ed. A nexv college, or Connecticut hall, built. Professor
of Divinity settled. Labors and donations. Enemies of
the college write against it. Petition the assembly to take ■'
it out of the hands of the corporation, appoint visitors, c^c,
The president appears and pleads the cause of the college
before the assembly. Chapel is built. An account of do-
nations is interspersed.

ECTOR Williams, was a gentleman of solid learn-^
ing, great prudence, and popular talents. He was
rector about thirteen years, during which period, the col-
lege enjoyed peace and flourished. A number of valuable
donations were made to it. In 1 730, the trustees received
a deed of 628 acres of land in Salisbury, of Messrs. Fisk
and Leavins, in exchange for lands given them many years
before, by major James Fitch. The title to it had been
controverted, and it was supposed that the trustees had
expended nearly half the value of the land in defence of the
tide.

In October, 1732, the General Assembly made a gene- Grant of
rous donation of 1500 acres of land to the college ; 300 ^JJ""^J'^J"
acres in each of the new townships of Norfolk, Canaan, '
Goshen, Cornwall and Kent. A patent was given in con-
firmation of the donation in May, 1741.

The Rev. Dr. George Berkeley, then dean of Derry, Pean
in Ireland, afterward bishop of Cloyne, made a number R^^keley^s
.of donations to the college. He came into America, with
a view to found an episcopal college. He made a pur-
chase of a country seat, with nearly an hundred acres of
land, at Newport, in Rhode-Island. He resided there a-
bout two years, in which time, he formed a correspond-
ence with rector WUliams, and became acquainted with
several other principal gentlemen in Connecticut. From
them he learned the state and genius of Yale College. He,
therefore, while he resided at Newport, made a present of
all his own works to the college. He finally gave up the
design of founding a college in North America, and return-
ed to London.

After his return, in 1732, he gave the rents of his fartp,

30:: HISTORY OF Chap. XH.

Bo0K II. io ihe college, to be appropriated to the maintenance of
v.^^-Nr-«^ the three best scholars in the Greek and Latin languages,
i732. who should reside at the college, at least nine months in a
year, in each of the three years, between their hrst and
second degrees. He directed, that on the 6th of May, an-
nually, or in case that should be the Lord's day, then on
the 7th, the candidates should be publicly examined by
the president or rector, and the senior episcopal missionary
within this colony, who shall be then present ; and in case
none be present, then by the president only. And that in
* case the president and senior missionary should not agree
in their sentiments, who are the best scholars, the case
should be determined by lot. It was further directed, that
any surplusage of money which should happen by any va-
cancies, should be distributed in Greek and Latin books,
io such under-graduate students, as should make the best
composition, or declamation in the Latin tongue, upon such
a moral theme as should be given them.

This donation happily answered the design of the donor,
proving a great and lasting incitement in the students to
excel in the knowledge of the classics.

At the same time. Dr. Berkeley, in pursuit of his be-
nevolent and noble designs, transmitted to the college the
finest collection of books which had ever before, at any
one time, been sent into America. It consisted of nearly a
thousand volumes, including those which he had sent be-
fore ; 260 of these were folios, and generally very large.
It was estimated that the collection cost at least four hun-
dred pownds sterling.

Mr. Williams, though lughly acceptable to the students,
and to the colony in general, was nevej-thcless obliged to
resign his office, and leave the college, on account of
bodily indisposition. The sea air and southerly winds at
i^ew-Haven, so affected his constitution, as, sometimes, to
incapacitate him for business. He resigned his office the
last of October, 1 739. He received the hearty tlianks of
the trustees, for his good services to the college.

After his resignation, he retired to his seat at Weathers-
field. He soon became a member of the assembly, and
Speaker of the house of representatives. He was further
promoted, lo be one of the judges of the superior court, and
to the fcornmand of a regiment, in an intended expedition
against Canada. He afterwards went to England, to re-
ceive the wages due to himself and his regiment. Having
contracted an intimate acquaintance with Dr. Doddridge,
and several other gentlemen of distinction, in that country,
and married a lady of superior accomplishmcsits, he re^

Chap. XII. CONNECTICtJt. 303

turned to Weathersfield. Here, after a pious, usefal and Book If.
honorable life, he died, July 24th, 1755. v«i<->^^sri^

He received his education at Harvard college, in Cam- 1732.
bridge, in New-England, where he was graduated. Anno Character
Domini, 1711. He was well furnished with academical °I,?"^5^^°'"
literature, was a thorough calvinist, and is characterized
as one of the best of men. Dr. Doddridge, in a letter to a
friend, writes thus of him : " I look upon CoL Williams to
" be one of the most valuable m^n upon earth : he has join-
" ed to an ardent sense of religion, solid learning, consum-
" mate prudence, great candor, and sweetness of temper,
" and a certain nobleness of soul, capable of contriving
" and acting the greatest things, without seeming to be
'' conscious of his having done them."

The tr^istees, sensible of the great inconveniences which
the college had suflered, by the long intervals in which it
had been without a rector, proceeded immediately to a new
choice, and the Rev. Thomas Clap, minister of Windham,
was chosen, successor to rector Williams. A council of
neighboring elders and churches, advised Mr. Clap to ac-
cept the appointment. Mr. Clap viewing it, as the coun-
cil had done, as a call to greater and more extensive use-
fulness, complied with their advice.

At a meeting of the trustees, on the 2d of April, 1740, Installa-
he was installed. He first gave his consent to the confes- l^^^n]^''"'^'
sion of faith and rules of church discipline, agreed upon April 2d'
by the churches of the colony of Connecticut, assembled 1740.
by delegation at Say brook, in the year 1708 ; and also
gave the trustees satisfaction, with respect to the sound-
ness of his principles, according to their act in 1722.

The trustees and students were then assembled in the
college hall, and the Rev. Mr. Whitman, moderator, made
a jirayer, and one of the students delivered an oration
adapted to the occasion. The moderator then made a
speech, committing the instruction and government of the
college to rector Clap ; and he concluded with an ora-
tion.

The committee of the first society in Windham, madn
application to the trustees to give them a recompense for
the removal of their pastor. Upon this, they mutually
agreed to refer it to the judgment of three gentlemen of the
General Assembly, what compensation they should have.
Those gentlemen, considering that the Rev. Mr, Clap had
been in the ministry at Winciham fourteen years, which in
their estimate, was about half the term of a minister's life
in general, judged that the society ought to have half the
price of his settlement. This was about fifty- three pounds

304 HISTORY OF Chap. XIL

Book II. sterling. Upon the memorial of the trustees, the General
^^^'-s/'-^iw/ Assembly granted that sum to the people of Windham, as a
1740. compensation.

No sooner had rector Clap entered upon his office, than
he endeavored, by all means in his power, to advance the
college to as great a degree of perfection as possible.
There had never been made a complete body of laws,
for regulating the college, nor had the customs and man-
ners of other colleges been sufficiently made known. On
the first founding of the college, it was agreed, that v/here
no special provision was made by the trustees, the laws of
Harvard college should be the rule. About the time the
college was fixed at New-Haven, a short body of laws was
drawn up. But this was only in writing, and each schol-
ar, on his admission, was put to the labor of traescribing
it. This, upon trial, was found defective, and sevet-al of
its laws were become obsolete. Rector Clap, therefore,
considered it as a business of prime importance, to com-
pile a complete body of laws for the college^

As soon as he was fixed in his post, at the desire of the
trustees, he began this business. A large body of laws
was drawn up, partly out of the ancient laws of this col-
lege, partly from the principal and most important customs
which had obtained, partly from the laws of Harvard col-
lege, and partly from the university of Oxford. To these,
there was an addition of some new ones. This was pe-
rused by a committee of the trustees, and by most of them
at their own houses ; and after several readings before the
board of trustees, in 1745, obtained their sanction.

The rector also, about the same time, collected and
wrote under proper heads, the customs of the college
which had from time to time obtained, and had been estab-
lished by practice. By these, the rules by which the offi-
cers and students of the college should conduct themselves,
became better known and fixed, and the government of the
college became more steady and uniform, and less sove-
reign and arbitrary.
Arrange- Before this time there had been no convenient arrange-
ment and caent, nor catalogue of the books. The rector arranged
of lh"u-^^ all the books in proper order. In honor to the Rev. Dr.
bvary. Berkeley for his liberal donation, his books were placed
174'2. by themselves at one end of the library. He also made
three catalogues of the books ; one as they stood in their
proper order on the shelves ; another in alphabetical or-
der ; and a third, in which the most valuable books were
placed under proper heads, according to the subject matter
of them ; together with figures referring to the aumber and

Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 305

place of each book. By which means it might easily be Book II.
known what books were in the library upon any particular v-^-v^s^^
subject, and where they might be found with the utmost ex- 1744,
pedition. This catalogue was printed, and had a happy
influence on the diligence and industry of the scholars in
reading them.

About this time the college received another considera-
ble benefit. The legislature augmented their annual grant
to the college, by which the rector was enabled to support
three tutors ; one to each class, including himself. This
removed a considerable inconvenience which the college
had before suffered, by one tutor's hearing two classes. It
had another benefit ; the scholars studied and recited much
more than they had done in the preceding years.

Mr. Anthony Nougier, of Fairfield, in 1743, by his last Mr. Nou;
will, bestowed on the college twenty seven pounds sterling, ^'^^^^ '^^^
to be put out at interest, the amount of which was princi- 1743"'
pally to be appropriated to the maintenance of the rector
and tutors forever. This donation was received the next
year, and was employed according to the direction of the
donor.

The college was now become numerous and respecta-
ble : it had educated a large number of men, who were pil-
lars in the commonwealth and stars of distinguished lustre
in the firmament of the church. The under-graduates
amounted annually to eighty or moi'e : as many as twenty
upon an average were graduated each commencement.
The rector and trustees conceived the idea that their pow-
ers ought to be enlarged ; and that a new charter should be
given, in which the founders and officers of the college
should be named, more agreeably to the forms and usages
of other colleges. It was imagined that this would make
them and their respective offices better known abroad, and
give the college a greater importance and respectability.
The rector, therefore, who had a very accurate and exten-
sive knowledge of the forms, powers, and usages of colleg-
es, made a draft of a new charter, in which the trustees
were incorporated, by the name of the president and fel-
lows of Yale College, in New-Haven. This draft was
revised by the horiv.;rable Thomas Fitch, Esq. afterwards
governor of the colony, approved by the trustees, and or-
dered by them to be presented to the honorable general as-
sembly for their sanction. It was granted at the session in
Mav, the next year. A copy is here exhibited.

0 2

it'ge.

:iOiJ ?IISTORY OF Chap. XIJ,

Book II. Bv the Governor and CojirAN^of his Majesty's colony

^-rf^-v-^n^ of Connecticut, in New-England, in America.

1745. Jin Act for the more full and complete establishment of Y alt,

Charter of CoLLEGE m New-Haven, and for enlarging the poxoers

thecoJ- and privileges thereof.

Whereas, upon the petition of several well disposed and
public spirited persons, expressing their desire that full
liberty and privilege might be gi'anted unto certain under-
takers for the founding, suitable endowing, and ordering
a coilt^giate school within this colony, wherein youth might,
be instri:r[:.^vj in the arts and sciences, the governor and
company, in general court assembled, at New-Haven, on
the 9th day of October, in the year of our Lord one thou-
sand seven hundred and one, granted unto the Rev.
Messrs. James Noyes, Israel Chauncey, Thomas Bucking-
Jiam, Abraham Pierson, Samuel Mather, Samuel Andrew.
Timothy Woodbridge, James Piei-pont, Noadiah Russell,
and Joseph Webb, who were proposed to stand as trus-
tees, partners or undertakers for the said society, and to
their successors, full liberty, right and privilege to erect",
form, direct, order, establish, improve, and at all times, in
all suitable ways, to encourage the said school, in some
convenient place in this colony : and granted sundry pow-
ers and privileges for the attaining the end aforesaid.

And whereas the said trustees, partners or undertaker^.,
m pursuance of the aforesaid grant, liberty and license,
founded a collegiate school at Neiv-Haven, known by the
name of Yale College ; which has received the favoura-
ble benefactions of many liberal and piously disposed per-
sons, and under the blessing of Almighty God, has trained
up many worthy persons ior the service of God, in the
state as well as in the church.

And whereas, the general court of this colony, assem-
bled at New-Haven, the tenth day of October, in the year
of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and twenty-three,
did explain and enlarge the aforesaid powers and privile-
ges, granted to the aforesaid partners, trustees, or under-
takers and their successors, for the purpose aforesaid ; as
by the respective acts, reference thereunto being had, mors
fully and at large may appear.

And whereas, the Rev. Blessrs. Thomas Clap, Samuel
Whitman, Jared Elliot, Ebenezer Williams, Jonathan.
Alarsh, Samuel Cooke, Samuel Whittelsey, Joseph Noyes,
Anthony Stoddard, Benjamin Lord and Daniel Wadsworth,
the present trustees, partners and undertakers of the said
school, and successors of those before mentioned, have pc
?itioned that the said school, with all the rfghts, powers, priv-

Ohap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 3QT

ileges and interests tkereof, may be confirmed ; and that Book IL
such other additional powers and privileges may be grant- v^-no.^
cd as shall be necessary for the ordering and managing the 1747.
said school in the most advantageous and beneficial manner
for the promoting all good literature, in the present and
iiucceeding generations. Therefore,

The Governor and Company of his majesty's s.aid En-
glish colqny of Connecticut, in general court assembled,
this ninth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand
seven hundred and forty-five, enact, ordain, and declare,
and by these presents it is enacted, ordained and declared,

I. That the said Thomas Clap, Samuel Whitman, Jared
Elliot, Ebenezer Williams, Jonathan Marsh, Samuel Cooke.
Samuel Whiltelsey, Joseph Noyes, Anthony Stoddard,
Benjamin Lord, and Daniel Wadsworth, shall be an incor-
porate society, or body corporate and politic ; and shall
hereafter be called and known by the name of the Presi-
dent AND Fellows of Yale College, in New-Haven ,
and that, by the same name, they and their successors shall
and may have perpetual succession ; and shall and may
be persons capable in the law to plead and be impleaded,
defend and be defended, and answer and be answered un-
to ; and also to have, take, possess, acquire, purchase, or
otherwise receive lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods,
chattels, or other estates, to grant, demise, lease, use, man-
age, or improve, for the good and benefit of the said col-
lege, according to the tenor of the donation, and their dis-
cretion.

II. That all gifts, grants, bequests and donations of lands,
tenements or hereditaments, goods and chattels, heretofore
made to or for the use, benefit and advantage of the colle-
giate school aforesaid, whether the same be expressed to be
made to the president or rector, and to the rest of the
incorporate society of Yale College, or to the tinistees or
undertakers of the collegiate school in New-Haven, or to
the trustees, by any other name, stile or title whatsoever,
whereby it may be clearly known and understood, that the
true intent and design of such gifts, grants, bequeste and
donations, was to and for the use, benefit and advantage
of the collegiate school aforesaid, and to be under the
care and disposal of the governors thereof, shall be con-
firmed, and the same hereby are confirmed, and shall be
and remain to, and be vested in the president and fellows
of the college aforesaid, and their successors, as to the
true and lawful successors of the original grantees.

III. The said president and fellows and their succes-
sors, shall and may hereafter have a comjjfion seal, to serve.

JOS ' HISTORY OF Chap. XIL

Book II. and use for all causes, matters and affairs, of them and
v-<'~v^^>^ their successors ; and the same seal to alter, break and
1745. make new, as they shall think fit.

IV. That the said Thomas Clap shall be, and he is here-
by established the present president ; and the said Samuel
Whitman, Jarcd Elliot, Ebenezer Williams, Jonathan
Marsh, Samuel Cooke, Samuel Whittelsey, Joseph Noycs,
Anthony Stoddard, Benjamin Lord, and Daniel Wads-
worth, shall be, and they are hereby established the pres-
ent fellows of the said college : and that they and their suc-
cessors shall continue in their respective places during
life, or until they or either of them shall resign, or be re-
moved or displaced, as hi this act is hereafter expressed.

V. That there shall be a general meeting of the presi-
dent and fellows of said college, in the college library, on
the second Wednesday of September annually, or at any
other time and place which they shall see cause to appoint,
to consult, advise and act in and about the affairs and busi-
ness of the said college : and that on any emergency, the
president and two of the fellows, or any four of the fellows,
may appoint a meeting at the said college, provided they
give notice thereof to the rest, by letters sent and left with
them, or at the places of their respective abodes, five days
before such meeting ; and that the president and six fel-
jows, or in case of the death, absence or incapacity of the
president, seven fellows convened as aforesaid, (in which
case the eldest fellow shall preside,) shall be deemed a
meeting of the president and fellows of said college, and
that in all the said meetings, the major vote of the mem-
bers present, shall be deemed the act of the whole ; and
where an equi vote happens, the president shall have a
casting vote.

VI. The president and fellows of the said college and
their successors, in any of their meetings, assembled as
aforesaid, shall and may from time to time, as occasion
shall require, elect and appoint a president or fellow in the
room and place of any president or fellow who shall die,
3'esig£i, or be removed from office, place or trust ; whom
the said governor and company hereby declare, for any
misdemeanor, unfaithfulness, default or incapacity, shall
be removable by the president and fellows of the said col-
lege ; six of them, at least, concurring in said act. And
shall have power to appoint a scribe or register, a treasur-
er, tutoi's, professors, steward, and all such other officers
and servants as are usually appointed in colleges or uni-
versities, as they shall find necessary and think fit to ap-
point •, for the promoting of jiterature, and the well ord|;r-

Chap. XIL CONNECTICUT. 309

ing and managing of the affairs of said college ; and them, Book II.
or any of them, at their discretion, to remove ; and to pre- v.-<~>^>^*'
scribe and administer such forms of oaths (not being con- 1745.
trary to the laws of England, or of this colony) as they
shall think proper to be administered to all those officers
and instructors of the said college, or to such and so many
of them as they shall think proper, for the faithful execu-
tion of their respective places, offices and trusts.

VII. That the present president and fellows of said col-
lege and their successors, and all such tutors and other of-
ficers as shall be appointed for the public instruction and
government of said college, before they undertake the exe-
cution of their respective offices, and trusts, or within three-
months after, shall publicly, in the college hall, take the
oaths and subscribe the declaration appointed by act of
parliament, made in the first year of king George the first ;
entitled ao act for the further security of his majesty'^ s per-
son and government, and the succession of the crozvn in the
heirs of the late princess Sophia, being protestants j and for
extinguishing the hopes of the pretended prince of Wales, and
his open and secret abettors ; that is to say, the president
before the governor, deputy governor, or any two of the
assistants of this colony, for the time being; and the fel-
lows, tutors and other officers, before the president for the
time being ; who is hereby empowered to administer the
same. An entry of all which shall be made in the records
of said college.

VIII. That the president and fellows shall have the gov-
ernment, care and management of the said college ; and all
the matters and affairs thereunto belonging ; and shall
have power, from time to time, as occasion shall require, to
make, ordain and establish all such wholesome and reasona-
ble laws, rules and ordinances, not repugnant to the laws
of England, nor the laws of this colony, as they shall think
fit and proper, for the instruction and education of the stu-
dents, and ordering, governing, ruling and managing the
said college, and all matters, affairs and things thereunto
belonging, and the same repeal and alter, as they shall
think fit ; which shall be laid before this assembly, as often
as required, and may also be repealed or disallowed by
this assembly, when they shall think proper.

IX. That the president of said college, with the consent
of the fellows, shall have power to give and confer all such
honors, degrees or licenses as are usually given in col-
leges and universities, upon such as they shall think wor-
thy thereof.

, X. That all the lands- and rateable estate belonging to

310 HISTORY OF Chap. XiL

Book II. the said college, not exceeding the yearly value of five
^----v^^^ hundred pounds sterling, lying in this government, and
1746. the persons, families and estates of the president and pro-
fessors, lying and being in the town of New-Haven, and
the persons of the tutors, students, and suqh and so many
of the servants of said college, as give their constant at-
tendance on the business of it, shall be freed and exempted
from all rates, taxes, military service, working at high-
ways, and all other such like duties and services.

XI. And for the special encouragement and support ot
said college, this assembly do hereby grant unto the said
president and fellows, and their successors, for the use of
said college, in lieu of all former grants, one hundred
pounds silver money, at the rate of six shillings and eight
pence per ounce, to be paid in bills of public credit, or
other currency equivalent to the said hundred pounds, (the
rate or value thereof to be stated from time to time by the
assembly,) in two equal payments, in October and May
annually. This payment to continue during the pleasure
of this assembly.

In full testimony and confirmation of this grant, and all
the articles and matters therein contained, the said com-
pany do hereby order, that this act shall be signed by the
governor and secretary, and sealed by the public seal of
this colony ; and that the same, or duplicate exemplifica-
tion thereof, shall be a sufficient warrant to the said presi-
dent and fellows to hold, use, and exercise all the powers
and privileges therein mentioned and contained.

JONth. law. Governor,
By order of said governor **********

and company, in general | ^pp^e" . f

court assembled. %-^^-^'^-j^'j^i(,^%

George Wyllys, Secretary,

This ample charter, placed the college in a much more
perfect and honorable state than it was in before, and laid
the foundation for its advancement to £^ very useful and
honorable university. The grant of an hundred pounds,
or an equivalent in bills of credit, was punctually paid for
ten years, until the commencement of the French war, and
the heavy taxes and burdens which it occasioned. With
this salary, president Clap, with his singular economy, liv-
ed with dignity.
1746. Some years since, Mr. Samuel Lambert, a Scotch mei-

blrti'do- ^^^"^' ^^ New-Haven, died, and by his will, d^ted Feb-
nation. " ruary 19th, 1718, gave the principal part of his estate
for the benefit of the college. He directed that ten Dounds

Chap.XIL CONNECTICUT, M

should be paid for the building of the college, and the rest Boo'k Ih
to be paid, three pounds sterling to each person graduated v-.*-v-n^
at New-Haven, who should settle in the ministry, and em- 1746,
powered his executors to sell the lands for that purpose.
But the executors finding the estate involved, by reason
of a large debt due from the estate in England, paid only
the ten pounds to the trus-tees, and neglected all payments
to the graduated ministers. These, living at a great dis-
tance, and some difficulties intervening, did nothing rela-
tive to the affair for many years. In the mean time, seve-
ral of the young ministers grew uneasy, and ventured upon
the sale of some of the lands, though they had no right to
sell them, and some who undertook it, had no right even
to the money ; because as the lands were appraised in the
inventory, the money would all be run out before it came
to them. Some other persons, who had no pretence of
any right, got into possession of some other parts of the
lands, so as to claim them by possession. With respect to
some other parcels of the land, Mr. Lambert had been de-
frauded by the persons of whom he purchased, as they had
no right to the lands which they sold to him.

As the president was unwilling that the estate should be
lost, as to the end for which it was given, he set up a notifi»
cation in the hall, at the commendement of 1744, desiring
those ministers who were interested in the affair, to meet
and consult upon it. They accordingly met and appoint-
ed a committee, to act in the affair. They soon found it
attended with so many difficulties, that they agreed to re-
sign the whole into the hands of the president and fellows.
They conceived that they were under a much better capa-
city of managing it than themselves.

Most of the clergy, who were supposed to have any in-
terest in the affair, freely resigned it up to the president
and fellows, to be improved for the benefit of college, in
such a manner as they shoujid jtidge best. The rest of the
rights were purchased. In consequence of this, the exec=
utors gave to the president and fellows a deed of all the
lands of which Mr. Lambert was seized at the time of his
death. After very considerable pains and e-xpense, they
became finally possessed of one hundred acres of land in
Wallingford, and sixty-two acres, lying in five parcels, in
New-Haven, exclusive of those sold by the young minis-
ters.

This year, the honorable Philip Livingston, Esq. one of Donation
his majesty's council for the province of New- York, made from Mr,
a donation of twenty-eight pounds ten shillings sterling, to Livingston
be put out at interest, and the interest to be appFopriated

312 HISTORY OP Chap. XIL

Book II. to the support of a professor of divinity in Tale College,
v-*'"^^"^^/ or to any other use the president and fellows should judge
1746. most for the advantage of the college. The president and
' fellows were of the opinion, that a professor of divinity

would be of the greatest advantage to the college, and ap-
propriated the donation to that purpose. In consequence
of this donation, and in honor of Mr. Livingston, the pro-
fessor of divinity in Yale College, was called the Livings-
Ionian professor of divinity. Four sons of the honorable
Mr. Livingston had been educated at this college, which
was probably an occasion of his making this donation.

From this time, the president and fellows, it seems,
ivcre wishing for, and looking forward to, the settlement of a
professor of divinity in the college, and they were con-
certing measures for its accomplishment, as soon as might
be.

The college was now, under the instruction and govern-
ment of president Clap, flourishing and honourable. His
great mind and extensive literature, made it reputable at
home and abroad. Its numbers were increased to an hun-
dred and twenty students. More than half this numb^
were obliged, for want of room in college, to live out in
private houses. This, on many accounts, was very in-
convenient. The president, therefore, projected the plan
of erecting a new college house. Upon consultation with
several of the fellows, in 1747, he obtained liberty for a
lottery, to assist him in the enterprise. By this, five hun-
dred pounds sterling were raised, clear of all charges and
deductions.

The president took the whole affair of constructing and
building the house, upon himself. He laid the foundation
on the 17th of April, 1750, and the outside was completely
finished in September, 1752. It was 100 feet long, 40 feet
wide, and three stories high, besides the garrets, and a
cellar under the whole. It contained thirty-two chambers,
and sixty-four studies. It Avas set back in the yard, that
there might be a large and handsome area before it, and
toward the north side of the yard, with a view, that, when
«he old college should come down, another college or chap-
el, or both, should be set, on a line, to the south of it. Ad-
ditional lands were also purchased on the north, and on
the west, for its better accommodation. It was built of
brick,* and made a very beautiful appearance. It was,
at that time, the best building in the colony. The whole
was performed withgreat economy and good judgment.

* It took about 230,000 brick, and th.e cost of the outside was about
£1180 sAerliiiff,

Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 313

To assist the president in building this, the General As- Book II.
sembly, besides granting the lottery in October, 1 749, or- v«>-N,->^i
dered, that 363 pounds, in the hands of Gurdon Salton- 1748,
stall, Esq. which came by a French prize, taken by the Donations
frigate belonging to the government, should be paid to the ^'"^°* ^^"^^.
president, toward building the new college. In October, huiKimo- ^^
1751, the assembly gave further order, that the remainder the ne^v
of the prize aforesaid, and the effects of the frigate, which college,
was sold after the war, amounting to 500 pounds more,
should be paid for the same purpose. There were 280
pounds in the hands of Gurdon Saltonstall and Jabez
Hamlin, Esq'rs. due to the government on some old ac-
counts, which the assembly, in the session in October,
1754, ordered to be paid into the hands of the president,
for his further assistance in erecting the new college hall.

The outside of the house having been finished, princi-
pally by the generosity of the government, the president New col?
and fellows, at the commencement in 1752, with a view to lege ua-
give it an honourable perpetuation, ordered, that the new '
college be called, and named, Connecticut Hall, and
then walked into it in procession. At the same time, the
beadle, by special order, made the following declaration,
viz :

Cum e Providentiae Divinoe favore, per Colonias Con*-
necticutensis munificentiam gratissimam, hoc novum asdifi-
cium academicum, fundatum et erectum fuerit ; in perpe-
tuam tantae generositatis memoriam, aides hsec nilida et
splendida Aula CoNNECTicuTENsis nuncrepetur.

Thus in English:

Whereas, through the favour of Divine Providence, this
new college house has been built, by the munificence of
the colony of Connecticut : in perpetual commemoratron
of so great generosity, this neat and decent building shall
be called Connecticut Hall,

The college was, at this time, greatly increasing in num-
bers, literature, and reputation. Bishop Berkeley, from
time to time, received such information of the management
and effect of his generous donations, as met his approba-
tion, and gave him very sensible pleasure. An Irish gen-
tleman, who was present at one of the examinations for his
bounty, carried to him two calculations made by his
scholars, one of the place of the comet, at the time of the
flood, which appeared anno 1G80, having a periodical re-
volution of 575 1-2 years, which Mr. Whiston supposes to
have been the cause of the deluge ; and another of the re-
markable eclipse in the tenth year of Jehoiakim, mention-
ed by Herodotus, lib. i. chap. 74, and in Usiier's Annals ,
P2

S14 HISTaRY OF Ciup. Xlf.

Book n. and gave him a particular account of the order of the col-
v-K'^v-^i^ lege, and the proficiency of the students in the languages,
1752. and other branches of literature. The bishop, therefore,
wrote a number of complaisant letters to president Clap.
In one of them, not long before his death, he wrote thus :
1751o " The daily increase of religion and learning, in the

seminary under your auspicious care and government,
gives me a very sensible pleasure, and an ample recom-
pense for all my donations."

The bishop died about this time, in the 73d year of hi§
age. President Clap observes, " This college will always
retain a grateful sense of his generosity and merits ; and,
probably, a favourable opinion of his idea of material sub-
stance, as not consisting in an unknown and inconceivable
stratum, but in a stated union and combination of sensible
ideas, excited from without by some intelligent being."
He is characterized as one of the chief men of any age, for
genius, literature, probity and beneficence.

The college, at this time, wasunder very flourishing and
happy circumstances, on all accounts, except that of re-
ligion, which was its most important interest. In this,
not only the president and felloAvs, but the churches and
commonwealth, were deeply interested. With respect to
this, the college laboured under great disadvantages. The
students were obliged to attend in the old meeting-house
of the first society, where their external accommodation;?
were far from being agreeable ; the Rev. Mr. Noyes was
advanced in years, had very little animation, and did not
give satisfaction, either as to his language or doctrines.
The corporation, sensible of this, as early as the year
1746, voted,' " that they would choose a public professor
of divinity in the college, as soon as they could procure a
sufficient support.".

The president in particular, felt himself deeply interest-
ed in the affair. He was a witness, every sabbath day,
of what kind of instructions the scholars had, and he em-
ployed his mind in devising some way in which a support
might be obtained for a professor. The lands given to
the college in 1732, in the county of Litchfield, were in
the most remote and uncultivated part of the colony ; and
land was so cheap in that county, that none appeared as
tenants, upon any terms which were advantageous. They
had lain wholly dormant unto that time. The corporation
wished, if possible, to turn them to some advantage, and
u^'^ °^,, especially for the support of a professor of divinity. The
co^lkge ^ president devised the plan of leasing the lands, for th^
lands. term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years; the rent t^)

iJHAP. XIi: CONNECTICUT. 815

be the interest of the value of the land at that time, at five Book IF.
per centum ; to be forfeited, in case of non-payment of v,^-v^Nk<'
the rent, at the atmual times appointed, but redeemable 1751,
within six months after, upon payment of the rent, with
the lawful interest upon it. This, president Clap conceiv-
ed to be mo.'it advantageous, both for the landlord and the
tenant. The rents would, in the best manner, be secured
to ihe college, and the lands would be free from the trouble
and expense of inspection and separation. The tenants,
at the same time, had all encouragement to cultivate and
improve the lands, as though they were their own. The
rents were much higher than those of most other lands,
though cleared and fenced. On these terms, several par-
cels were leased out, from time to time, as opportunity
presented. The length of time for which the lands were
leased, encouraged people to apply for them, so that, in
a few years, a considerable revenue was produced by
them.

The farm given by bishop Berkeley, in Rhode-Island,
in 1769, was leased for the same term, and upon the same
conditions, as the other college lands. The rent was to
be eighteen pounds sterling, and forty rods of stone wall,
until the year 1769; then thirty-six pounds, until the year
1810 ; and after that, 240 bushels of good wheat, until the
end of the term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years.

From the divided state of New-Haven, and the incon-
venience and danger of the scholars attending public
worship in the first church and society, the corporation
became, more and more, sensible of the necessity of ob-
taining a professor of divinity in the college. The corpo-
ration, therefore, in 1752, voted, " That a professor of di- 1752,
vinity in the college, would be, upon all accounts, advan-
tageous ; and therefore resolved, that they would endea-
vour to get a support for such a professor, as soon as may
be, by all such ways and means as prudence should direct.
They afterwards ordered, that one half of the college
lands in the county of Litchfield, should be leased out for
that purpose."

The apprehension of the necessity of the settlement of a
"learned and orthodox professor of divinity in the college,
to preserve orthodoxy, and to exhibit the best specimens
of preaching, became general. The legislature, therefore,
in October, 1753, took the affair into their consideration,
and resolved, " That one principal end proposed in erect- Resolution
ing the college, was, to supply the churches in this colony ^^^'j^^ ^^^
with a learned, pious and orthodox ministry; to which ^glj^tj/j^^j
end, it was requisite that the studentsiof the college should the settle-

3a0 history of Chap. XII.

Book II. have Uie i^cst instructions in divinity, and the best patterns
"^--i^-N/^w^ of preaching set before them ; and that the settling a
1 753* learned, pious, orthodox professor of divinity in the col-
rficnt of a lege, would greatly tend to promote that good end and
|)ioiessor tiesign : and therefore recommended a general contri-
jvini y. j^y^iQpj ^Q l^g made in all the religious societies in the colo-
ny, for that purpose." But as the French war, and ex-*
traordinary taxes^ soon after commenced, it was judged
best to alter the form, and to seek help by a subscription,
which happily succeeded to answer the end designed.

The corporation becoming more deeply sensible of the
j^reat danger which there was of the corruption of the col-
lege with gross errors, and the clergy of the colony gene-
rally having the same impressions, the corporation de-
sired the president to undertake the work of a professor of
divinity, and to preach to the students, in the college hall,
on tile Lord's day, until a professor of divinity could be ob-
tained. Tlie general association advised to the same mea-
sure. The president, therefore, with the students, with-
drew from the first society in New-Haven, and attended
])ublic worship in the college hall, under the immediate
instructions of president Clap.

The corporation, for the further preservation and secu-
rity of the religion of the college, upon its original foun-
dation and constitution, adopted the following act.
Act of (he At a meeting of the president and fellows of Yale Col-

corpora- ic<re, November 2 1 st, 1 753 :

lioii, Nov. ° '

21st, 1753. , PRESENT,

The Rev. Mr. Thomas Clap, President.

The Rev. Mcssr;?, Jared Elliot, Joseph Noycs, Anthony
Stoddard, Benjamin Lord, William Russell, Thomas Rug-
gles, Solomon Williams, and Noah Hobart, Fellows.

" Whereas, the princij)al design of the pious founders oi
the college, v/as to educate and train up youth for the min-
istry in the churches of this colony, according to^ the doc-
trine, discipline and mode of worship received and prac-
tised in them ; and they particularly ordered, that the stu-
dents should be established in the principles of religion-
and grounded in polemical divinity, according to the as-
sembly's catechism. Dr. Ames' Medulla, and Cases of Con-
science, and that special care should be taken in the edu-
cation of the students, not to suffer them to be instructed in
any dilierent principles or doctrines ; and that all proper
mea^sures should be taken to promote the power and purity
of religion, and the best edification and peace of these
churches.. •''

N ^*'See the records of 169G. 1701 and 1722:

(Jhap. XII. CONNEtTICUT. 3i1

"We, the successors of the said founders, being in our Book II.
own judgments of the same principles in religion with our ^.,^-v-«ii^
predecessors, and esteeming ourselves bound in fidelity to 1753.
the trust committed to us, to carry on the same design, Resolu-
and improve all the college estate committed to us, for the ^'°" °' *^®
purposes for which it was given, do explicitly and fully re- tion reia-
solve, as follows, viz. tive to or

"1. That the scriptures of the Old and New Testament ^^o'^"^ J'
are the only rule of faith and practice, in all matters of re-
ligion, and the standard by which all doctrines, principles
and practices in religion are to be tried and judged.

" 2. That the assembly's catechism and confession of
faith, received and established in the churches of this colo-
ny, (which is an abridgement of the Westminster Confes-
sion) contain a true and just summary of the most impor-
tant doctrines of the christian religion : and that the true
sense of the sacred scriptures is justly collected and sum-
med up in these compositions : and all expositions of scrip-
ture, pretending to produce any doctrines or positions con-
trary to the doctrines laid down in these composures, we
are of opinion are wrong and erroneous.

" 3. If any doubt or dispute should happen to arise
about the true meaning and sense of any particular terms
or phrases in the said composures, they shall be under-
stood and taken in the same sense in which such terms and
phrases have been generally used in the writings of pro-
testant divines, and especially in their public confessions
of faith.

" 4. That we will always take all proper and reasona-
ble measures, such as christian prudence shall direct, to
continue and propagate the doctrines, contained in these
summaries of religion, in this college, and transmit them
to all future successions and generations ; and to use the
like measures to prevent the contrary doctrines from pre-
vailing ifi this society.

" 5. That every person who shall hereafter be chosen
president, fellow, professor of divinity, or tutor, in this
college, shall, before he enters upon the execution of his
office, publicly give his consent to the said catechism and
confession of faith, as containing a just summary of the
christian religion, as before expressed ; and renounce all
doctrines or principles contrary thereunto ; and shall pass
through such an examination as the corporation shall think
proper, in order to their being fully satisfied that he shall
do i^truly without any evasion or equivocation.

" 6. That since every such ofiicer is admitted into his
post uoort the conditioa aforesaid, if he shall afterwards

318 HISTORY OF Chap. XIL

Book II. change Iiis sentiments, entertain any contrary set of prinfci-
^-^"''^'Vi^ pies or scheme of religion, and disbelieve the doctrines
1753. contained in the said catechism and confession of faith, he
cannot, consistent with common honesty and fidelity, con-
tinue in his post, but is bound to resign it.

" 7, That when it is suspected by any of the corporation
that any such officer is fallen from the profession of his
faith, as before mentioned, and is gone into any contrary
scheme of principles, he shall be examined by the corpora-
tion.

" 8. That inasmuch as it is especially necessary that a
professor of divinity should be sound in the faith, besides
the common tests before mentioned, he shall publicly ex-
hibit a full confession of his faith, drawn up by him in his
own words and phrases, and shall in full and express terms'
renounce all such errors as shall in any considerable mea-
sure prevail at the time of his introduction. And if any
doubt or question should arise about any doctrine or posi-
tion, whether it be truth or error, it shall be judged by ther
word of God, taken in that sense of it which is contained
and declared in the said catechism and confession of faith,
as being a just exposition of the Avord of God, in those doc-
trines or articles which are contained in them.

" 9. That every person who shall be chosen president-?
fellow, professor of divinity, or tutor in this college, shall
give his consent to the rules of church discipline, establish-
ed in the ecclesiastical constitution of the churches of this
colony : It being understood, that our ecclesiastical con-
stitution may admit of additions or alterations, in such cir-
cumstances as, according to our confession of faith, are to
f»e regulated by the light of nature, and the rules of chris-
tian prudence. And it is especially declared, that if any
])erson shall deny the validity of the ordination of the min-
isters of this colony, commonly called presbytcrian or con-
gregational, or hold that it is necessary or convenient that
r^uch mitiisters should be re-ordained, in order to render
iheir administrations valid, it shall be deemed an essential
departure from our ecclesiastical constitution, and incon-
sistent with the intentions of the founders of this college,
ihat such a person should be chosen an officer in it.

" 10. Yet, we would suppose that it is not inconsistent
v/ith the general design of the founders, and it is agreeable
to our own inclinations, to admit protestants of all denom-
inations to send their children to receive the advantages of
an education in this college : provided, that while they
are here, they conform to all the laws and orders of it."

All the fellows who have been admitted since the above

Chap. XII, CONNECTICUT. 319

solemn act and declaration, have publicly given their con- Book H.
sent to the catechism and confession of faith, in the sub- s^^-v^-*^
sequent form, viz : 1753.

" I, A. B. being chosen a fellow of Yale College, do
hereby declare, that I believe that the assembly's cate-
chism, and the confession of faith, received and estabhsh-
ed in the churches of this colony, and in this college, con-
tain a true and just summary of the most important doc-
trines of the christian religion; and that the true sense of
the sacred scriptures is jusdy collected and summed up in
those compositions. And all expositions of scripture pre-
tending to deduce any doctrine or position contrary to the
said doctrines laid down in those composures, I believe
are wrong and erroneous, and I will always take all rea-
fSonable measures, and such as christian prudence may di-
rect, in my place and station, to continue and propagate
the doctrines contained in those summaries of religion in
this college, and transmit them to all future successions
and generations : and use the like measures to prevent the
contrary doctrines from prevailing in this society.

" I do also consent to the rules of church discipline, es-
tablished in the ecclesiastical constitution of the churches
of this colony."

As it was the design of the president and fellows, to es- 1754.
tablish a professor of divinity in the college as soon as The design
possible, and have the college under his instructions on the o^ the
sabbath, as well as at other times, the president wrote and ^,^^'fe!lowc
published, in 1754, a small tract, entided. The Religious t" esl^h^^
Constitution o/" Colleges, a very learned, cool piece, con- Ush a pro-
taining no reflection or unfriendly insinuation, with res- ^e^^o'! ^^
pect to any man, or any body of men. His design was to '^'"' ^'
show the origin and design of colleges, their rights and
privileges. That they formed distinct religious societies,
and had professors of divinity to preach to them, and car-
ry on a distinct and separate worship by themselves. That
both the students and officers were prohibited, by heavy
penalties, from attending any worship but their own, in
their universities. The president observes, that it is a
maxim which runs through all moral nature, that every dis-
tinct society, founded for religious purposes, is, or at least
may be, a distinct worshipping assembly. Colleges as

He insisted, that as religious worship, preaching and in- distinctso-
struction on the sabbath, was one of the most important ^'^^*jf J
parts of the education of ministers ; it was more necessa- rithl ^o
ry that it should be under the conduct of the authority of worship by
the college, than any other part of education : That the themselves
preaching ought to be adapted to the superior capacity of

320 ' HISTORY OF Chap. XH.

Book II. those, who are to be qualified to be instructors of others ;
Z%^ and upon all accounts superior to that, which is ordmanlj
T754 to be expected, or indeed requisite for a common parish :
and that it was more necessary that the governors of col-
leoe should nominate its preacher, than any other otticer or
instructor. He observed, that they were bound by aw,
and the more sacred ties of conscience and fidelity to then-
trust, committed to them by their predecessors, to pursue
and carry on the design of the pious founders of the col-
le-e, which they could not do, unless they could choose
th?i; own officers, and direct the manner of preachmg to
the students: That they had, therefore, for about seven
years, been providing a fund for a professor of divinily in
the college, and that from the unhappily divided state ot
New-Haven, of late years, tije necessity of a professor ap-
peared still greater; that they had, therefore, desired the
president, with such assistance as he might be able to ob-
tain, to carry on the work of a professor of divinity, by
preaching in the college hall, every Lord's day, until a
professor of divinity could be obtained. This, he sa a,
thev were warranted to do, from the original nature, tie-
sign and practice of colleges and universities, which were
superior societies for religious purposes ; and also irom
several special clauses in the acts of the General Assembly ;
that the students might have the advantage of suchpreaclv
in- and instruction, as was best adapted to their capacity,
state and design. He well observed that neither of he
three societies in New-Hafen, would be willing that the
college should choose a minister for them ; that it was less
reasonable that they should choose a minister for the col-
lege, or that the college should be obliged to a.ttend on such
priiaching as either of them should choose, as it was a re-
ligious society of a superior, a more general and important
nature : That no society or body politic could be sate,
but only in its having a principle of self preservation, and
a power of providing every thing necessary for its own
cubsistence and defence : That without this, the college
might be subjected to such preaching as was contrary to
the minds of the legislature and the generality ol the peo~
pic, as well as to the design of the founders. ^

There were at this time a number of people in tnc col-
ony, who appeared inimical both to the government and
to the college, and employed their tongues and pens against
both; and all manner of objections which could well be
conceived, were brought against the college.

Bv some it was pretended, that the design of co leges
'vas to teach die arts ani^ sciences only ; and that religion

6hap. XiL- CONNECTICUT. 321

ivas no part of a college education : and therefore, that no Book II.
religious worship ought to be upheld, or enjoined by the .^^--v*^
laws of the college ; but that every student shoukl be allovv- 1754.
ed to worship how and where heoleased, or as his parents On the de-
and guardians should direct. The president obsei-ved in^'?"°' ^'^^°
reply, that there was not, probably, a college upon earth, *
vpon such a constitution ; without any regard to religion.
That it was known, that religion, and the religion of these
churches in particular, as to doctrine and discipline, was
the main design of the founders of this college : and that
this their successors were obliged to pursue.

It was pretended that every student might be obliged to
attend on some meeting in town, where he should choose,
or his parents should order, and that a monitor might be
appointed to each meeting in the town, with penalties for
non-attendance. To this it was replied, that to all who
understood the nature of college government, such a
scheme must plainly appear impracticable : That it was
absolutely necessary that the governors of the college
should be present, and strictly observe the attendance and
behavior of the students with their own eyes : That when
any parent put a child to school, or into another family,
or society, he resigned his parental authority and govern-
ment, so far as related to the order and constitution of that
society : That no parent can have a right to put his child
to be a member of any society, and then order him to
break the laws and rules of it : that this would be des-
tructive to the very nature and constitution of all societies.
J hat if parents had a right to order what worship their
children should attend at college, it would take the power
of governing the college, as to religion, its most important
interest, wholly out of the hands of the authority of the
college^ and there might be as many kinds of religion, iri
the college, as there were different opinions of parents.
That the parents might be Jews, or Arians, or of such
other religion, as the authority of the college could not
tolerate. That parents at a distance, could not govern
iheir children at college. It was impracticable. They
could not give such a just system of rules as the authority
of the college could and ought to put in execution.

It was urged, that liberty of conscience ought to be al- Liberty of
lowed to all, to worship as they please. con-

The reply to this was, that the college acted upon the -^'^J^*^^-
principles of lilDerty of conscience in the fullest sense.
That any man, under the limitations of the lav/, might found
a college or school, for such ends and purposes, and with
such cQflditions and limitations, with respect to those who

Q2

mt HISTORY OE* Chap. XIL

Book IT. were to enjoy the benefit of it, as he in his conscience
'ss-^N^'N*,/ should think best ; and that his conscience, who has the
1754. property of a thing, of gives it upon conditions, ought to
govern in all matters relative to the use of it; and not his
conscience who receives the benefit ; who has no right to
it, but according to the will and conditions of the proprie-
tor, or donor; and that liberty of conscience in him, who
is allowed to take the benefit, extends no further, than to
determine whether he will accept it upon those conditions.
That to challenge the benefit without complying with the'
conditions, would be to rob the proprietor of his proper-
ty, and right of disposal.

The great design of founding this school, was to edu-
cate ministers in our own way ; and to attain that end, the
founders, and their successors, apprehended it to be neces-
sary that the students should ordinarily attend upon the
same way of worship : and should they give up that law
and order, Uhe college would serve designs and purposes,
contrary to those for which it was originally founded. This,
in point of conscience and fidelity to dieir trust, they could
not permit. In this point, the college exercises no kind
of pov/er, or authority, but that only which results from
the natural liberties and privileges of all free and volunta-
ry societies of men ; wliich is, to determine their own de-
sign among themselves ; and the conditions of their owxi
favors, and benefits to others.
Cliiirch of It was pleaded, that the students ought to attend the wor-
England, gjjjp gf the church of England ; or so many of them as
shall see cause, or as their parents shall order, or permit.
That the church of England is the established religion of
this colony ; and that those who do not conform to it are
schismatics.

In answer to this, it was observed, that the act of
parliament in the common prayer book, for the establish-
ment of the church of England, was expressly limited to
England and Wales, and the town of Berv/ick upon Tweed:
That it was a well known maxim in law, that the sta-
tutes of England did not extend to the plantations, unless
they are expressly mentioned : That it was presumed that
no such act could be found with respect to the colonies irt
America.

It was also said, that governor Yale and bishop Berke-
ley, who were churchmen, made large donations to this
college.

It was replied, that when any donation is given after
the foundation is laid, the law presumes, that it was the
will of the donors that their donations should be improved

Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 323

according to the design of the founders. The law pre- Book I L
sumes, that every man knows in that thing wherein he ^.^'^•r-^
acts.* And since by law, the statutes of the founders can- 1754.
notice aheredjt it jiresumes that the donor had not any de-
sign to do it. And there was not the least reason to sup-
pose that the governor or bishop expected any alteration
should be made in the laws of the college, or any devia-
lion from the design of the founders, towards the church
of England, or in any other way.

And since there was not the least reason to suppose that
they expected or desired, that upon their donations any
alteration should be made in the laws of the college, it was
conceived that there was no obligation to do it in pouit of
gratitude.

The income of the farm at Rhode-Island, given by the
bishopj was not appropriated to any religious use ; but to
ihe best scholars in Latin and Greek, which appropria-
tion ought be sacredly and inviolably observed, as well as
the design of the founders.

Yet it was declared that the corporation had a just sense
of the generosity of those gentlemen ; and for that and
many other reasons, were willing to do all that they could
to gratify the gentlemen of the church of England, consist-
ent with the design of the founders ; ^.nd particularly had
given liberty, to those students who have been educated
in the worship of the church of England, and were of that
communion, to be absent at those times when the sacrament
was administered, in that church ; upon Christmas, and at
some such other times, as would not be an infraction of the
general and standing rules of the college.

It had been further pleaded in respect to the church of
England, that there were a number of that profession in
the colony, who contributed something to the support of
the college.

With respect to this, it was allowed, that when a com-
munity was jointly at some public charge, it is equitable,
that the benefit of each individual should be consulted, so
far as it was consistent with the general design and good
of the whole, or of the majority. And though it was im*
possible that such a benefit should be mathematically pro-
portioned, to each individual, yet this college had edu-
cated as many episcopal ministers and others, as they de-
sired or needed, which had been a sufficient compensa-
tion, for their paying about an halfpenny sterling per man,
for the annual support of the college. And it might con-
tinue to be as serviceable to them as it had been, if thejr
* Jacob's £>ict. t Wood's, 113.

324

HlfeTORY OF

Chap. XII,

Book II. pleased ; as the orders of it remained substantially the

1754. It was further observed, that this college was founded,
and in a good measure endowed, many years before any
donations were made by churchmen, and before there was
so much as one episcopal minister in the colony.*

This tract was written by the president, with a view to
show the rights of colleges, as distinct societies, and the
practice of their worshipping, as such societies, by them-
selves ; to vindicate the authority of the college, in what
they had already done, in ordering a distinct worship in
the college, on the Lord's day, and to prepare the way for
the settlement of a professor of divinity in the college. It
•was written in the most cool and unexceptionable manner
possible. It, however, gave great uneasiness to a certain
class of men in the colony ; and especially the establish-
ment of a professor, and a distinct worship in the college.
There were some principal men in New-Haven, and in
other parts of the colony, who were opposed to the asscm-
. bly's catechism, and to the confession of faith, and, indeed,
to all confessions and formulas of doctrine. They, there-
fore, became fixed, strong opposers to the college, to the
president, and to the settlement of a professor. They
were displeased with the resolves and declaration of the
corporation, at their meeting, in November, 1753, with a
view to preserve the orthodoxy of the college, and inviola-
bly to maintain and prosecute the design of its founders.
Professor T'he president and fellows, agreeably to their former re-
Bomina- solutions in Se])tember, 1755, nominated the Rev. Mr.
ted, 1755, jvfaphtali Daggett, pastor of a church on Long-Island, to
be professor of divinity. Upon application to the pres-
bytery, he was dismissed from his charge 5 and, in the
November following, came to New-Haven, and preached
in the college, with general approbation.

On the 3d of March, 1756, the president and fellows
met, and spent a day in his examination, with respect to
his principles in religion, his knowledge in divinity, cases
of conscience, scripture history and chronology, antiquity,
skill in the Hebrew language, and various other qualifica-
tions for a professor. In this examination, he gave full
satisfaction to the corporation. The next day, he preach-
ed a sermon in the college hall, upon the text, 1 Corinth.
ii. 2. " For I determined not to know any thing among
you, save Jesus Christ, and him crucified." He gave
bis full and explicit consent to all the doctrines contained
jn our catechism, and confession of faith, and to the rule5
* Fresidcnt Clap's religious jastitution of ColIe";cs,

Installed,
March,

€hap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 325

of church discipline established in the churches of this Book II.
colony. He also exhibited a full confession of his faith, v.^--v^^«/
of his own composition ; and expressly renounced the prin- 1756.
cipal errors prevailing in those times ; agreeably to the
act of the corporation, Nov. 21st, 1753, which has been
before recited. Thus, after preaching about four months
in the college, and the preceding examination and formali-
ties, he was inaugurated and installed professor of divinity,
in Yale College, by the reverend corporation.

About the same time, Mr. Gershom Clark, of Lebanon,
generously gave thirty-three pounds ten shillings sterling,
to be put out at interest, for the use of a professor of di-
vinity. The interest of this, with that of Mr. Livingston's
donation, before mentioned, with the rents of the college
lands, which the corporation had agreed to lease for that
purpose, were sufficient for the annual support of the pro-
fessor.

President Clap had previously purchased and given a
Jot of land, for the use of a professor of divinity, for the
time being, who should be settled and continued according
to the act of the corporation, November 21st, 1753, and
constantly preach in the college hall, or chapel, except in
the vacations.

A considerable number of the principal gentlemen of the
colony, in approbation of the settlement of the professor,
for his encouragement, and the benefit of the college, gene-
rously entered into a subscription, or contribution, for the
purpose of building the professor a house, under similar
limitations.* This was raised in June, 1757, and com- 1757.
pletely fmished the next summer. It cost 285 pounds ster-
ling. The president, with all proper formalities, in the
presence of a considerable number of gentlemen, convened
on the occasion, put the professor in possession of it ; de-
claring that it was built for the use of a professor of divin-
ity in the college, who should preach all die doctrines con-
tained in our catechism and confession of faith; and that
in case he, or his successors, should hold, teach, or main-
tain any contrary doctrine, he, or they, would have no right
to any use or improvement of it. The solemnity was then
concluded with prayer, and singing a psalm.

At a meeting of the corporation, June 29th, 1757, they The presj-
examined, and approved, all the accounts of the receipts dent's ac-
and disbursements of money, for building Connecticut Hall, counts ex-

* The governor, deputy governor, gentlemen of the council, president -.-^11 "' '
Clap, numbers of the corporation, and others of the clergy, were subscri- ^
bers. A list of them, and of their respective donationsj i? preserved in
president Clap's history of the cgljege.

326 HISTORY OF Chap. XII.

Book II. Then, in view of the great care, labour, and generosity of
v--*^v-x^ the president, they passed the following vote, viz :

1757. "Whereas the Rev. President Clap hath had the care
Thanks of and oversight of building the new college, called Connecti-
tlie <^orpc'- cut Hall, and laying out the sum of 1660 pounds sterling,
prtijjgjjt/ which appears ^^ have been done with great prudence and
frugality ; and the college built in a very elegant and hand-
some manner, by means of his extraordinary care, dili-
gence, and labour, through a course of several years : all
which the said president has generously given for the ser-
vice of said college. And the said president having also,
of his own proper estate, purchased a lot for the professor
of divinity, which has cost 52 pounds, lawful money, and
given it to the college, for the said use for ever : This cor-
poration think themselves bound, and do accordingly, ren-
der their hearty and sincere thanks to the Rev. President
Clap, for these extraordinary instances of his generosity:
And as a standing testimony thereof, voted, that this be
entered on their records."

At the same meeting, the tutors and a number of the
students, made the following application, viz :

" Whereas this reverend corporation, of their paternal
care and goodness, have settled a professor of divinity in
this ecclesiastical society, whom we receive as an able
minister of the New Testament ; we, the subscribers, mem-
bers of this society, having been admitted members, in full
communion in sundry churches, and consenting to the ec-
clesiastical constitution of the churches of this colony, as
agreeable to the word of God, in doctrine and discipline ;
are desirous to attend upon the ordinance of the Lord's
supper, under the administration of the reverend professor;
and to walk together in stated christian communion, and
holy subjection to all the ordinances of Christ; and desire
the approbation and sanction of this reverend body."

The corporation approved of this application, and, in
consequence of it, the professof preached a sermon in the
hall, adapted to the occasion ; and the sacrament of the
Lord's supper was attended, with all proper solemnities,
on the 3d of July, for the first time in Yale College. It
hath ever since, on the first Lord's day in each month,
been administered in the college hall, or in the chapel,
agreeably to the practice of the colleges in England. The
state and constitution of the college, was, by these means,
rendered much more perfect and agreeable. The profes-
sor was an instructive and excellent preacher : his sermons
were enriched with ideas and sound divinity; were doctri-
nal, experimental, and pungent. He was acceptable tu
the legislature, clergy, and people in general.

Chap. Xth CONNECTICUT. 327

Notwithstanding, the settlement of a professor in the col- Book IF.
iege, and the administration of the ordinances in it, as a v.-^'n^^i*^
distinct ecclesiastial society, it was a very disagreeable and 1758.
wounding affair to a certain class of men in the colony.
They became enemies to the constitution of the college,
and irreconcilable enemies to the president, notwithstand-
ing his extraordinary care, labors, and generosity towards
the college. They wrote one pamphlet after another a-
gainst the college ; against its constitution, against the
president and the government of the college. It was insin-
uated that there was corruption in the treasmy, and that
the money belonging to the college was embezzled or mis-
applied. Much was said against the government of the
college being in the hands of the clergy. It was m-gcd
that visitors ought to be appointed by the legislature to
examine the accounts and affairs of the college. One of
the writers who employed his pen and talents against the
college, was Dr. Gale of Killingworth, a gentleman well
known to be opposed to the doctrines contained in the as-
sembly's catechism, and in the Westminster and Savoy
confessions of faith. The other gentlemen who were reput-
ed to be writers against the college, lay under the imputa-
tion of being unfriendly to those doctrines. The same class
of men wrote against the government of the colony at the
same time, and insinuated that there was mismanagement
with respect to the affairs of the public treasury. When
the dispute afterwards arose, relative to the ordination at
Wallingford, the writers in vindication of Mr. Dana and
the ordination council, introduced the affairs of the college,
expressed their resentment against the writer of the Reli-
gious institution of colleges, and their disapprobation of the
forming a church in the college. Several answers were
written to those writers against the college, stating the ac-
counts, and correcting their mistakes and misrepresenta-
tions; but they would not be satisfied.

In May, 17G.3, nioe gentlemen preferred a memorial lo f^G;!
the honorable General Assembly, in which they represen- ^t^'rfi j.
ted, that the General Assembly were the founders of the colie"-e.
college ; and as such, had a right to appoint visitors, and
reform abuses, if any were found. This right, the memo-
rialists suggested, ought to be seasonably, and most expli-
citly vindicated and a^sserted ; or otherwise the college
might become too independent ; and therefore prayed that
the said assembly would pass an act, to authorise an appeal
from any and every sentence given by the authority of the
college, to the governor and council of this colony, for the,
timq being : and that the assemblv would immediately is-

32.8 HISTORY OF Chap. Xlf;

Book II. sue {'oiih A commission of visitation, enabling some suita-'
v.^'>»'>ite/ ble persons to inquire into all the airairs of said college ;
1763* and either of themselves rectify abuses, which they may
discover ; or make report of what they shall find, with their
opinions thereon, to the said assembly, at their next ses-
sion.
Counsellor The counsel for the memorialists, were Jared Ingersoll
*!'':.'''^"^°" and Samuel W. Johnson, Esquires, the two most learned
and famous attornies, at that day, in the colony. Great ex-
pectations were formed by the enemies of the college from
this measure, and the great ability of their counsel ; and
its friends were not without fears and anxieties. Gen-
tlemen from different parts repaired to Hartford, to hear
the pleadings. That class of people, who had been so
long and so strongly opposed to the college, flattered them-
selves with tlie pleasing prospect of bringing the college
to their feet, and of amply reaping the fruit of their past
labors.

President Clap viewed the cause of too great conse-
quence to be trusted in any hands but his own ; and judg-
ed it his duty, in faithfulness to the founders of the college,
to the truth, and to the best interests of the churches, to
employ his talents for the defence of the college, and to
plead the cause himself, in the face of all opposition.
Their The council for the memorialists, ailcdged, that the

pleading. (General Assembly founded the college, by giving a char-
ter, in the year 1701 ; which contained a donation of about
sixty pounds sterling, to be annually paid out of the pub-
lic treasury ; and by sundry subsequent donations : espe-
cially five tracts of land, in the year 1732 : and that the
present assembly, as successors to the founders, had a right
of visitation by the common law. They further alledged,
that such an appeal, and visitation, were very necessary
to preserve the good order and regulations of the college,
upon many accounts, and particularly to preserve ortho-
doxy in religion.

The president replied with great respect to the assem-
bly, and with such knowledge in the law, as commanded
respect and admiration from all who heard him.
Tiie reply That the General Assembly, in their legislative capaci-
of the ty, had the same authority over the college, and all the
president, persons and estates belonging to it, which they had over
all other persons and estates in the colony, he readily con-
ceded ; and ail that power which was necessary for the
good of the college, or the general good of the community.
And further, that an especial respect and gratitude were
due to (hem, as its greatest benefactors 5 yet, he alledged^,

^HAP. Xli. CONNECTICUt. 329

that they were not to be considered as founders or visit- Book II.
ors in the sense of the common law. That the first trus- v,^^v--v^
tees, undertakers and inspectors, who were norninated by 1763.
the ministers with the general consent of the people, and
by compact became a society or quasi corporation, (as
lord Coke expresses it) nearly two years before they had
a charter, were the founders of the college ; and that they
formed it, by making a large and formal donation of books,
above a year before they had a charter from the govern-
ment. That the college had a being, not only inj^en, in
the purpose and intention of the undertakers (as lord Coke
says*) but in esse, by the donation of books, money and
land, actually made to it, before it had a charter. That
major Fitch, of Norwich, made a donation, in writing, to
the undertakers, of six hundred acres of land, and some
materials to build a college house, in the time of the sit-
ting of the assembly, some days before the charter was
given ; and this donation he made to the collegiate school,
as already set up, by the great pains and charges of the
ministers. That the king, by giving a license to found a
college, does not thereby, in law, become the founder m
sensu dotationis ; and that he only is the founder of those
colleges or hospitals, to which he makes the first donation
for founding. That lord Coke distinguished between /im-
dator incipiens and fundator perjiciens ; and said that he
only is the founder quoad dotationem, (to whose heirs or
successors the law gives a right of visitation) who makes
the first donation. t And the right of visitation arises in
law, from the interest which the founder has in the college
or hospital by his donation. For if it be essentially per-
verted from the design for which it was given, the dona-
tion became void, and reverted to the donor or his heirs.
The first donation only created the founder, and all subse-
quent donations were presumed in law to be given for the
same end and design with the first, unless some particular
limitation be expressly made.

That if a common person makes a donation to found a
college or hospital, though ever so small, and the king
afterwards endows it with large possessions, yet the com-
mon person is the founder, and not the king.J

That a license to found, and a charter of incorporation,
are in their own nature distinct ; either may be first, in law ;
and may either precede or succeed the first fundamental
donation.

When the fundamental donation is made before the li-
cense to found, there the license is only a formal and ex-
* Coke 10 Rep. t Coke 10 Reports. % Wood's Institutes,
R 2

330 HISTORY OF ' Ghap. Xlt

Book IL plicit confirmation from the crown, of what was before
^^-^'^''^Nw' done by the general license given by the common and sta-
i7G3. tute law ; by which every man may give his estate for pub-
lic, pious and charitable uses, upon such conditions and
regulations, as he shall see cause.* And the feoffees in
trust are the legal proprietors of such donations, accord-
ing to the conditions and limitations with which they are
made ; and have a legal right to hold and lease, and to-
dispose of the profits as a quasi corporation, for those par-
ticular purposes : and may, by a long course of stated and
regular conduct, become a complete legal corporation, by
prescription. And the king's charter or license only
makes or declares that to be a legal corporation, at thfe
first, which may become such, by immemorial usage and
custom.

In a license to found, the words F'ound, Erect, or any
words of the like import, are indifferent in law, and suffi-'
cient to make a foundation ; and in the first charter or
grant to tiie college, these words are promiscuously used
and applied to the first trustees only. The first charter
plainly supposes ten trustees, partners or undertakers an-
tecedently existing ; and a school already founded in facty
(though not fully and completely so in law) by donations^
of lands, goods and monies, before given ; and therefore
gives them a full legal right, liberty and pi^ivilege to pro-
ceed in erecting, endowing and governing the school ;
which they had a general and imperfect ri.T;ht to do by
the common law. And the charter declares them able in.
a legal capacity to " demand, hold and possess, all such
lands, goods and monies as have heretofore been given,,
^as well as those which might hereafter be given) for the
founding, erecting and endowing the said school."

And there is no limitation ; that their giving to the firsK
trustees a right to receive sixty pounds of the public trea-
sury a year after, and annually, and to improve it at their
discretion for the good of the school, should be deemed
the founding of it ^ to be sure not in such a sense as to an-
nul the former foundation ; much less could any endow-
ments made thirty years after, make them the founders in
ihe sense of the common law. Besides, the preamble to
the charter of 1745, expressly says, that the first trustees,
founded the college.

Further, with respect to an " appeal from all and every
sentence given by the authority of the college, to the gov-
ernor and council of this colony for the time being," as
prayed for by the memorialists, the president observed,
* See- 39 Eliz. chap. v. and the laws of Connecticut.

€hap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 331

that it would retard and obstruct all the proceedings of the Book 1 f .
authority of the college : That it was found by universal v«*>->^^s-^
experience, that in all instances wherein liberty of appeal 1763.
is allowed, the judgment appealed from is of no force or
efficacy ; except that which may arise from the extraordi-
nary trouble and charge of bringing the case to trial in the
court to which the appeal is made: That such a constitu-
tion would take the government of the college wholly out
of the hands of those in whom it was originally vested ;
and be contrary to the charter. That such an universal
liberty of appeal, especially in criminal cases, was not
allowed in any community whatsoever ; and that in those
few instances in which appeals are allowed in some other
colleges, they are underpeculiarconditions and restrictions.

With respect to the power of visitation, the president
observed, that by the common law it was expressly limit-
ed to the statutes of the founder ;* which are the condi-
tions or limitations of the use of the founder's donation ;
and the visitor can do nothing but rectify those things
•which are plainly repugnant to those limitations ; or claim
a forfeiture. But as no such statutes made by the Gene-
ral Assembly, can be found, such visitors would have no
power at all, or be altogether arbitrary, like the visitors
isent to Magdalen college by king James II.

If it should be supposed, that there is any need of any
overseers, under the name and title of visitors, the first
trustees and their successors may be properly denomina-
ted such ; and in the first plan of the college, they are ex-
pressly called inspectors. That to have visitors over visi-
tors, or inspectors, would make endless trouble and con-
fusion. That matters of property must be determined by
the stated executive courts, according to the course of the
common law, but to erect any new kind of court over the
affairs of the college, which are committed to the president
and fellows, would be an infringement on their charter.
"Though the General Assembly still retain such a supreme
power, as that if there should be any plain breach of
trust, cognizable by a court of chancery, or any such mis-
conduct in the corporation, as should be plainly detrimen-
tal to the public good, they may rectify it in their legisla-
tive capacity.

The last great public good pretended to be aimed at by
the memorialists, was the preservation of orthodoxy in the
college. This was a mere pretence. The petitioners and
their abettors well knew, that the most effectual measures
had been taken to preserve the orthodoxy of the college,
* Lord Raymond's Reports, vol. i. p. 7.

QS^ HISTORY 0^ Chap, XIL

Book II. and that it was secured in the most effectual nianner, in an
^^^'■^^'Si-/ entire conformity to the design and will of the founders,
1763. and to the religious constitution of the colony. This was
the grand difficulty, and the principal cause of their oppo-
sition to the college. There were, at that time, numbers
of leading men in New-Haven,- and in other parts of the
colony, who Avere strongly opposed to the doctrines conr
tained in the confession of faith, and in the catechism : es-
pecially to the doctrines of the decrees, of the divine sove-
reignty, of election, original sin, regeneration by the super-
natural influence of the divine Spirit, and the perseverance
of the saints. They were opposed to all confessions of
faith, and some of them wrote against them. Two, or more,
even of the corporation, were supposed to be among this
number. The president well knew them.* In his reply,
therefore, to this part of the memorial, he observed.

That, whatever Avas the occasion or design of it, he was
glad that such an important point was moved. That it
was well knoAvn, that the president and fellows, or trus»
tees, had, from the beginning, shewn a proper care and
zeal to preserve orthodoxy in all the governors of the col-
lege ; and to such a degree, as to be disagreeable to some
gentlemen of late ; who had, on that account, endeavoured
to obstruct the government and flourishing state of the col-
lege. That the orthodoxy of it was settled and secured,
upon the best foundation that human wisdom, directed by
the general rules of God's Avord, could devise. That, ac-
cording to the original design of the founders of the college,
the president, felloAA^s, professor of divinity, and tutors, are
lo be admitted only upon condition of their consent to the
confession of faith, agreed upon by the churches of the
colony, anno 1708, and established by the laAA-s of the gov-
ernment. That there Avas not the like security of the or-
thodoxy of visitors, or any other in the civil order, except
his most excellent majesty ; who, by the act of union, was
obliged to consent to the Westminster confession of faith,
received in the church of Scotland, as being agreeable to
the Avord of God, and containing the sum and substance of
the doctrine of the reformed churches. And that, as the
governors of the college Avere satisfied that the body of the
honourable assembly Avere fully orthodox, so they Averc
•entirely easy under their superintendence, relying, princi-
pally, upon the care of the great Head of the church; yet
they could not have the same security in any other order of
men, Avho might be substituted by them. And that one

* The president Avith the fellows had atteropted to examine one of th^
turporatiDOj but he would not submit to it.

€hat. XII. CONNECTICUT. 333

principal reason why they opposed all innovations in the BooicII.
constitution and government of the college, was, lest they •^.^^-v-vr'
might hereafter have an ill influence upon its orthodoxy; 1763,
which the president and fellows, according to the trust re-
posed in them by the founders, and by the General Assem-
bly, were fully determined to maintain and preserve, to
the utmost of their power.

When the pleadings and arguments of the memorialists,
and of the president, had been fully heard and considered,
there were but a very small number of the General Assem-
bly, who were of the opinion that they \yere the founders
of the college, or that the orthodoxy of it was in dange^-.
The assembly, therefore, acted nothing upon the memorial.

The memorialists, and their whole party, were greatly
disappointed and chagrined, and the president got much
honour by the defence which he made of the college. Ho
appeared to be a man of extensive knowledge and real
greatness. In points of law, especially as they respected
colleges, he appeared to be superior to all the lawyers, so
that his antagonists acknowledged that he knew more, and
was wiser than all of them. The question relative to the
assembly's being the founders of the college, and having a
right of visitation, has never been publicly disputed since,
and it is believed that it never will be again.

About this time, the Rev. Jared Elliot, of Killingworth,
in his last will, gave seven pounds ten shillings sterling, to
be put out at interest, and the interest of it to be expended
in purchasing books for the library, from time to time, ^t,
the discretion of the president and fellows.

While these affairs had been transacting, the president '
proposed the scheme of building a new hall, or chapel, for
the greater convenience of the college. This, notwith-
standing all the opposition which had been made to it, was
in a very flourishing state. Though the country had been
involved in a long and expensive war, and the burthens
had been great, yet the number of the students, for several
years, had been not less than an hundred and sev^enty. It
became, therefore, extremely inconvenient to hold all re-
ligious and scholastic exercises in the old college hall, and
to use it also as a dining room, which had been the custom.
The library, at the same time, was become too small to
contain the number of books and the apparatus. A suc-
cessful subscription for that purpose, had been set forward ^
and in April, 1761, the foundation of the chapel was laid,
and the outside was nearly finished that summer. It was
built with brick, fifty feet long and forty feet wide, with
a steeple and galleries, in which ;^re. t^hree rostra, for orq-s

334 HISTORY OF Chap. XII.

m ■

Book II. tions, disputations, &c. with a library over the whole. It
^^'v-'Ni^ was erected near the south end of the brick college, or
1 764. Connecticut Hall, with a view, that when another college
should be built, it might be set near the south end of the
chapel, ranging in a line with the other collegiate build-
ings.

The chapel was opened in June, 1763, by a sermon,
preached by the professor, in the presence of the president
and fellows, and a large number of other gentlemen, who
assembled on the occasion. The president and fellows
voted, that the chapel should, hereafter, be used for the re-
ligious and scholastic meetings and exercises, for which
the old college hall had been used before. The cost of
the building thus far, was about seven hundred and fifteen
pounds sterling.* The conveniences of it were found to
be very many and great. It was not finished at this time.
A desk only, and some seats, were prepared for present
use. The president and fellows had not money, at that
time, to proceed any further ; but subscriptions and means,
not long after, were found for finishing it with a handsome
steeple, which was an ornament, not only to the feuilding,
but to the town.

Richard Jackson, Esq. member of parliament, and agent
for the colony of Connecticut, gave a hundred pounds to-
wards finishing the chapel.

A considerable number of gentlemen in New-Haven
subscribed generously towards erecting the steeple.

* £183 was raised by subscription.
j£286 10s. was paid out of the college treasury.

£245 ISs. 9d. out of the treasury of the colony. ■-!

A list of the principal subscribers for building the chapel, may be seci^ M
in president Clap's history of the college, published in 1766.

G?HAP. XIII, t:ONNECTICUf ,

CHAPTER XIII. 1738.

Difficulties arise at Milford, on the account of Mr, JVhittel-
sey. Debates and heat in the council, called to ordain
him. There was such opposition to his ordination, that
the council, at first, could not agree to ordain. But after"
wards, on certain conditions, agreed upon hy the parties^
proceed to his ordination. TTie minority, who opposed his
ordination, fulfil the condition mutually agreed upon. But
the majority zvoidd by no means comply with it. They, on
the contrary, by all means opposed their aggrieved breth-
ren. The minority, some time after, having qualified
themselves according to law, separated from the first church
and society, and held a distinct meeting by themselves.; As
the association would give them no advice, or countenanccy
they put themselves under the presbytery. They call and
ordain Mr. Prudden. Obtain a release from taxation by
the first society. They are vested with the privileges of
other ecclesiastical societies, and obtain their proportion of
the parsonage lands.

THE church and town of Milford, had been peculiarly-
happy in a long succession of worthy pastors, under
whose ministry they had enjoyed great peace and satisfac-
tion, until nearly the close of the life of that learned, pious
and venerable man, the Rev. Samuel Andrew. But now,
by reason of age and many infirmities, he was rendered
unable to perform- the labours of the ministry, and Mr^
Samuel Whittelsey, son of the Rev. Mr. Whittelsey, of
Wallingford, had been invited to preach in the town, and
to settle in the work of the ministry, as colleague pastor
with Mr. Andrew. This occasioned an unhappy division pj^jsjoj,
in the church and town. Though there was a majority for Milford.
Mr. Whittelsey, yet there was a strong and respectable
minority in opposition to his settlement. The opposition
arose on account of his religious sentiments. The peo-
ple in the opposition, conceived that Mr. Whittelsey was
not sound in faith, but had imbibed the opinions of Armin-
ius. They were not satisfied and edified with his preach-
ing, as they wished to be. They could not choose him for
a minister, either for themselves, or for their children.

When the ordaining council came together, the people
in opposition to the settlement of Mr. Whittelsey, appear-
ed so strong, and urged their objections with so much ap-
gtrent concern and conscientiousness, that a majority of

S36 HISTORY OF Chap. XIII;

Book II. the council were against the ordination, under the then
*;-<^-v^««*^ present circumstances. This occasioned a great division
1738. and animosity in the council. Mr. Whiltelsey's friends
urged the ordination with great warmth and engagedness«
Mr. Whitteisey's father, who had more influence than any
other man in the council, pressed the ordination of his sou
with great zeal and vehemence. Mr. Noyes, Mr. Hall, oi
Cheshire, Mr. Stiles, and some other of the ministers in
the council, were very much at his devotion. Besides,
Mr. Hall was brother in law to his honour, esquire LaAv,
then deputy governor of the colony, who was the principal
man in the majority for the ordination. These were the
- eldest ministers in the council, and did not know how to
bear opposition from younger men, and from the messen-
gers of the churches. The debate in the council wa;;,
therefore, managed with unusual heat and engagedness.'^
His honour, the deputy governor, was at the head of the
majority, who insisted on the ordination. In these cir-
cumstances, the minority were under very great disadvan-
tages, with respect to a fair and impartial hearing, and de»
Thecoun- cision of the case. It, however, appeared to a majority of
ffli at ^rst ji-^g cQunf^ii^ so unadvisable to ordain against such a mi-
daininv'. uority, that a vote for the ordination, under the then pres-
ent circumstances, could not be obtained^

In this state of the business, it was necessary to find
some expedient, which might induce the majority of the
council to concur in the ordination of the pastor elect ; to
bring the parties to some compromise, which might, in
some measure, ease the minority, and afford a more fa-
vourable prospect of preserving the union of the church
and town. For this purpose, the following proposal was
made : That the minority should hear Mr. Whittelsey six
months longer, with a view to obtain satisfaction with re-
spect to his doctrines, and manner of preaching; and that,
if they did not, in that time, obtain satisfaction, that then
the church and town should call and settle another man,
whom they should choose, as a colleague pastor with Mr.
Whittelsey, to preach one half the time. To this the par-
ties mutually agreed. This appeared to give a fair pros-
pect of peace and harmony in the tov.^n, if the parties
would do their duty, and fulfil their agreement. It would
give time and opportunity for Mr. Whittelsey to satisfy the
minority, and to lay a foundation for a peaceful and exten-
sively useful ministry, if he would come forward, and

* I have been (old by one of the elders, who was a member of Ihe conn-
ril, that the debate wa? with so mucli ; assion, that fists iTrre doubled oa
IKi: oci a.'-irjii.

^aAr, Xllli CONNECTICUT. 337

preach the distinguishing doctrines of the gospel, and ex- Book II.
perimental, heart religion. Mr. Whittelsey would have v^-v->.,/
strong inducements to do this, for the good of the church 1738.
and town, for his own honour, peace, and usefulness. As
neither of the parties could wish to be at the expense of
supporting two ministers, there were motives to influence
both to be at peace. At the same time, a way was provi-
ded, for the relief of the minority, if they should not obtain upon
satisfaction, and for the preservation of the union of the agreement
church and town, by the agreement of the majority to set- °/ the par-
tie another man, who should be agreeable to their breth- council or-
ren. In these views the council proceeded to the ordina- dain.
tion of Mr. Whittelsey.*

The minority continued to hear Mr. Whittelsey, not on- The mi-
ly the whole term of six months, but for nearly two years, "^J-/ "
wishing, if possible, to obtain satisfaction, and continue in agree-
union and peace with their brethren, as they had always ment.
before done. But, on a full and patient hearing of Mr.
Whittelsey, and taking all proper pains for satisfaction,
they became more fixed in their opinion of his unsound-
ness in principle, and of deficiency in experimental preach-
ing, than at the time of his ordination. They judged, that,
in faithfulness to God, themselves, and their children, they
could no longer continue solely under his ministry. They,
therefore, in 1740, applied, first to the church, and then to
the town, for relief, according to the original agreement.
But neither would the church, nor the town, take any mea- Thema-
sures for the setdement of another man, as colleague with Jo"*)" "'"
Mr. Whittelsey. They were entirely satisfied with him [^^11^'
themselves. He had been examined, and approved, as compli-
sound in the faith, was a gentleman of respectable talents, ^i^ce.
of gravity, and unblemished morals. They judged that Jek refu°^
their brethren, of the minority, therefore, had no just sal.
grounds of uneasiness ; but ought to be satisfied, as well as
themselves. They had postponed their application for
another- pastor, much beyond the time agreed upon. They
could not, therefore, by any arguments be prevailed upon
to setde another man, nor to adopt any means for their re-
lief or satisfaction. So far were they from this, that they
opposed all their measures for relief, in any way whatso-
ever.

Finding, by sad experience, that no relief was to be ob-
tained from their brethren of the church and town, they
made application to the association for advice, as they
wished to proceed regularly in obtaining what they esteem-
ed die true preaching of the gospel, for themselves and
* Mr. Whittelsey was ordained.

s ^

$39 HISTORY OP Chap. XUh

Book II. children. But the association would give them no advice,
v.^^-N/'^v^ nor countenance. This consisted, in a considerable part^
1740. of those leading gentlemen who had so zealously urged the
The asso- ordination of Mr. VVhittelsey, without any agreement be-
nation will f^^-pg^ the parties. They had since examined, approved,
^l^g °Q (l^g and ordained him. Objections against him, as not ortho-
miiiority. dox and experimental, with them, could have no weight*
To be consistent wifh themselves, they could not but con-
sider the minority as unreasonable, and faulty, in their un-
easiness and opposition. They, doubtless, as well as the
church and town, judged, that the settling of another pastor
■was unnecessary, and would be an unreasonable and un-
profitable burthen on the people. They might judge that
the agreement had better be broken than kept. In these
circumstances, nothing favourable to the minority could be-
expected from thenr.

After a state of controversy and perplexity, for about a;

year longer, they qualified themselves, according to law,

as a soberly dissenting society, and obtained leave of the

county court to worship by themselves. They then sepa-

^!^Jii ^ll.A rated from the first church and society, and held their first

arate, and -ii ir iii'-i-\

worship by meeting by themselves, on the first sabbath m December,
them- 1741. The next year they built them a decent house for
selves. public worship.. In 1743, they put themselves under the
presbytery of New-Brunswick. The brethren, who had
been members of the fipst church in Milford, were formed
into a church state upon- the presbyterian plan, and made
choice of a ruling, elder. But the first society opposed and
oppressed them. They taxed them for all society expen-
ses, for about twelve years- after the ordination of Mr.
Whittelsey ; and annually made them pay to his support,
and for all other society purposes, no less than themselves.
They also excluded them from all benefit in their propor-
Released tion of the parsonage lands. It was not until the session
fromtaxa-Qf ^f^^. General Assembly in 1750, that they were able to
obtain a release from taxation by the first society. Both
the town and association made all the opposition to them
in their power. They took measures to prevent their ob-
taining preaching, either by candidates, or regularly or-
dained ministers. By the advice and assistance of the
presbytery, they procured a learned and pious young gen-
tlemen, Mr. Samuel Finley, afterwards president of the
college in New-Jersey, to preach for them ; but governor
Law, taking advantage of the persecuting laws then m
force, ordered him to be carried from constable to consta-
ble, and from one town to another, until he should be con-
veyed out of the colony.

€n\v. XIII, CONNECTICUT. 539

71ie Rev. Mr. Pomeroy, of Hebron, preached to them Book IL
occasionally, and he was arrested by a civil officer and car- ^-^-^^--v^-
^ied to Hartford to answer for his conduct before the Gene- 1 747.
j'al Assembly. The association of the county of Ne^^^-
Haven, frowned upon and even censured those who preach-
ed to them, and who assisted in forming them into a dis-
tinct church.

They, nevertheless, -endured their troubles with pa-
tience and perseverance, until, at length, they obtained
Mr. Job Prudden, a pious young gentleman, who had
graduated at Yale College, in 1743, to preach with them.
In his talents, preaching, meek and prudent conduct, upon t^t p ^
proper trial, the(y^ were entirely and universally satisfied. jp„'or-
He was ordained by the presbytery of New-Brunswick, in daiued.
May, 1747. The association of New- Haven county, were
so displeased with their brethren of the presbytery, in
countenancing the minority, afterwards called the second
society, and ordaining their pastor, that they passed a
^censure upon them.* This seems to have been inconsist-
ent with the heads of agreement, which had been received
as part of the ecclesiastical constitution of the colony. In
this, the united ministers, formerly called presbyterian
and congregational, expressly say, " We agree that
particular societies of visible saints, who, under Christ
their head, are statedly joined together, for ordinary com-
munion with one another in all the ordinances of Christ,
are particular churches, and are to be owned by each
other, as instituted churches of Christ, though differing in
apprehensions and practice in some lesser things."!

Notwithstanding all the opposition made to this people,
continuing united in the calvinistic doctrines, and in the
love of experimental preaching, and having in Mr. Prud-
den, a prudent, laborious and faithful pastor, they increas-
ed and became respectable. Affairs and opinions were
much altered in the colony, men of different views and feel-
ings were chosen into the assembly, and in the session in
May, 1760, they were vested with the same privileges as
other ecclesiastical societies in the colony enjoy. Ten
years after, in May, 1770, they obtained, by an act of the
General Assembly, their part in the parsonage lands.

Though at the time of the separation there was great
animosity, and there were hard thoughts and unhappy
feelings between the two societies, yet their differences
are now overlooked and forgotten. The pastors and
churches are united in doctrine and brotherly love.

* Records of the associcitioQof the county of New-Haven.

t li^ads of Agreement, Article IL of churches and church ajem!?ers.

34# HISTORY OF Chap. XIV,

CHAPTER XIV.

Separation at New-Haven, Causes of if. Councils called
by the people who were dissatisfied with the Rev. Mr.
Moves. The doings of those councils. The call and in-
stallation of the Rev. Mr. Bird.

SOON after the commencement of the religious awaken-
ing, in Connecticut and New-England, there arose a
great uneasiness and dissatisfaction, in a considerable num-
ber of the first church and congregation in New-Haven,
tinder the preaching and administrations of their pastor, the
Rev. Mr. Noyes. Though he had the gift of prayer, and
was edifying in that part of worship, yet he was unatiimat-
ing and unpopular in his preaching. His language was
vulgar, and his zealous calvinistic hearers did not consider
him as so plainly and faithfully preaching the doctrines of
human depravity, of regeneration by the supernatural in-
fluences of the divine Spirit, and of its absolute necessity
that men might be saved; of effectual calling and justifica-
tion by faith only, as a minister of the gospel ought by
all means to do. They did not conceive him as making
proper distinctions between true and false religion, and
preaching in such a manner as had a tendency to show to
hypocrites and secure sinners, their danger and misery.
From the manner of his preaching, especially on sacra-
mental occasions, suspicions arose, that he did not hold
the real divinity of the Saviour. Besides, he appeared
■wholly unfriendly to the religious awakening and concern
in the country, and to the zealous and experimental preach-
ers by whom it was promoted. He excluded them from
his pulpit, and openly approved of the persecuting laws
and measures of the civil authority of that day. These
were all matters of grievance to them. They could not
hear such preaching at home as they desired, nor could
they go abroad without giving offence. After repeated
conversations with Mr. Noyes on their grievances, and
much pains to obtain satisfaction, they could obtain none
either in private conversation, nor by his preaching in
public. They drew articles of charge or grievance and
presented them to Mr. Noyes, desiring that they might be
communicated to the church and society, and solicited a
mutual council, to hear and give advice in their difficulties.
But instead of this, their grievances were greatly increas-
ed by Mr. Noyes' leading his church to vote in the Say-?

I

Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 541

brook platform, and at the same time excluding some from Book II.
the privilege of voting in the affair. In these circum- ^^^--v-w/
stances, as they could not obtain a mutual council, nor any 1742.
redress of their grievances, they took benefit of the act of
toleration, and separated from the worship and ordinances
in the first church, to which they originally belonged, and
set up a distinct worship by themselves. They pro-
fessed their desires, however, to have their grievances
heard by a mutual council ; but Mr. Noyes would not con-
sent. Therefore, soon after their separation, they pro-
ceeded to call a council of their own. It consisted of the
Rev. Messrs. Samuel Cooke, John Graham, Elisha Kent
and Joseph Bellamy. They convened at New-Haven, on
the 5th of May, 1 742, After a full hearing of the aggriev-
ed brethren, they came to the following resolution, in ef-
fect, That the first church in New-Haven were, by their
own religious and solemn profession and confederation, a
particular church of Christ, vested with all powers neces-
sary for their own confirmation, government and edifica-
tion, long before, until and at the time of the Synod at
Saybrook, in 1708, and consequently were not dependent
on it, nor any thing consequent thereon.

That according to the original constitution and con-
federation, members had been admitted to full communion,
in gospel ordinances and church privileges ; that said
church ever continued, in fact, upon their original footing
and ecclesiastical regimen, till the 23d of last January,
when the Rev. Mr. Noyes, secluding a number of the
brethren from a meeting then held, led the rest of the
brethren to vote a conformity to Saybrook platform, which
they considered as breaking in upon, and depriving them
of their long and peaceably enjoyed privileges. That the
pastor of the church and their brethren, by this means,
had forced the aggrieved brethren, to take benefit of the
act of toleration, that they might enjoy their ancient rights
and privileges. That as said aggrieved brethren had now
qualified themselves according to that act, they stood fair
to be reinstated in their former powers and privileges, ac-
cording to their original constitution.

They also further resolved, that they saw no inconsisten-
cy for ministers well approving of any other ecclesiastical
constitution, yet to afford all needful assistance to others
of different sentiments, in matters extra essential, on their
calling for their help. That others had acted on the same
principles ; particularly the congregational ministers in
Boston.*

* These had assisted in the ordioatioa of a baptist minister.

342

HISTORY OF

€hap. XIV.

1742.

Church
formed.

Declara-
tion and
profes-
eioD.

Book II. That upon the desire of their brethren, seeing their way
'-••v-'^*.^ clear to proceed to reinstate themselves, as aforesaid, un»
der the conduct of this convention, Ave are ready on the
morrow (in case the day be set apart to fasting and prayer)
to attend the business openly in the place appointed for
their public worship.

Accordingly the next day was attended as a day of sol-
emn fasting and prayer. Two sermons were delivered ;
one in the forenoon by Mr. Graham, and the other in the
afternoon by Mr. Bellamy. At the same time, eighteen
brethren and twenty-five sisters, forty-three in the whole,
subscribed the confession of faith and church covenant,
which had been used in the ancient church of New-Haven,
from the beginning ; and on their being distincdy read,
publicly and expressly gave their assent and consent to
them. They also publicly declared and covenanted in the
following manner, viz :

" Whereas, in addition to other grievances too tedious
and unnecessary here to enumerate, of which we would
not willingly perpetuate the memory, a considerable part
of the first church in New-Haven have lately, viz. on the
25t,h day of January last, under the conduct of their pres-
ent pastor, voted a conformity to the Saybrook platform,
and in consecjuence of it, (to show more plainly the design
of said vote) at the same time, by their vote, carried to
the standing consociation of this county a complaint
against sundry members of said church, thereby ovming a
juridical and decisive authority in the said stated consocia-
tion, contrary to the known, fundamental principle and
practice of said church, lime out of mind, which has al-
xvays denied any juridical or decisive authority under
Christ, vested in any particular persons or class, over any
particular congregational church confederated as this :

" We the subscribers, members of said church, firmly
adhering to the congregational principles and privileges on
which the said church was founded, and hath stood unsha-
ken from the beginning, through successive generations,
until the 25th day of January last, being by the said inno-
vations hereunto necessitated, apprehend ourselves called
of God, in company, to vindicate our ancient rightful pow-
ers and privileges, and to put ourselves into a proper ca-
pacity for the enjoyment thereof, upon the ancient footing.
And for that purpose, do now, under the conduct of di-
vine providence, humbly sought, by fasting and prayer,
assume a church state of the gospel, on the ancient basis
of that church, whereof we stood members, in fact, as well
£3 of right, until the unhappy period abpy^ m^ntipnedj

CriAp. XIV. eONNECTICtff . S4k

wherein the pastor and a number of the brethren with him, Book IL
went off from the ancient foundation as aforesaid. >^-.r-v^

" And we, with all affection invite others, the members 1740,
of said church, who do or may see just cause of grievance
at the said innovations, to join with us in asserting our an-
cient rightful powers and privileges broken in upon.

" We solemnly declare our belief of the christian reli=
gion, as contained in the sacred scriptures, and with such
a view thereof, as the confession of faith has exhibited,
which is hereunto annexed, fully agreeing, in substance^
with the confession of faith owned hy said church, time
out of mind, heartily resolving to conform our lives unto
the rule thereof, that holy religion, as long as we live in
this world.

" We soleirinly renew a religious dedication of ourselves
to the Lord Jehovah, who is the Father, the Son and
the Holy Spirit ; and avouch him this day to be our God,
our Father, our Saviour and Leader ; and receive him
as our portion forever.

_ "We give up ourselves anew unto the blessed Jesus, who
IS the Lord Jehovah, and adhere to him, as the head of
his people in the covenant of grace, and rely on him as'
our prophet, priest and king, to bring us unto eternal bless-
edness.

" We renewedly acknowledge our everlasting and indis-
pensable obligations to glorify our God, in all the duties
of a godly, sober and righteous life ; and very particularly
in the duties of a church state, as a body of people asso-
ciated for an obedience to Him, in all ordinances of the
gospel ; and we thereupon depend on His gracious assist-
ance for our faithful discharge of the duties thus incumbent
on us.

" We desire and intend, and (with dependance on His
promised and pov/erful grace) we engage anew to walk to-
gether as a church of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the faith
and order of the gospel, so far as we shall have the same
revealed unto us, conscientiously attending the public
worship of God, the sacraments of the New Testament,
the discipline of His kingdom, and all His holy institutions
in common with one another, and watchfully avoiding sin-
ful stumbling blocks and contentions, as becometh a peo-
PJ.^' ^^^*^"^ ^'^^ Lord hath bound up together in the bundle
of life. At the same time, we do also present our offspring
with us unto the Lord, purposing, with His help, to do our
part in the methods of religious education, that they may be
the Lord's.

"'' And all this wc do, flying to the blood of the everlasting

344 MiSTORY OF Chap. XIV,

Book II. covenant for the pardon of our many errors, praying that the

y,it^~v>»m/ glorious Lord who is the great Shepherd, would prepare and

J 742. strengthen us for every good work, to do His will, working

in us that which will be well pleasing to Him, to whom be

glory for ever and ever. Amen."

Upon these solemn transactions, the Rev. Mr. Cooke, in
his own name, and in the name of the ministers and church-
es composing the council, owned them as a true church of
Christ, and declared his readiness, on the desire of said
church, to assist them as such.

This council advised this newly formed church to make
application to a convention of ministers, who were expect-
ed to meet at Weathersfield the next week, for advice to
some suitable person, to be improved by them as a preach-
er ; and for their further improvement, if they should desire
it. The said convention advised them to the Rev. Mr.
Wheelock as a suitable person to assist them in their min-
isterial affairs.

The church accepted the advice, and voted to make ap-
plication to him, that (on the consent of his church and con-
gregation) he would make them a visit, and employ his
ministerial labors among them for a time, and with some
aspect to a future fixed improvement there, if providence
should open the way for it. Upon this advice and appli-
cation, Mr. Wheelock made them a visit the beginning of
June, and continued with them about a month ; and, by the
vote of the church, preached to them, presided in their
meetings, examined and admitted members to full com-
munion. But as he was peaceably settled, greatly esteem-
ed and beloved among his own people, it did not appear
to be his duty to remove from them. Such additions were
made to the church that, in about two months from its for-
mation, the number of members amounted to between sev-
enty and eighty persons.

The church invited Mr. Graham and Mr. Bellamy to
preach to them by turns. The church also voted that al!
orthodox and approved ministers and candidates should be
invited to preach with them. But for about eight or nine
years the church, and the congregation adhering to them,
were under very depressed and difficult circumstances,
Mr. Noyes and his church and congregation were opposed
to them. This was the case with the president and corpo-
ration of the college, and with the association of the county
of New-Haven. No person, whether ordained minister
or candidate, could preach to them without incurring their
displeasure and frowns. There was at this time a very
general and great opposition in the colony, to the people

Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 345

Called new lights, a name generally given to zealous Book IL
people, who appeared to love animated, heart-searching ^M^~v>i^
and experimental preachers. There were doubts in the
minds of many as to the regularity of their proceedings ;
whether they had suflicient cause for their separation, or
whether they had taken all proper means, and waited with
due patience for a redress of their grievances. Separa-
tions in churches were dangerous, and very sinful, unless
in cases of real necessity, where there were just grounds
for them ; and after all proper means had been taken, and
sofficient patience exercised to obtain redress without suc-
cess. For these reasons they were unable to obtain any
stated preaching, and the administration of the ordinances
for many years. Sometimes they had preaching; at others
they had none. This was their condition until the year
1751. At this time, receiving intelligence that the Rev. 1751,
Mr. Bird, who had been minister at Dunstable, in the
province of Massachusetts, had been dismissed from his
pastoral labors at that place, and that he was a suitable
person for a people in their circumstances, they made ap-
plication to him, requesting his labors amt)ng them. Ac-
cordingly he made them a visit in May, and after preach-
ing with them about three months, received an unanimous
invitation, both from the church and congregation, to settle
with them in the work of the evangelical ministry. He
gave them an encouraging answer, provided that the pre-
sent difficulties could be removed.

For this purpose a council was chosen and called; who Council at
tpnvened at New-Haven in Sept. 1751. New-Ha-

The gentlemen present were the Rev. Messrs. Phile- g^"^^!!' '
mon Robbins, Joseph Bellamy, Eleazer Wheelock, Sam-
uel Hopkins, and Benjamin Pomeroy, with their churches.

Upon a full hearing of the aggrieved church, of the arti- Hearing
cles of charge or grievance exhibited against Mr. Noyes, ^/J,Jof°he.
to him and the greater part of his church, and of the fre- council,
quent proposals which they had made to Mr. Noyes, of re- Sept. 3d,
ferring all their grievances to a mutual council, and of the ^^^^'
great pains they had taken to obtain one ; and how Mr.
Noyes had, in all instances, entirely refused, and of the
long time they had been in their aggrieved and unhappy
circumstances, and also of their declared willingness to
make any reasonable confession of whatever mistakes or
misconduct into which they had fallen, in their separation
from the ministry of the Rev. Mr. Noyes, and from their
brethren of the ancient church of iSfew-Haven, the council
resolved to this eftect ; that as the articles of charge against
Mr. Noves were made known to hira, and the greatest

T 2

346 HISTORY OF .CHAt-. XlV-

Book it. pari of the first church in New-rfaveh, before they voted in
v-^^'-^'*-/ the Saybrook platform, and as the aggrieved brethren were
1751. hot aflowed to vote in that case; and as they had abso-
lutely refused all subjection to the Saybrook platform, and
as the reasons of their separation, mentioned in said
charge, yet remained unsettled, that their request of coun-
sel and advice, was reasonable. They also professed their
willingness to afford them their assistance. But, consider-
ing the great importance of the case, especially in the town
of New-Haven, and that so many of the churches applied
to were, by the providence of God, prevented from attend*
ing the council, it was their opinion, that it was expedient
lo adjourn, that an addition might be made to the council ;
and the church were advised to apply to a number of suit-
able churches, for that purpose. The council then ad-
journed to the 15th day of October.

In the mean timcj probably by the advice of council, the
following confession was exhibited to the Rev. Mr. Noyes,
and the first church in New-Haven.

" To the Rev. Joseph Noyes, pastor of a church of
Christ in New-Haven. To be communicated.
" Reverend and beloved^
Declara- " We the Subscribers, who, some years since, withdrew
tion and fy.Qj^ the public preaching of the word and ordinances in
of the a"- said church, for reasons which we then thought to be
grieved, just, weighty, and reasonable, 'which we delivered in wri-
ting to said pastor, to be communicated ; and which causes
we do still think to be just, weighty, and reasonable. As
to those of you who do not think as we do, we would eiv
deavour to entertain charitable thoughts of, notwithstand-
ing, and desire the same candour from you ; remembering,
that the great God alone is Lord of the conscience ; and
that both you and we muct stand or fall at his impartial
tribunal. Nevertheless, considering the public relation
we stood in with you, our brethren, we should have ex-
hibited to the pastor, in writing, the articles of our griev-
ances, to be published to you ; and, after waiting a reason-
able time, be neglecting his duty, should have complained to
some neighbouring church or churches, for relief, before
withdrawing horn your fellowship and communion ; which
conduct would have been our duty : neglect whereof we
readily condemn ; together with all heat and bitterness of
spirit, that has, at any time, appeared in any of us towards
you, or any of you, as being offensive to God, and unbe-
coming to christians : for which we ask your forgiveness ;
begging an interest in the prayers of all God's children,
that we may behave, for the future, as becometh the gospe!

Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 347

of Christ. Upon the whole, we think, that, afterwards, Book II.
we used all possible endeavours to bring matters to a pro- ^^t^-^/'^s^
per issue; but not succeeding, we thought it to be for the 175K
glory of God, the peace of our own souls, and for our edi-
fication, to be, with others, a distinct society.

" We conclude, wishing you all needed blessings.*'^

On the 15th of October, the council convened, at New-
Haven, according to adjournment. It consisted of the el-
ders following, with their churches.

John Graham, Jedediah Mills, Philemon Robbins, Dan-
iel Humphreys, Ebenezer White, EleazerWheelock, Benja'-
min Pomeroy, Benajah Case, Joseph Bellamy, Samuel
Hopkins, James Sprout, Jonathan Lee, and John Searle.

The council was large and respectable. Some of the
churches sent two messengers.

When the council had chosen the Rev. Mr. Mills their
moderator, and opened with prayer, they immediately
wrote a letter to Mr. Noyes, acquainting him with their
convention, and that if he had any communication to
make, they were ready to receive it. Messrs. Bellamy and
Hopkins were appointed, to wait on Mr, Noyes, with said
letter.

October 16th, the council proceeded to a formal hearing
of the proceedings and state of the congregational church
and society ; the papers containing their transactions weTe
laid before them ; and the committee were fully heard re-
lative to them. At the same time, the General Assembly
held their session in New-Haven, and the governor and
council judged the affair of such importance to the town of
New-Haven, and to the colony, that it ought to be heard
by a mutual council. While, therefore, the council were
employed in hearing, they received a copy of a vote of
the General Assembly, advising that the aftair before them
should be heard by a mutual council.

In consequence of this advice, the Rev. Messrs. Mills,
Wheelock, and Bellamy, with several of the messengers,
were chosen a committee to wait on their honours, the
governor, deputy governor, and council, and to represent
how repeated proposals of that nature had been made to
Mr. Noyes, and what great pains had been taken, for a
number of years, to obtain a hearing before a mutual coun-
cil, and how Mr. Noyes, in all instances, had refused.
They made a full representation of the facts. The gov-
ernor and council, nevertheless, advised that one ofibr
more should be made him, and that one would be sufficient.

The council then voted, that the same committee, with
the addition of Mr. Graham, should confer with Mr. ^oyes.

m HISTORY OF Chap. XIV,

Book IF. to know whether he would comply with the advice of the
v^'^"^/ honourable General Assembly, or not. The commilL^j^Q
1751. reported, that Mr. Noyes said, he had a great regard to
the fifth commandment, but he did not thank the assembly
for what they had done. That he looked upon them as
infallible as the pope. He said such a council was incon-
sistent with the constitution and the light of nature ; and,
directing himself to one of the committee, said, What if
you and I had a controversy, and you should choose three
men, and I should choose three, and they should strip and
fight it out, what good would that do us ? He liked gov-
ernment, he said, but he did not like arbitration. What
ground, said he, do you find in scripture for it ?

The committee reported it as their opinion, that Mr.
Noyes would not comply with the advice of the assembly,
and that he had given sufficient intimations of it. The
pext morning, however, while the council were hearing the
fepOrt of their committee, a letter was received from Mr.
Noyes, purporting, that he would call his church together,
and consult the matter advised to by the General Assem-
bly ; and that he would discourse with the committee of
the parish, and prosecute the affair as fast as Providence
would allow.

As it was judged that this letter gave no certain eMi-
^ence that Mr. Noyes would comply with the advice of the
assembly, the committee of the church and society, in
company with two members of the council, Mr. Bellamy
and Mr. Lee, waited on him, with the following letter.
" To the Rev. Joseph Noyes, of New-Haven.
"Reverend Sir,

"We the subscribers, a committee of those who have
taken benefit by the act of toleration, and their adherents,
having had a sight of your letter to the Rev. Mr. Mills, of
this 17th of October, wherein you give general hints of a
compliance with the advice of the honourable assembly to
a mutual council, &:c. ; but observing you do not expressly
declare your own compliance, nor propose immediately to
call your church together, 5 nor fix any time for that pur-
pose, we cannot receive it as a proper compliance with
said advice ; and considering what fair prospects of this
nature, in times past, have been frustrated, and a large
ecclesiastical council is waiting for your answer, out of
xvhose hands we are utterly unwilling to take the affair, un-
til we see, at leafct, a proper security that said advice sliaJI
take effect, and the members of said mutual council be
agreed upon, and the time and place of their convention
jpxed. As we, therefore, and our party, fully comply with

Chap. XW. CONNECTICUT. 349

said advice, we desire 50U would, without delay, call your Book II.
church together, for said purpose. Short of this, we can- v-^-v->n«(/
not look upon as a compliance. Expecting an express 175}.
and plain answer, we subscribe," &c.

"October 17th, 1751."

To this Mr. Noyes replied,
"Gentlemen,

I have read your paper of this day ; and in answer, say,
the advice of the honorable assembly, is to the society and
church in this place, whose minds I do not know. So far
as it concerns me, I propose to prosecute it, and to lay it
before my church as soon as providence will allow me, and
confer with the society's committee on the affair.

Gentlemen, I am, &c. Joseph Noyes."

With the letter above, was brought the following testis
mony into the council, attested by Mr. Bellamy, Mr. Lee
and the committee, amounting to the number of seven per-
sons.

"We the subscribers, desired Mr. Noyes expressly to
say for himself, whether he would, on his part, comply witli
the advice of the honorable assembly, and expressly prom^
isfi to lay it before his church, because the above answer
.^eemed to leave that matter in doubt, and we wanted a
certain information. We put the question to him near ton
times, will you comply or not ? He used several evasions,
and finally declared, I will not say that I will comply : and ,

he refused to promise to lay it before the church."

On this testimony, the council unanimously voted, that
Mr. Noyes' answers, comparing his letters and conversa-
tion with the committee, were evasive.

The next day, October 18th, the council, after a long
conference, considering how long and how often they haci
attempted to obtain a direct answer from Mr. Noyes, and
could obtain none, voted to proceed to the business for
which they had been more immediately called.

They also voted, that according to the best light they
could obtain, the first church in New-Haven was a con-
gregational church until Mr. Noyes, in 1742, led a great
part of it to vote in Saybrook platform. They also voted,
that according to what light they had obtained, the confes-
sion made io Mr. Noyes and his church was satisfactory.

The Rev. Mr. Bird then presented himself for examina-
tion, and having given full satisfaction, as to his princi-
ples and ministerial qualifications, was installed, Octo-
ber I8th, 1751.

Just as the council were going to the installation of Mr.
Bird, the following letter was presentee} by the R,ev, Mr,
Noyes,

350 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV.

Book II. To the Rev. Mr. Mills, &c.
s-t^^'^r^^^ Gentlemen,
i75i. Perceiving that ^vhat I have wrote is not rightly under-
stood, I again say, I have no mental reserves. I look
upon it my duty to prosecute the advice of the honorable
assembly. Shall do it to my utmost : propose to call a
church meeting the beginning of the week. I have sent
for the society's committee to speak with them this eve-
ning. Let there be no misunderstanding. In great haste,
I am, gentlemen, yours, &:c. Joseph Noyes.

P. S. I hope you will do nothing to defeat the advice.

J. N.

The council determined, that this letter was unseasona-
ble, and proceeded to the installation. They advised
however, that the aggrieved church, though Mr. Noye^
had for so many years refused to comply with their request
for a mutual council, and had treated the advice of the
honorable assembly no better, yet that they should always
stand ready to join Mr. Noyes and his church in calling a
mutual council.

Soon after the installation of Mr. Bird, Mr. Noyes'
church appointed a committee to prosecute the affair of a
mutual council ; and in consequence of it, a committee was
appointed by Mr. Bird's people. The committees met
and agreed on the men for a council, but they could not
agree on the articles which should be laid before them.
So nothing further was ever acted in the affair.

Mr. Bird was a popular man, made a manly appear-
ance, spoke well, and had a very great talent, especially in
speaking at the grave, on funeral occasions. The society
had peace and flourished under his administration. In the
session of the assembly, at New-Haven, October, 1759,
it was made a distinct ecclesiastical society, by the name
of White-IIaven, seventeen years from the separation from
Mr. Noves, and eight from the installation of Mr. Bird.

CttAP. XV. CONNECTICUT.

CHAPTER XV.

French 7var in 1755. Reasons of it. Colonel Washington's
expedition. Convention at Albany. Expeditions against
J^ova-Scotia, fort du Quesne, Crown Point and JSfiagara.
Exertions of the J^or them colonies, especially of Connec-
ticut. Success in Nova-Scotia. Defeat of general Brad-
dock. General Johnson defeats Baron Dieskau and takes
him prisoner.

SUCH was the restless spirit, intrigue and deceit of the
French court and nation, that the colonies had but
short intervals of peace, while their great enemy had any
settlements in this country. Even in these intervals, how
fair soever they spake, they were constantly encroaching
on their territories, giving new occasions, and making
preparations for war. Though the whole country of Aca-
dia, or Nova-Scotia, had been expressly ceded to Great- French
Britain, by the twelfth article of the treaty of Utrecht, and encroach-
that cession had been confirmed by all subsequent treaties,
yet the French renewed their claim to a considerable part
of that country, and in several places were erecting fortifi-
cations and placing garrisons. While the colonists were
vigorously pursuing the arts of peace, and exerting them-
selves, by industry, economy and the extension of their
settlements, to recover themselves from the losses and im-
poverishment which they had sustained in the former wai:,
the French were encroaching no less on their northern and
western, than on their eastern frontiers. They were at-
tempting to compass them with a line of posts and fortifica-
tions, in such a manner, as would enable them, with their
Indian allies, to harass and alarm the country, on their
frontiers, for an extent of a thousand miles oi' more. At
the same time, it would establish an easy and constant
communication between their settlements in Canada, and
OB the Mississippi, and command the trade of nil the wes-
tern Indians. At the northward, they had encroached far j-f^jj
on the English, by their settlements and fortifications at
Crown Point, and they were advancing to Ticonderoga.
At the westward, they were not only attempting to com-
plete a line of forts from the head of the St. Lawrence to
the Mississippi, but were encroaching far on Virginia.

AVhile under the auspices of peace, agriculture and com- Reasons of
merce flourished in the colonies, the Indian trade drew ^^^ ^'''^'^•.
many of the wandering traders, from Virginia, far into the

552 HISTOiiY OF Chap. XV ::

Book II. inland country beyond die great mountains. IJerc they
'a""'^^'^^^ found themselves in a very pleasing climate, fruitful, and
1751. watered with many navigable rivers. It was conceived
that these advantages, in conjunction with the Indian trade,
would amply compensate for its distance from the sea. A
settlenient was therefore immediately contemplated on the
Ohio. A number of noblemen, merchants and planters, of
Westminster, London and Virginia, named the Ohio com-
])any, obtained a charter grant of six hundred thousand
acres, on and near the Ohio river. In pursuance of the
terms of their patent, the lands were surveyed, about two
years after the grant, and settlements were soon made.

The governor of Canada had early intelligence of the
transactions of the company, and was alarmed with the ap-
prehension, that they were prosecuting a plan, which
would eftbctually deprive the French of the advantages
which they derived from their trade with the Twightwees,
and, what was much worse, would cutoff the communica-
» tion between Canada and Louisiana. The French claim-

ed all the country from the Mississippi, as far in upon Vir-
ginia, as the Alleghany mountains. This claim was found-
ed on the pretence, that they were the first discoverers of
the river. To secure their claims and preserve the commu-
nication between their two colonies, Canada and Louisia-
iiia, they had not only erected a fort on the south side of
lake Erie, but one about fifteen miles south of that, on a
branch of the Ohio ; and another at the codAux of the Ohio
and the Wabash. Nothing could be more directly calcu-
lated to dash the favorite plan of France than the setdement
of the Ohio company.

The governor of Canada therefore wrote to the govern-
ors of New- York and Pennsylvania, complaining, that
tfie English traders had encroached on the French, by
trading with the Indians, and threatening, if they should
not desist, that he would seize them wherever they should
be found.

The Indian trade had been managed principally by the
Pennsylvanians ; but the Ohio company were now about
to divert it to a different channel. They contemplated
the opening of a road to Will's creek, and the conducting
of it, by the Potomac, directly to Virginia. The Penn-
sylvanians, under the influence of selfishness, gave infor-
mation, from time to time, both to the French and Indians.
of the transactions and designs of the Ohio company. The
governor of Canada, therefore, put his menaces into exe-
cution. The French and Indians seized the British trad-
ers among the Twightwees, and carried them to their fort

Chap. XVi CONNECTICUT. 353

on the south side of lake Erie. The Twightwees resent- Book II.
ing the injury done to the British traders, who were their v-i^-v^s^
allies, made reprisals on the French, and sent several of 1734.
their traders to Pennsylvania. The French nevertheless
continued their claims, and strengthened their fortifica-
tions.

The Indians, at the same time, jealous that settlements
were about to l,»e made on their lands without purchase,
and without their consent, threatened the settlers. These
claims and threatenings of the French and Indians, struck
at the very existence of the Ohio company. Complaints
therefore v/ere made to lieutenant governor Dinwiddle, of
Virginia, and the province began to interest itself warmly
in the affair. The Indians were in some measure satisfied,
by a pretended message from the king. Major Washing-
ton was dispatched to M. St. Pierre, commandant on the
Ohio, to demand the reasons of his hostile conduct, and at
the same time to insist on the withdrawal of his troops. A
party of Virginians were also sent forward to erect a fort
Ut the confluence of the Ohhi and Monongahela.

The French commander denied the charge of hostility,
and, so far from withdrawing his troops, he made an abso-
lute claim of the country, as the property of the French
king, and declared that, agreeable to his instructions, he
would seize and send prisoner to Canada, every English-
man who should attempt to trade on the Ohio, or any of
its branches.

Before the Virginians had completed their designed for-
tifications on the Ohio, the French came upon them, from-,, y.
Vinango, in great force. They had an army of a thous- <,j-nians
and men, and eighteen pieces of cannon, and drove them driven
from the country. They then erected a regular fort on ^°™ ^^^
the very ground where the Virginians had begun their
fortifications. They gave it the name of Fort du Quesne.
In these ravages, the French destroyed all the English tra- ^^^^^^
ders but two, and plundered them of skins and other prop- ^iwed and
erty to the amount of twenty thousand pounds.* This for- plunder-
tress very much commanded the entrance of the whole ^^•
country on the Ohio and the Mississippi. These measures
gave a general alarm to the colonies^ and also to Great-
Britain.

It was easily foreseen, that if the French should unite
Canada with their settlements at the mouth of the Mississip-
pi, by possession of that vast country which lies between
them, that the colonies would not only sustain the loss of a
great part of their country, and all share in the Indian
•' Ric]pr''s Hist, vol. xl, p, 71.

V 2

35^4" HISTORY OF C9A-P. XV.

BooK-IF. imde ; but that, in time of war, their frontiers must, to a
>4^-N/-^^ very great extent, be exposed to continual alarm and dan-
1.754. ger. The defence of such a frontier, of more than a thous-
and miles, would be in a great degree impracticable, as
well as ruinously expensive. On the contrary, could the
designs of France on Nova-Scotia and the Ohio be defeat-
ed, it would entirely dii^unite their colonies, and as the en-
trance into the one is, in the winter season, shut up by
frost; and the entrance into the other is difficult, it would
make them of much less value. It was also foreseen that
the fortune of these colonies would immediately and very
greatly atTcct the West-Indies. As both nations had a clear
comprehension of the&e jioints, they were equally deter-
mined to maintain tlieir respective claims.

The British ministry were no sooner apprised of these
claims and outrages of the French, than they instructed the
Virginians, by force of arms, to resist their encroachments. ■
Orders were given also that several independent compa-
uics, in America, should assist the Virginians. Major
folopf I Washington was advanced to the rank of colonel, and ap-
\ a?hm^- pointed to command the troops, from Virginia, destined to
pediiion. remove the encroachments of the French on the Ohio. On
the fir?t notice, captain James Mackay marched with his
independent company, from South-Carolina, to the assist-
ance of the Virginians. Two companies were ordered
from New-York on the same service. Colonel Washing-
ton, without waiting for the companies from New-York,
determined to advance with the Virginians and Mackay's
May 2i^ company, consisting of about four hundred men. InMay^
defeats he fell in with a party from fort du Quesne, under the
Jaraon- command of one Jamonville, whom he totally defeatedo.
^' ^' DeViilier, who commanded at fort du Quesne, incensed

at this defeat, marched against him with a body of nine
hundred men, besides Indians. The colonel had thrown
up some imperfect works, which were, with propriety,
termed fort Necessity ; hoping to defend himself in his post,
I? after- ^^jjj ^^ should be reinforced by the companies expected from
ovuitJow- New-York. In these works he made so brave and obsti-
ered and nate a defence, that De Villier, finding he had desperate
capitu- jj^gjj ^Q combat, offered him an honorable capitulation.
This he accepted, and retreated with his party to Virginia.
Recorn- The same year, instructions had been sent from the Lords

mcndation of trade and plantations, recommending a meeting of com-
JLo^s of niissioners from the several colonies, to concert a plan of
trade and Union and defence against the common enemy : and in his
planta- majesty's name to effect a league of friendship between the
^^^' colonies and the Indians, bordering upon them. The colo-

Ckap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 36&

iiies, generally, manifested a cheerful compliance "with the Book IL
recommendation. But as, in former wars, some colonics \..,f'-\^^**^
had done much, and others scarcely any thing, to the great 1 754,.
injury of the common cause, it was now earnestly wished,
■ihdct each colony might be obliged to do its equal propor-
tion. It was also desired, that the five nations of Indians,
who had been under particular governors or provinces,
and had, too often, been influenced to measures subservi-
ent to individuals, or to pariicular colonies, rather than to
such as were beneficial to -the general interest, might be
under some general direction, and contiibute to the safety
and welfare of -the colonies collectively.

The General Court of Massachusetts presented their
desires to governor Shirley, that he would "pray his ma- April 10,
jesty, that the affairs relative to the six nations, and their
allies, might be put under such general direction, as his
majesty should judge proper : that the several govern-
ments may be obliged to bear their proportion of defend-
ing his majesty's territories against the encroachments af
•the French, and the ravages and incursions of the Indians."

Agreeably to the recommendation of the lords of trade
and plantations, a convention, in the summer, of the gov-
ernors and principal gentlemen of the several colonies,
met at Albany. The commissioners from Connecticut,
were the honourable William Pitkin, Roger Wolcott, and
Elisha Williams, Esq'rs. it was the ^unanimous opinion,
that an union of the colonies was absolutely necessary for
the common defence. The convention proposed this
plan : — " That a grand council should be formed, of mem- Plan of un-
bers chosen by the assemblies, and sent from all the colo- "o" ^'^^.T
nies ; which council, with a governor general, to be ap- conven-
pointed by the crown, should be empowered to make gen- tion, June
eral laws, to raise money, in all the colonies, for the de- l^th.
fence of the whole."* It was the general opi-Rion, that,
could such an establishment be effected, the colonies
would be competent to their own defence, against the com-
bined force of the French and Indians. Some of the colo-
nies, in former wars, had defended themselves against
them, unassisted by Great-Britain, or their sister colonies.
Their united force, therefore, they judged would certainly
be sufficient.

The commissioners from Connecticut were wholly op- Opposedl
posed to the plan. They imagined that it was dangerous by the
to the liberties of the colonies, and that such a government si°™'5^f "
would not act with that dispatch and energy which might from Coi*-
be reasonably expected by his majesty. It was also ima- nectkxit,
* See the articles of agreement, in the Appendix, No. I.

3bQ HISTORY OF Chap. XV.

Book II. gined, that it might bring a heavier debt on the colo-

1754. When tlie commissioners reported the plan to the Gene-
Rojected ral Assembly in October, at New-Haven, it was opposed,
by the as- ^^f\ totally rejected, by the legislature. They resolved,
Oct. I'oth. " That it is the opinion of this assembly, and it is hereby
Reasons of declared to be the opinion thereof, that the limits of the
its rejec- proposed plan of union, are of too large extent to be, in any
*°"' good manner, administered, considered, conducted, and

defended, by a president general and council ; and that
a defensive war, managed by such a government, having
so large a frontier, will prove ruinous to it. That the
same, in course of time, may be dangerous and hui'tful to
his majesty's interest, and tend to subvert the liberties
and privileges, and to discourage the industry of his ma-
jesty's good subjects, inhabiting these colonies: and, there-
fore, that no application be made, in behalf of this colony,
to the parliament of Great-Britain, for an act to form any
such government, on the said proposed plan, as is tlicreiii
expressed 5 and that reasons be offered against any such
motion."
Measures " Rcsolved by this assembly. That his honour the gov-
adopted to ernor be desired, and he is hereby desired, to send the
I""fy^°*' '*^ agent of this colony at the court of Gfeat-Britain, the reso-
fect. * lution of this assembly concerning the plan of union pro-
posed by the several colonies, who met at Albany, on the
?4th of June last, to concert proper measures for the gene-
ral defence and satety of his majesty's subjects in said gov-
ernments ; and that he, likewise, send said agent the rea-
sons considered and offered by this assembly, concerning
the said plan of proposed union of the colonies of Massa-
chusetts Bay, New-Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode-Island,
New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Vir-
ginia, North-Carolina, and South-Carolina, for their mu-
tual defence, &;c. And, also, to send the representation of
the state of the colonies of North-America, in relation to
the French ; to be used and improved by the said agent,
upon any consideration that may be had on said plan : And
that the agent aforesaid, be directed, that, in case any of
the other colonies aforesaid, shall make humble application
for an act of the parliament of Great-Britain, by virtue of
which one general government may be formed in America,
including the said colonies, to be administered, in manner
and form, as is proposed in said plan, he move the parlia-
ment to be heard by learned council thereon, in behalf of
this colony : And that the reasons aforementioned, with any
yther arguments that may appear just and reasonable ia

Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 351

the case, be insisted on, and in ihe most advantageous Book II.
manner urged, to prevent any such act being made or ^.^-v-^s^
passed in the parliament of Great-Britain."* 1754?

The assembly further resolved, That the governor should
watch all the steps v/hich the other governments should
lake, relative to the said plan : That he should prepare
whatever might be necessary for its prevention : That he
should urge any further reasons against it, which his own
mind might suggest : That he would suggest alterations in
various parts ; particularly, that the government should be
lessened, and divided into two districts : that the propor-
tions allotted to each colony were unjust : and that he
would show in what respects the liberties of the people
would be infringed : that he would prepare the evidence of
ihe facts, and send them to the agent, with whatever else
might be necessary on the subject.

The colony was greatly alarmed by this general plan of
government, and spared no pains to ward off the evils
which they feared ; but their exertions were unnecessary,
and their fears soon subsided. The plan was as far fron:
meeting the approbation of the British ministry, as that of
die legislature and people of Connecticut, though for rea-
sons very dissimilar. They were toq cautious to trust
such powers with the Americans.

They had formed a very different plan. It was, that
the governors of the colonies, with one or more of their
councils, should form a convention, to concert measures for
the general defence, erect forts, and raise such numbers of
men as they should judge necessary ; and that they shouh]
draw on the British treasury, for such sums as should bo
requisite to reimburse their expenses. The colonies, at
the same time, were to be taxed by parliament, to pay the
whole. This v/as a subtile contrivance, to provide for fh"
vourites, sap the liberties, and engross the wealth of the
colonies, and fix them down in perpetual poverty and
slavery. But the colonies too well knew the imprudence
and rapacity of kingly governors ; their embezzlement oi
public monies ; their ignorance of the true state of the
country ; and their want of affection for the people ; and
how many of them came to America to make their for-
tunes ; tamely to commit their liberty, property, and safe-
ty to their management. They were as far from resigning
their property into the hands of the parliament, as the par-
liament were from trusting too much power in the hands oi
the Americans. In the colonies, the plan received no
countenance, but met their universal disapprobation.
* ilcc9r4* of the colopf, October s^si'wn, 1754,

S58 HISTORV^ OF Chap. XV. i

■Book II. On the reception of the news of colonel Washington's
s-»'"v^>*i^ defeat, the British court remonstrated against the conduct
i 755. of the French in America ; but, receiving nothing but eva-
sive answers and professions of peace from the court of
France, gave orders for a vigorous preparation for war.
The colonies were directed to arm and act with united ex-
ertions against the enemy. Four expeditions were plan-
ned : one against the Ohio, under the command of general
Braddock; a second against Nova-Scotia; a third against
Crown Point, and a fourth against Niagara.
^ , The expedition against the French on the Ohio was

Braddock j'Jc^gcd the most immediately urgent. General Braddock
«?inbarks therefore embarked at Cork, about the middle of January,
for Ameri- ^yji^j^ fifteen hundred regulars, for Virginia. After a pas-
1755. ^^K^ of about six weeks, he arrived at the place of his des-
tination.

The French, Avhilc they spoke nothing but peace, made
vigorous preparations for the support of their claims in
America. Early in the spring they had a powerful arma-
ment ready for Canada. It consisted of twenty ships of
the line, besides frigates and transports. On board were
four thousand regular troops, with great quaiuities of mili-
tary stores. The troops were under the command of Bar-
on Dieskau.

Admirals Boscawen and Holburn, with seventeen ships
of the line, and seven frigates, with six thousand land forc-
es, were dispatched to watch the motions of the enemy,
A.dmiral Boscawen sailed directly for Newfoundland. Soon
after his arrival, the French fleet, under the command of
M. Bors de la ftlothe, came also nearly to the same sta-
tion. But the thick fogs which prevail on the coast, espe-
cially in the spring, prevented the fleets from discovering
i-acli other. One part of the French fleet escaped «p the
river St. Lawrence, while the other part went round and
got into the river by the straights of Bellisle. But while
the English scjuadron lay off Cape Race, the southernmost
part of Newfoundland, two French ships, the Alcide, of
sixty-four guns, with four hundred and eighty men, and tlie
Lys, pierced for sixty-four guns, but mounting twenty-two
only, having on board eight companies of land forces, fell
in with the Dunkirk, captain Howe, and the Defiance,
captain Andrews, and after a smart engagement, which
lasted some hours, were taken. On board were found a
considerable number of oflicers, engineers, and about
eight thousand pounds in money. The other French ships
and troops arrived safe in Canada, and were the principal
means of the misfortunes which for some tipae attended ih'.
English colonies.

Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. ^m

In the spring, the colonies, especially the northern, ^Vere Book IL
all actively engaged in making preparations for the several ^-^-n^-***/-
expeditions to be carried into execution. Special assem- 1 747.
blies were called, and messengers sent from one colony to General
another, to learn each others measures, and to form some ^*^'^™!^J^»'

IIP ■ T r 1 Jan. oul»

general plan 01 operation. In consequence 01 letters re- 1755^
ceivcd from Sir Thomas Robinson, one of his majesty's
principal secretaries, the general assembly of Connecticut
was convoked on the 8th of January. The letters express-
ed his majesty's pleasure, that a considerable number of
troops should be raised by the colonies for the defence of
his majesty's dominions in America ; and that his majesty
would dispatch several regiments from England to co-ope-
rate with the colonies for their defence, and the removing,
of the encroachments which had been made upon them.
Connecticut was called upon in particular to exert herself in
the common cause.

The assembly acknowledged in the most grateful man-
ner their sense of his majesty's regard for the security and
welfare of his subjects in these parts of his dominions.
They also manifested their cheerful compliance with his
majesty's requisitions in all the particulars in which they
had been made known unto them. The gavernor was au-
thorised to comply with every act and thing which had been
signified, at the expense of the government. To meet the
extraordinary expense which might arise, it was enacted
that seven thousand five hundred pounds lawful money
should be forthwith emitted. The bills were emitted at
five per cent interest, to be called in on the 8th of May,
1758. As a proper fund for sinking said bills, a tax of
two pence on the pound, lawful money, was levied on the
polls and rateable estate of the colony, as exhibited in the
list which should be brought in to the assembly in 1756:
to be collected and paid into the treasury by the last day
of August, 1757 ; and it was appropriated to the sole pur-
pose of sinking the bills.

In consequence of proposals from governor Shirley, and
the general court of Jl^assachusetts, another special assem-
bly was called, in March. The proposal was to raise an
army of five thousand provincials, including governor Shir-
ley's regiment of one thousand, in the following propor-
tions : Massachusetts 1200, New-IIampshire 600, Rhode-
Island 400, and Connecticut 1000 men. The original plan
was, that this army should act against the French at Crown
Point, to erect another fort in its vicinity, and to prevent
farther encroachments in that quarter, and. as far as might
be, to remove such as had been made.

3^0^ HI^TdRY OF Chap. XV^

Book II. 'fhe assembly considered the propottion of men assign-
v.^'v^'W ed (hem, to be far too great; yet to show their zeal for his
1755. majesty's service and their regard for the public interest,
Special as- they voted to raise a thousand men, as had been proposed,
^'"'^^'h'n They considered the extensive frontiers which Massachu-
1755! ' setts had to defend, and that the province of New- York-
might be attacked in different places, and the vastimpor-
Resolu- tance of defending the country in the present juncture ;
J^il^ r!^„ and determined there should be no failure on their account.

raising cin --,, ri i"i i/* ••

army. The governor was lurther authorised, on the first intima-
tion from the comAianders in chief that the army needed
a reinforcement, to send forward 500 men more, with the
utmost dispatch. The assembly also directed the govern-
or to write to the other colonies, to make the same provis-
ion for reinforcing the army, should it be necessary, and
that it should be in proportion to the numbers they were
respectively to furnish.

To meet the exigences of the war, the assembly order-
ed that all the outstanding bills in the possession of any
person should be brought in, to a committee appointed for
the purpose of receiving them, and that orders should be
given the persons who brought in said bills, on the treasur-
er of the colony, to the amount of the value of said bills,
made payable at certain times fixed by the assembly, with
the lawful interest until the times of payment. Ample
funds were provided by taxes to make payment of the notes
for the money called in. and for the reimbursement of the
expenses of the war. Twelve thousand and five hundred
pounds lawful money was emitted in bills, with interest at
live per cent.

At this assembly, all the officers of the army were ap-
pointed, their wages and those of the common soldiers were
fixed, and all proper measures adopted to forward the ex-
pedition. William Johnson, of New- York, v/as appointed
general of the northern army, and colonel Phinehas Ly-
man, oneof the magistrates of Connecticut, was appoint-
ed major-general. The firnt Connecticut regiment was
commanded by general Lyman. His lieutenant-colonel
was John Pitkin. The second regiment was commanded
by Elizur Goodrich, Esq. Nathan Whiting was lieuten-
ant-colonel.
IvPEolveof At the session in May, upon the petition of Phinehas
the assem^ Lyman, Roger Wolcott, Jun. Samuel Gray, and Abra-
tiveto^he ^^^^'^ Davetiport, Esq'rs. and others, their associates, to
Suiiqiie- the number of about eight hundred and fifty, known by the
hanaa name of the Susquehannah company, by their agents, Geo.
comruny. Wyllys, Daniel Edwards, Samuel Talcott, Thomas Sey-

Chap. XV; CONNECTICUT. 361

mour, and Eliphalet Dyar, representing that the colony, Book II.
according to the express limits of its royal charter, is in s-<*-v^*fc^
extent from the Narraganset Bay on the east, to the south 1755,
sea on the west, and from the sea shore on the south, to
the line of the Massachusetts province on the north ; that
Avithin and towards the western part of its limits, are and
time immemorial have been, large numbers of the Indian
nations, commonly called the six nations, dwelling, im-
provijig and claiming a large extent thereof: That a cer-
tain large parcel of such their claim, situate and lying on
the waters of the Susquehannah, about seventy miles north
and south, and from about ten miles east of said river, ex-
tending westward two degrees of longitude, they the said
Indian nations, not finding necessary for their own use,
have, for very valuable considerations, been induced to re-
linquish, and to sell to the petitioners : and that some well
ordered plantation, in so near a neighborhood to the said na-
tions, might most likely be a means to cement and fix them
in friendship with his majesty's subjects : and that they
the said Indian nations are desirous such settlement mighc
be promoted and carried on, as being conducive to their
interest and safety ; and therefore praying the consent of
this assembly, that his majesty, if it should be his royal
pleasure, would grant said land to the petitioners and their
associates, thereon to erect and settle a colony, for the ef-
fectually securing said Indians in his majesty's interest,
and the defence of his majesty's dominions in North Ameri-
ca, with liberty of further purchases of said Indians, to
said purpose, as occasion may be :

Resolved by this assembly, that they are of opinion that
the peaceably and orderly erecting and carrying on of
some new and well regulated colony, or plantation, on the
lands above mentioned, would greatly tend to fix and se-
cure the said Indian nations in allegiance to his majesty,
and friendship with his subjects ; and do accordingly
hereby manifest their ready acquiescence therein, if it
should be his majesty's royal pleasure to grant said land to
said petitioners, and thereon erect and settle a new colo-
ny, in such form and under such regulations as might be
consistent with his royal wisdom ; and also take leave
humbly to recommend the petitioners to his royal favor in
the premises.

The expedition against Nova-Scotia, was under the
command of colonel Monckton. He was the first in the
field. The province of Massachusetts, early in the spring,
sent on a considerable number of men to Nova-Scotia ;
and about the last of May, the colonel proceeded up the

V2

m^ HISTORY or Chap, tt^

BookH. bayof Funcly with a good body of troop?!, covered by
'^^"^r^*^ three frigates and a sloop of war, under the command of
1755. captain Rouse, with a design to dislodge the enemy from
that quarter. On his arrival at Malagash, he found the
passage up the river defended by a large number of French
troops, Acadians and Indians. Four hundred were placed
in a log house, with cannon mounted. The rest of the
troops were defended by a strong breast-work of timbers
thrown up around the block-house. But, the English at-
tacked them with such order and gallantry that, after an
action of about an hour, the enemy abandoned their work-,
and the passage up the river was opened. The army ad-
vanced, and on the twelfth of June, invested the French
fort called Beausejour. This, after a bombardment of
four days, was taken. The French had twenty-six pieces
of cannon mounted, and ample supplies of ammunition.
The garrison were sent to Louisburg, on condition of not
bearing arms in America, for the t^erm of six months. As
soon as the fort was provided with a proper garrison, the
colonel marched further into the country, and reduced
another French fort on the river Gaspereau, which runs
into the bay of Verte. This was the principal magazine
for supplying the French, Indians and Acadians with arms,
ammunition, and aU other necessaries for war» Here,,
therefore, were large quantities of provisions and stores oif
all kinds, for the victorious anny. The colonel then pro-
ceeded to disarm the Acadians, to the number of about fif.
teen thousand men. They were pretty generally remov-
ed froiii that part of the country. Great numbers of them
were brought into New-Englan-1.

Meanwdiile, captain Rouse, and the ships under his com-
mand, sailed to St. John's river, to dislodge the enemy
from that post. At the mouth of the river, they were erect-
ing a new fort. But oa his approach they burst their can-
non, blew up their magazine, and as far as time would per-
DHt, destroyed their works, and then abandoned the post
to the English. Thus, by this successful expedition, Great
Britain became possessed of the whole country of Nova -
Scotia, and its tranquillity was restored, and put on a firm.
. establishment.

The two expeditions against Crown Point and Niagara,
were forwarded with great exertion and dispatch, by the
lolonies of New-England and New- York. The troops foi*^
each of these enterprises, were ordered to rendezvous a?
Albany. Most of them arrived at the place of their desti-
nation before the end of June. Generals Johnson and Ly-
man found themvSelves at the head of an army of betweet/

^HAP, XV. CONNECTICUT. MS

five and six thousand men. Besides, they were joined by Book IT.
Hendrick, sachem of the Mohawks, with a considerable v^-v^sn^
body of Indians. Major-general Lyman soon marched 175,5.
with the main body of the army, along Hudson's river, as The north-
far as the carrying place, about fourteen miles south of the ^""^ ^™y
south end of lake George. General Johnson tarried at S"h^son
Albany, to forward the artillery, batteaux, and other ne-andLy-
-cessaries for the enterprise. At the carrying place, where ™^"5 ^^^'
ihe artillery, provisions, stores and batteaux were to be ^^"^^ |?^
landed, it was judged necessary to erect a fort, and to cast lake.
up entrenchments to secure them, in order to keep up their
communicatioQ when they should advance, and provide
for a re-treat whenever it should be necessary. The ac-
complishment of these works, with the transportation of
the cannon, provisions, stores and batteaux, employed the
army five or six weeks, before ihey could be in readiness
to advance to the lake.

While the New-Englasders were humbling the French
in Nova-Scotia, and advancing towards Crown Point, gen- q ,
^ral Braddock had been slowly making preparations for Brad-
ihe expedition against the French on tjie Ohio. Though dock^s ex-
ihis, with the ministry, was the favorite expedition, andP*^'^^°°' '
though the general arrived soon enough to have begun his
operations early in the spring, yet it was the tenth of June
before he commenced his march from fort Cumberland,
which the Virginians had built at Will's Creek. This, it
has been said, was owing to the dilatoriness of the Virgin-
ians, whom he had employed as contractors for his army.
They were nearly three months in procuring provisions,
horses, and a sufficient number of waggons, for the convey-
ance of his baggage. Some waggons were procured from
Pennsylvania, and yet but about half the number for
which he had contracted were procured for his service.
He began his march with about two thousand two hundred
men. When he had advanced as far as the great mead-
ows, he received the intelligence that the French, at fort
Du Quesne, were in expectation of a reinforcement of five
hundred men. This induced him to quicken his march ;
and that he might proceed with greater expedition, he left
-colonel Dunbar, with eight hundred men, to bring up the
provisions and heavy baggage ; while he pressed forward
with such provisions and necessaries as were barely suffi-
cient for him, until colonel Dunbar should bring up the
rear.

Before the general's departure from England, much pains Precau-
had been taken to make him cautious, and to prepare him [^'j*^^ ^^^^^
for his command. Colonel Napier furnished him with aq,

364

HISTORY OF Chap. XV,

Book II. excellent set of instructions, ^vhick he had received from
\-i^-v->^ the duke of Cumberland. Indeed, the duke in person fre-
1755. quently admonished him to be particularly watchful against
an arnbush or surprise. When he was on his march, col-
onel Washington intreated him, with earnestness, to sufter
him to precede the army and scour the woods with his ran-
"•ers ; but the general treated this generous and necessary
proposal with contempt. He rashly pressed on, through
thickets and dangerous defiles, without reconnoitcring the
woods, or obtaining any proper knowledge of the country
through which he was to pass. By the eighth of July, he
had advanced nearly sixty miles forward of colonel Dun-
bar, and within twelve or fourteen miles of fort Du Quesne.
In this situation, his officers, especially Sir Peter Halket,
earnestly intreated him to proceed with caution, and to
employ the friendly Indians in his army, as an advanced
guard, against ambuscades and surprise. But he was too
haughty and self-sufficient, to derive any benefit even from
the experience or wisdom of the greatest characters.

The next day, without any knowledge of the enemy, or
any of the precautions to which he had been so repeatedly
advised, he pressed on until about twelve o'clock, when,
all on a sudden, he was saluted with a heavy and deadly
fire in front, and on the whole of his left flank. The cne-
Defeated ^Y artfully concealed themselves, and reserved their fire,
July 9th. until the whole army had time to enter the defile. Though
the yell and fire of the enemy w^ere tremendous, yet there
was scarcely one of them to be seen. The suddenness of
the attack, the horrible scream of the Indians, and the
slaughter made by the first fire of the enemy, threw the
advanced guard into the utmost panic, so that they, rush-
ing back upon the main body, threw the whole of the reg-
ular troops into irretrievable confusion. The general ex-
hibited the greatest intrepidity and imprudence. Instead
of retreating from the defile, and scouring the thickets with
his cannon, or ordering the Virginians to drive the enemy
from his flanks, he remained on the spot, giving orders for
the few gallant oflicers and men who remained with him, to
form regularly and advance to the charge of their invisible
enemy. But, as the enemy kept up an incessant and de-
structive fire, his officers and men fell thick about him.
Five horses were soon killed under him ; but his obstina-
cy seemed to increase with his danger : until, at length, he
received a musket ball through his right arm and lungs»
As he fell, those who remained, fled in great confusion.
The general was carried from the field, by the bravery of
ijeut, colonel Gage and another of his faithful officers.

Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 365

The artillery, ammunition, baggage, and the general's Book II.
cabinet, with all his letters and instructions, fell into the v^-v'^s-'
hands of the enemy. The latter of these were sent to 1755.
Prance, and the French court availed itself of them in their
memorials and declarations. The general died of hi? ^'^^ -^"'^
wounds four days after his defeat. Thus the loss of his
own life, and the ruin of a fine army, were but the natural
consequences of his unparalleled self-sufficiency, impru-
dence and obstinacy. The enemy consisted of about four
or five hundred men only, and these were chiefly Indians.
The whole were not a match even for the Virginians, had
they been allowed to fight in their own way.

One of the piost remarkable circumstances of this unfor-
tunate expedition remains yet to be told. The' Virginia
militia, who had been despised by the general, and kept
in the rear, though equally exposed with the regular troops,
amidst all the dismay and confusion, stood firm and unbro-
ken. They alone advanced against the enemy ; and, un-
der colonel Washington, covering the retreat, seem to have
saved the regulars from total destruction.

The loss of officers and men was very great. Sir Peter Loss of
Halket was killed at the head of his regiment, by the first men. ,
fire. The general's secretary, son of governor Shirley,
fell soon after. The loss of officers much exceeded the com-
mon proportion. The whole loss was not less than seven
or eight hundred men.*

The flight of the army was so precipitate and extraor- Exiraordi-
dinary, that it never stopped until they met the rear divi- nary panic
sion. This, on their junction, was instantly seized with ^^^ ^^-
ihe same general panic which aflfected the main body ; and ^^^ '
though no enemy had been discovered in pursuit of them,
yet the army continued retreating, without making any
stand, or considerable halt, till it reached fort Cumberland,
which was little less than a hundred and twenty miles from
the place of action. Had the troops, even at this distance,
so recovered their spirits as to have made a stand, they
might, in some measure, have guarded the frontiers, and
prevented those devastations, murders, and barbarities,
which the French and Indians, during the rest of the sum-
mer, perpetrated on the western borders of Virginia and
Pennsylvania. But, instead of adopting this prudent and.
salutary measure, colonel Dunbar, who succeeded in com-
mand, leaving the sick and wounded at this post, under
the care of the Virginians, marched off, with fourteen hun-
dred men, to Philadelphia, t

* Rider says he lost half his army. Hist, of England, vol. xl. p. 110
t Rider, vol. xl. p. 111.

366

HISTORY OF

CsAP. XV*

Book II.

1755.

In August,
the north-
ern army
advanced
to the
IpJce.

Detach-
ment un-
der colonel
Williams.

T'olonel
killed.

The northern army, under general Johnson, having
brought on their artillery, batteaux, and provisions, to the
caiTying place at fort Edward, towards the last of August,
advanced fourteen miles to the south end of Lake George*
Here preparations were making, with all possible dispatch,
for crossing the lake, as soon as the cannon, batteaux, and
Stores could be brought on. In the mean time, the army
was encamped on a rising ground, covered, on its flanks,
with a thick wood and swamp, by the lake in the rear,
and having, in the front, a breast-work of trees. While
the army was encamped in this situation, the Indian scouts,
whom the general sent out daily to make discoveries,
brought him intelligence of a large body of the enemy ad-
vancing from Ticonderoga, by south bay, towards fort Ed-
w^ard. There was a garrison of five hundred men, of the
New- York and New-Hampshire troops, under the com-
mand of colonel Blanchard. Immediately on the recep-
tion of this intelligence, the general, comprehending the
design of the enemy, to destroy the provisions and stores
at fort Edward, and cut off the retreat of the army, sent
expresses, one after another, to the colonel, acquainting
him with his danger, and ordering him to call in all his
detached partie , and to keep his whole force within the
fort and entrenchments. About midnight, one of the ex-
presses returned, with an account that the enemy were ad-
vanced within four miles of fort Edward. A council of
officers was called ; and, agreeably to their opinion, early
in the morning, a party of a thousand men, with Hendrick,
the Mohawk sachem, and his Indians, were detached to
intercept the enemy. The party was commanded by colo-
nel Williams, of Massachusetts, and colonel Whiting, of
Connecticut. Baron Dieskau, who commanded the French,
marched from Ticonderoga, with a view to cut off the gar-
rison at fort Edward ; but when he had advanced within a
few miles of the fort, he received information, that it was
fortified with cannon, and that the camp, at the lake, had
neither lines nor cannon. This, with th'e universal desire
of his officers, determined him to attack the main camp.
As he was advancing within about three miles of it, his ad-
vanced parties discovered the corps under colonel Wil-
liams, and immediately laid in ambush to surprise him.
Notwithstanding the vigilance and keen sight of the In--
dians, the whole party were drawn into the snare. The
enemy instantly rose, and, from every quarter, poured in
upon them a tremendous fire. Colonel Williams, the In-
dian sachem, and many other officers and men, instantly
ic]\f Under the-3e disy.dvantages, and pressed with supc-

Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 367

rior numbers, it was with the utmost difficulty, that colonel Book II.
Whiting, who succeeded in the command, extricated his v-*''~v"v.^
men from this dangerous defile, and secured his retreat 1755.
into the camp. The enemy pressed so hard, that many Detach-
fled singly, and some whole companies soon followed their ™®,"*^'"^"
example. To prevent an entire overthrow, the whole ggpt. 6th.
were obliged to retreat with as much haste as possible.

At the same time, the firing was heard in the camp,
which was judged to be at three or four miles distance, and
it appeared to approach nearer and nearer. From this
circumstance, it was rightly conjectured, that the detach-
ment was repulsed, and retreating into camp. The alarm
being thus given, the utmost exertions were instantly made
to give the enemy a proper reception. A few cannon had
been brought on ; but 'they were at the south landing of
the lake, half a mile or more from the breast- work. Par-
ties were sent to bring forward such pieces as could be
moved with the greatest facility and dispatch. Fugitives
from the retreating detachment, soon came running into
the camp. These were Followed by company after com-
pany, in the utmost huny and disorder. The whole party
were soon in ; and the enemy following close upon them,
appeared in regular order, advancing towards the centre
of the camp. At about thirty rods distance, they made a Battle at
little halt, and commenced the attack with a brisk and ^^^\„^
heavy firing of platoons. The Canadians and Indians sepi.^etb,
covered the flank of the regular troops, and maintained a
brisk, but irregular fire. The dismay and disorder with
which the detachment retreated, the reports of the loss
sustained, and of the great number of the enemy, with the
bold countenance and regularity with which they made
the attack, for a few minutes, caused such a general panic,
that it required the utmost exertions of the generals and
officers to keep the men at the lines. But they had re-
ceived but a few fires before their spirits began to rise,
and they fought with great resolution. The lines became
one continual blaze and roar. Some pieces of artillery
began to play, and so intimidated the Canadians and In-
dians, that they were scattered, and retired behind trees
and bushes, at too great a distance to do execution. Baron
Diegkau, finding that he could make no impression on the
centre of the camp, moved first to the left, and then to the
right, attempting, by every exertion of military art and
prowess, to force a passage. Nevertheless, as he was not
supported by his irregulars, and as from every part of the
lines, which he attempted to penetrate, he received a heavy
and destructive fire, he was obliged to give over his at-

36^

HISTORY OF

Chap. XV.

Book IT.

1755.

B. Dies-
kau de-
feated and
taken.

M'Ginnes
defeats a
party of
Ihe
French.

Smal] cir-
cumstan-
ces occa-
sion the
victory.

tempts. The provincials, perceiving that the fire of the
enemy abated, and that they were in confusion, leaped
their breast- works, and attacked on all sides, with such re-
solution and firmness, as put them to an entire rout.

When the action commenced the number of the enemy
was about two thousand. Of these about seven hundred
were killed, and thirty made prisoners. Among the latter
was Baron Dieakau himself, who was found a litde distance
from the field, dangerously wounded, supporting himself by
the stump of a tree.

The loss of the provincials was about two hundred.
These were principally of the detachment under colonel
Williams. Of this there were killed, besides privates, col-
onel Williams, major Ashley, six captains and several sub-
alterns. Among the slain was the brave king Hendrick,
and about forty of his warriors. The only officer of dis-
tinction killed in the attack on the camp, was the gallant
colonel Tidcomb, who about ten years before had signaliz-
ed himself at the siege of Louisburg. General Johnson
and major Nichols were wounded.

The next day, captain M'Ginnes, marching from fort
Edward with a detachment of a hundred and twenty New-
Hampshire men, as a reinforcement to the camp, discover-
ed between three and four hundred of the remains of the
enemy sitting fry a pond not far from the place where col-
onel Williams had been defeated. Though his numbers
were so inferior to the enemy, yet he made such disposi-
tions, and attacked them with such impetuosity and good
conduct, that, after a sharp action, he put them to flight.
They fled with so much precipitation as to leave many of
their packs and other articles to the conquerors. The
brave captain however, unfortunately received a wOund, of
which he died a few days after his arrival in the camp.*

Several small circumstances, which seem to have been
merely providential, probably saved fort Edward and the
army, and occasioned the defeat of the enemy. The re-
port of a prisoner whom the French had taken, that the
camp was entirely defenceless, without lines or cannon, de-
termined the general to make the attack on the main army,
and probably saved fort Edward. Tiiat they made not the
attack a few days sooner, when the camp was, in fact, in
the situation which the prisoner reported ; and that the en-
emy began the attack at so great a distance, as rendered
their fire in a great measure ineffectual, until the provin-
cials had recovered their spirits and were prepared to
make a manly resistance, were very favorable circum^stan.-

" Rider^s Hist, vol, x!. p. 120,

C^HAP. XV; CONNECTICUT. S69

tes. Had the enemy resei'ved their fire and advanced di- Book II.
rectly to the lines without hesitation, it is not improbable \^'>r>*i^
that they might have obtained a complete victory with less 1755.
loss than they finally sustained. Had not the provincials
strengthened their camp with lines, and brought On their
cannon at that very juncture, or had any of these circum-
stances been otherwise than they were, the army might
have been lost. It is the glory of providence, by small
means and circumstances, to produce great events.

The action at the lake gave a general alarm to the coun-
try, and the generals called for reinforcements from the
several neighboring colonies. Connecticut immediately
raised and sent on two regimental, consisting of fourteen
hundred men, so that the colony had in actual service be-
tween two and three thousand men. Before the battle,
general Johnson had written to governor Fitch, desiring a
reinforcement. A special assembly was called on the Special
27th of August, and the legislature resolved to raise two Assemblj-j,
I'egiments to consist of seven hundred and fifty men each. **
The officers were appointed and the reinforcement was for-
warded with all possible dispatch.* In a little more than
one week from the alarm, the regiments were raised, equip-
ped and marched for service.

Though the army was, with great expedition, sufficiently of^erectm"'
reinforced, yet the necessity of strong fortifications and fortifica- "^
garrisons at the carrying place, and at the lake, in which ^ions.
provisions and stores might be safely lodged, and by
which the communication between the army and Albany
might be kept up, now appeared more strongly than it had
ever before done, on account of the danger in which the
army had so lately been involved. It was from Albany
only that they could be supplied with provisions, or be re-
inforced upon any emergency. It was by keeping open
this communication that the retreat of the army could be
secured. It was therefore judged unsafe to pass the lake
until a good fort was erected at the south landing of lake
George, and the works at fort Edward were strengthened,
and rendered more complete.

It was easily foreseen that by the time the necessary
preparations could be made, it would be too late to pro-
ceed to Crown Point the present campaign, and all thoughts
of it were thrown aside. But that every thing might be in
the best state of readiness as soon as the spring should open,
the army addressed itself with the utmost diligence to com-
plete the works designed. A fort was erected at lake
George, and the works at fort EdAvard were completed,

* Records of the colony.

W2

srd

rilSTOIlY OV Chap. X\

The army was employed in these services until the latler
part of November. The troops then decamped, and, ex-
cept those who kept garrison, returned to their respective
colonies.

Though the expedition had failed as to its main object-
yet it ha-d been conducted with great labor, spirit and pru-
dence. The colonists had advanced far through an al-
most trackless wilderness : they cut and made roads through,
heavy forests, fought one battle, and gained the victory
over regular troops. They had built a great number of
boats andbatteaux, erected two forts, furnished them with
cannon, stores and alt necessaries, at a great distance from
the old settlements. It *:ould hardly have been reasonable
to expect that they could have done more. They were
highly applauded by his majesty and the whole nation.
The general received from his majesty the honor of being:
f Jcneral (-leatcd a baronet, and from the- parliament a present of

Johnson i- ,i i i *;

promoted. "^^ thousand potmds.*

The expedition against Niagara was commanded by-
governor Shirky, and consisted of two thousand five hun-
dred men. But his preparations were so deficient and di-
latory, that nothing of any great importance was effected.
!t was nearly the middle of July before the first division
of his army marched^ from Albany. The governor did not
arrive at Oswego until fhe 18th of August, and it was the
last of the month before the artillery and rear division ar-
rived. The great distance between Albany and Oswego
rendered the transportation of provisions, ammunition and
stores an exceedingly difficuk task. On the news of gen-
eral Braddock's defeat, many of his boatmen dispersed and-
ran home. For this reason a sufficient quantity of provis-
ions could not be carried on for the ti-oops. Therefore,
though several good vessels and a great number of boats
had been built to convey the army across the lake to
Niagara, and thoug,h the general had brought on a fine
train of artillery, he could not proceed for want of provis-
ions. As late as the 26th of September, he had not suffi-
cient provisions to proceed with six hundred men only.
Besides, the rainy season was come on, and it was judged
impracticable. The rest of the season was spent in erect-
ing two new forts. The ground on which the old fort was
built, in 1727, was chosen, rather for the agreeableness of
its situation than for defence against a regular siege. One
fort was built on the east side of the river Onondaga, call-
ed fort Ontario. This was about four hundred and fifty
yards from the old fort, and was designed to command
*Rider'sHist.vol. xl. p. 121.

Chat. XV. CONNECTICUT. 371

chat and the entrance of the harbor. The other v/as four Book IL
hundred and fifty yards west of the old fort, called Oswe- v-^'-v-^i^
go. Colonel Mercer and seven hundred men were left at 1756.
Oswego, to garrison the forts ; and on the 24th of October
the rest of the army decamped and returned to Albany.

Thus ended the campaign of 1 755. Notwithstanding
i.he prodigious exertions of the colonies^ the French were
not dispossessed af a single fortress, nor of the least por-
tion of territory, either on their northern or western I'ron-
iiers. They and their Indian allies, not only ravaged the p^^vages m
western frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania during the Virginia
summer, but they continued plundering, burning and lay- ^^^ ^^.""^
ing them waste, murdering and captivating the inhabitants ^^J^^q^"
during the whole winter.*

It will doubtless appear very extraordinary, if not in a
measure unaccountable, that while New-England, New-
York, and New-Jersey, were raising such powerful ar-
mies, the wealthy and numerous colonies of Virginia,
Maryland and Pennsylvania, should suffer a small num-
ber of French and Indians thus to harass and lay waste
their frontiers. This was occasioned by a combination of
circumstances ; principally on account of their numerous
slaves, and the divisions and animosities between the colo-
nies themselves, and between their governors and the peo-
ple. The great number of siaves in those colonies dimin-
ished their strength, and rendered large draughts of men
from them dangerous. The colonies had different and
clashing interests. Pennsylvania was entirely opposed to
the Ohio company and Virginia, for reasons which have
been mentioned. Her inhabitants seem rather to have en-
couraged the French and Indians at first, and to have wish-
ed them success. Afterwards, when they began to feel
the effects of their inhumanity, a misunderstanding be-
tween them and governor Morris, the royal and proprieta-
ry governor, entirely frustrated their best concerted plans.
When the general assembly of the province saw the abso-
lute necessity of erecting fortifications and of maintaining
a standing military force, for the defence of their western
frontier, and passed a bill for raising the sum of fifty thou-
sand pounds for that purpose, he absolutely refysed giving
his assent to it, because, the estates of the proprietors were
taxed equally with the estates of the inhabitants. He in-
sisted that he had express orders from the proprietors to
oppose all taxes upon their lands. The assembly judged
it reasonable that the proprietaries should pay an equal
tax with themselves, as their estates were equally exposed
* Rider's History, toI, x!. p. 127,

372 HISTORY OF Chap. XVI.

Book II. and would be equally benefitted by the common defence,
'i=^~>^^>-/ and could not be prevailed upon to alter the form of the
1756, bill. Nothing could therefore be done.

Between the Virginians and governor Dinwiddic, there
were violent animosities, on account of his rapacity and
extravagant fees for grants of land. They carried the
matter so far as to prefer a complaint to his majesty against
him.

Maryland was less exposed than the other two colonies,
and was not zealous in carrying on the war. While the
other colonies would nof; unite in their own defence, it
could not be expected that she would undertake it sepa-
rately. Under the influence of these circumstances no
effectual defence was made, and the enemy ravaged Avith
impunity.

In the mean time, his majesty y/as so well pleased with
the Zealand services of New-England, and of some of the
neighboring colonies, that he recommended it by a message
to the house of commons, to take into consideration, the
faithful services of the people of New-England, and of
some other parts of North America, and grant them a
suitable reward, as an encouragement. In consequence
of his majesty's recommendation, the parliament voted
one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for those purposes.*

CHAPTER XVI.

Campaign in 1756. War proclaimed. British generals
appointed. Troops raised hy Connecticut. Plan of the
campaign in 1756. The British generals, Ahercombie
find lord Loudon, arrive in America. Tlie reception of
his lordship. Dilatory and unaccountable conduct of the
generals. Colonel Bradstreet is attacked by the enemy
and defeats them. Osroego invested and taken, hy gene-
ral Montcalm. Loss at that post. Comparison betwee/^
the campaigns in 1755, and 1756. The enemy continue
their ravages in the southern colonies.

M

LL the hostilities of the preceding years had been
carried on without any proclamation of war by Eng-
land or France. The latter, during the whole time, had
War ro- ^^^^ ^^^ xno?>\. pacific professions. But, notwithstanding,
•claimed. * Rid'sr's Hist. vol. xU p. 151, 152. '

Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 373

Great-Britain, on the eighteenth of May, proclaimed war Book II,
against I;rance. Early in June, the king of France, in v«^-v^s-/
his turn, proclaimed war against Great-Britain. 175G.

As governor Shirley had not answered his majesty's ex-
pectations the last year, and as he determined to make
his principal efforts in America, wherS the first hostilities
commenced, and where it was conceived the strongest
impressions could be made, general Abercrombie was ap-
pointed to succeed him. But, as it was judged that a gen-
eral command over all the operations in North America,
would subserve the general interest, the earl of Loudon
was appointed commander in chief of that department of
the war. Besides his general command, he was appoint-
ed governor of Virginia, and colonel of a royal American
regiment, to be raised in this country. He was viewed as
a nobleman of amiable character, and .had formerly dis-
tinguished himself in the service of the nation. He was
vested with great powers, little short of those of a viceroy.

Great expectations were now formed, of a vigorous and
successful campaign. The northern colonies exhibited a
noble zeal in his majesty's service, and had their respec-
tive quotas of troops early in the field. Connecticut, in
particular, raised two thousand five hundred men, which
■was double the number required by the commander in
chief, as the proportion of the colony in the service of that
year. This was done, that the service might not suffer,
as it was expected that some of the southern colonies,
would not send into the field the number of men allotted
to them.t About seven thousand provincials, well prepar-
ed, were seasonably in the field. But the conduct of the
general was dilatory, and spiritless in the extreme. Though
general Abercrombie took his departure for America in
March, he did not join the army until the latter part of
June. The earl of Loudon, who was to dh-ect the grand
plan of operations, never left England until the last of May.
By this time he ought to have been in America, and to have
opened the campaign. The plan of operation in America pj^n of (he
this year, had been concerted by a general council of war campaign,
at New- York. It was to attack Niarara and Crown Point.
To facilitate these operations, a body of troops was to be
detached up Kennebec river, to alarm the capital of Cana-
da. These enterprises were to have been effected by the
northern colonies, in conjunction with a body of regular
troops. At the same time, the southern colonies, assisted
by several regular regiments, were to besiege fort Du Ques-

t Reasons of the colony why the British colopies should not be taxe^
ty parliament, p. 30.

374 HISTORY OF Chap, XVL

Book II. ne, on the Ohio. The plan was extensive ; but, the colo-
v-«''"^''^*'*i^ nies united, with men of skill and enterprise to lead them,
Impor- were well able to have carried it into execution. Niagara,
tance of ■^^thout doubt, was one of the most important posts in
JN'ifl^ara.^ North America. Its situation was on the south side of lake
Ontario, at the very entrance of the strait which joins this
to lake Erie, and forms the only water communication be-
tween them. This was the grand link, which connected
the two colonies of Canada and Louisiana. It was the on-
ly way by which the Indians, for several hundred miles
from the north west, could pass with safety, to the southern
parts of America ; or by which the Indians, south of the
lake, could communicate with those north of it. Whoever
commanded this post, must, in a greater or less degree,
not only influence and command the five nations, and the
Indians north of the lake, but all those scattered on the
banks of the Wabash and the Mississippi. By possessing
this post, all communication between Canada and the Ohio
would be cut oif, and the English would, in a great mea-
sure, command all the Indians on their western frontiers.
At the same time, it would very greatly facilitate the reduc-
tion of the enemy's fortresses on the Ohio, and all their
other posts south of the lakes.
Descrip- Crown Point, on which the French commenced their
lion of works, about the year 1 731, secured the absolute command
Crown Q^ ]g^|^g Champlain, and guarded the only passage into Can-
ada. It was through this lake, by the route of Crown
Point, that the parties of French and Indians made their
bloody incursions upon the frontiers of New-England and
New- York. This brought the enemy much nearer to the
' colonies, and served them as a place of retreat, on emer-
gencies. It furnished them with provisions and ammuni-
tion at hand, and greatly assisted them in their works of
destruction. The reduction of this post would render the
frontiers of the northern colonies, in a great measure se-
cure. The enemy would be driven back into his own ter-
ritories, north of the lakes, and the way would, the next
campaign, be opened into the heart of Canada,

These objects ought to have inspired the generals and
the whole army with the utmost spirit, and to have produc-^
ed the utmost expedition ; but the generals appeared to
possess neither. General Abercrombie pretended to be
waiting for two regiments from England. At length they
arrived, and on the twenty-fifth of June, the general pro-
ceeded to Albany. Here he found himself at the head of
.six regular regiments, and a number of independent com-
panies ; the New-England, New- York, New-Jersey, an'!

CitA?. XVL C6NN£Cf ICUT. 375

some othbr troops,* amounting to ten thousand men, well Book IL
appointed, in health and high spirits. But with this fine v-^^nt^-v^
army, such an one as had never before taken the field in
America, nothing of consequence was undertaken. Nei-
ther of the proposed expeditions were even attempted, nor
were the out posts seasonably reinforced and defended.

Meanwhile, the enemy acted with vigour and dispatch.
They had not only time to make preparations against fu-
ture attacks, but to carry on offensive operations. Even
before this period, they reduced a small fortress in the
country of the five nations. The gamson, consisting of
twenty-five Englishmen, were massacred, in the midst of
those Indians who had long been considered as the allies
of Great-Britain and her colonies. At the same time, they
carefully watched all the motions of the English. Having
received intelligence, that a considerable convoy of pro-
visions was on the way from Schenectady to Oswego, they
laid an ambush in the woods and thickets on the north side
of the Onondaga river, to intercept and cut off the party.
But soon having information that the convoy was past,
they determined to wait the return of the detachment.
This was commanded by colonel Bradstreet, an officer of Colonel
courage and enterprise. He had been apprehensive of ^''^^st'"^^*
such an event, and was not unprepared. As he was sail- bufdeft-ats
ing along the river, with his batteaux, in three divisions, the enemy,
he was saluted with the Indian war whoop, and a general Ju'y 3c!.
discharge of musketry, from the north shore. He immedi-
ately ordered his men to land on the opposite shore, and,
with part of them, he took possession of a small island.
The enemy instantly forded the river, and attacked him ;
but he gave them so warm a reception, that they were
soon repulsed. Having intelligence that another body of
the enemy had crossed the river, a mile higher up, he ad-
vanced against them, with two hundred men, and attacked
them, sword in hand, with such resolution, that those who
were not slain upon the spot, were driven into the river,
and considerable numbers were drowned. Hearing that a
third party had passed still higher up the river, he march-
ed against them with all possible dispatch, and put them
to a total rout. In these actions, which lasted about three
hours, about seventy of his men were killed and wounded.
About twice that number of the enemy were killed, and
seventy taken prisoners.

From them colonel Bradstreet obtained the intelligence,

* Rider's History of England, vol. xJi. p. 16. There were beside, ins
the garrisons at Oswego, and the forts above Albany, more than two
thousand meuj an army, in the whole, of twelve thousand men.

376 HISTORY OF Chap. XVI.

Book II. that a large body of the enemy had taken post on the east
v-^'v-^'O side of lake Ontario, furnished with artillery, and all im-
175G. plements for the siege of Oswego. The colonel returned
immediately to Albany, and gave information of the ap-
proach of the enemy. General Webb, with one regiment,
had orders to hold himself in readiness to march to the re-
lief of that post. But on the twenty-ninth of July, when
lord Loudon arrived at Albany, he had not begun his
march. By this time, general Winslow, with about seven
thousand of the New-England and New-York troops, had
advanced to the south landing of lake George. They
were in high spirits, perfectly harmonious, and waited
wilh impatience to be led to the attack of Crown Point.
Great numbers of batteaux-men lay at Albany, Schenecta-
dy,' and other places convenient for the service. The
generals had about three thousand men with them at Alba-
ny. With such a force, men of skill and enterprise might
Inactivity have penetrated into the heart of Canada. But the Brit-
oftlieBiit- ish generals, with the greatest part of the regular troops,
ina gene- i-gQ^ained at Albany until the middle of August, if not un-
til some time after. General Webb never began his march
till the twelfth of the month.
Montcalm Meanwhile, the marquis de Montcalm invested the forts
0^we"-(}. ^^ Oswego, with about three thousand men, regulars, Ca-
nadians, and Indians. He blocked up the harbour with
two large armed vessels, and posted a strong party on the
roads between Albany and the forts, to cut off all intelli-
gence and succour from the army. Having made the ne-
cessary preparations, on the 12th of August, he opened
his trenclies before fort Ontario, which had been built on an
eminence, for the purpose of securing fort Osv/ego, which
it ovei'lookcd and commanded. The English, firing away
their shells and ammunition, the very next day spiked up
their cannon, and unaccountably retired across the river,
into fort Oswego, where they were much more exposed
than they Avere in the fort which they had abandoned.
The enemy having possessed themselves of this command-
ing grouiid, soon began an incessant fire on fort Oswego.
On the thirteenth, colonel Mercer, who commanded, was
killed with a cannon shot; the officers were divided in
o})inion, and the garrison was panic struck ; so that the
enemy made an easy conquest of one of the most important
posts which the English had in America. On the four-
It surien- teenth of August, the garrison capitulated. A hundred
*^TVi^!''" "^"^ twenty-one pieces of cannon, fourteen mortars, great
Losses lit C}uantities of ammunition and Avarlike stores, two frigates
Osiveso. or sloops of war, which had been built to cruise on the

Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 377

lake, and to cover the troops in the expedition designed Book 11,
against Niagara, two hundred boats and batteaux, with a v-^-v^n^
garrison of sixteen hundred men, were delivered into the 1756.
hands of the enemy.* The victors immediately dismantled
the forts, and caj-ried off tins grand booty to strengthen
their own lines and fortresses on the lake and river.

By the fall of this post, the enemy obtained the sole Conse-
command of the lakes Ontario and Erie, and the whole ?."^f'jf' °^
country of the five nations, which it was designed to cover.
The settlements at the German flats, and that fine tract of
country on the Wood creek and Mohawk rivers, were laid
open to their incursions.

When general Webb had advanced as far as the carry-
ing place between Mohawk river and Wood creek, he re-
ceived the news of the capture of Oswego. Apprehensive
of an attack from the enemy, he began to fell trees and
cast them into the river, and to render it impassable, even
by canoes. The enemy, ignorant of his numbers, and
dreading an attack from him, used the same precaution to
prevent his advancing. He was left, therefore, to retreat
in the same leisurely manner in which he had advanced.

Lord Loudon now pretended, that the season was too
far advanced to attempt any thing against the enemy,
though it was now nearly three months to the usual time
for the decampment of the army. The troops were ad-
vanced to the south end of lake George, and might, at any
time, within a very few days, have made an attack on Ti-
conderoga and Crown Point.

He spent the remainder of the season in pretended pre-
parations for an early campaign the next spring. The
forts Edward and William Henry, were made more defen-
sible, and furnished with numerous garrisons. The pro- Campaka
vincials returned to their respective colonies, and the regu- breaks up,
lar troops, who were not employed in the garrisons, went
into winter quarters, at Albany. Thus ended the northern
campaign of 1756.

The last year the provincials, under their own generals Compan^
and officers, had performed immense labour, in clearing son be-
and making roads through a wilderness ; advanced far on tween the
the enemy ; erected forts, built sliips, many hundreds of ^^"j'g^g^"^
boats and batteaux ; defeated one army of the enemy, and and 1756,
taken their general captive. They had, also, made grand
preparations for the opening of the campaign, at the ear-
liest period, this year. They took the field at an early
day in the spring, ready for an attack upon the enemy«

* Rider's Hist. vol. xli. p. 15, 21. Wright's History of the French
War, vol. ii. p. 17, 10.

X 2

HISTORY 01^

CHAP.XVt

Conduct
of the
soudiern
eolonies.

General
Iiaintmeni.

But the British generals, with the finest army ever collect-
ed before in America, with the advantage of roads and-
rivers cleared for their passage to the very enemy, and all
the preparations of the last year, lost one of their most im-
portant posts, advanced not one foot upon the enemy, nor
effected any thing honourable or important.

The management of affairs in the southern colonies, was
not more fortunate than it had been in the northern. Penn-
sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, did not resolve on any
regular plan of defence,' Fort Grenville, on the confines-
of Pennsylvania, v/as surprised' and taken. The French
and Indians, in small parties, made frequent incursions into
the frontier settlements of these colonies, committing many
shocking murders on the defenceless inhabitants, without
regard to the distinction of character, sex, or age.

In South-Carolina, the slaves were so much more nume-
rous than the white inhabitants, that it was judged unsafe
for them to spare any of their troops abroad, upon any
general enterprise. Great expectations had been formed
of the earl of Loudon and general Abercrombie. In the
principal towns through vv^hich his lordship passed, the-
first characters flocked round him, and, with great cere-
mony, congratulated him on his safe arrival. At New-
Haven, the Rev. President Clap, and the principal gentle-^
men of the town, waited on him, in the most respectful
manner. The president presented his lordship with their
joint congratulations on the safe arrival of a peer of the
realm in^ North- America. How prodigious, then, was their
disappointment, how cutting their chagrin, when they found
that these very m.en, from whom they had espected so
m.uch, had disconcerted and dashed all their plans, and
had employed ten or twelve thousand men, through the
summer, in doing nothing ? — and, through their inactivity,
lost more men by idleness and disease, than probably
would have been lost in a vigorous, active campaign, in
which they might have engaged in severe and hard fought
batdes, and have done the most essential services to their
country ? It was not difficult to discern that the enemy
had nothing to fear, and the colonies nothing to expect,
from such men, but loss and disappointmcnto

€hap. XVIL CONNECTICUT.

CHAPTER XVII. 1757,

Preparations for the campaign in 1 757. The plan of opera-
iion in America changed, and Louisburg becomes its only
object, Tliis was reinforced^ and the expedition post-
poned. Fort William Henry is taken by the French,
TAe country is alarmed and great reinforcements of the
militia sent forward to Albany and fort Edzoard. The
campaign closes with loss and shame. The provincials
lose all confidence in the British commanders.

NOTWITHSTANDING the disappointments of the
last year, the British parliament made great prepa-
rations this year, for a vigorous prosecution of the war in
America. In May, admiral Holbourn and commodore
Holmes, sailed from Cork for America, with eleven ships
of the line, a fire ship, and bomb ketch, with fifty trans-
ports, having on board more than six thousand regular
troops. This powerful armament arrived safely at Hali-
fax, the ninth of July. The land force came out under
general Hopson.

The colonies expecting, after such preparations, that
their troops would have been led on directly to the con-
quest of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, had been zealous-
ly raising their full complement of men. Connecticut,
which had raised more than double her proportion, again
had her whole quota seasonably raised. Great therefore
was the mortification of the colonies when, to their sur-
prise, they found that the design against Crown Point was
laid aside, and that the reduction of Louisburg was the
only object of the expedition. They were unwilling that
their troops should be removed out of the colonies and
employed against Louisburg. It appeared to them ex-
tremely impolitic, after the expense of so much time and
money, in preparations for an expedition to the northward,
now to lay it aside. Such inconsistency and fluctuation
appeared to them childish, and calculated to prevent the
accomplishment of any thing decisive or important. Be-
side, it did not appear safe for the colonies to draw off their
troops. They had not been able, the last year, with an
army of neai"ly twelve thousand men, to maintain their
ground. The enemy were now stronger than they were
the last year. By the loss of Oswego, all the western
country was laid open to their ravages. There was rea-
son to fear that the frontier posts v/ould be swept away,

380 HISTORY OP Chap. XVII,

Book II. one after another, and that all the preparations which ha(^
N-«'~<''>te' been made for an early attack on the enemy, would be lost
1757. with them. Besides, the enemy would have another year
to fortify and strengthen their posts, and to render the re-
duction of them much more hazardous and difficult.
July 9th„ The colonies were obliged to submit, and lord Loudon
sailed from New- York for Halifax, with six thousand land
forces, and there made a junction with Holbourn and Hop-
son. Here was now an army of twelve thousand men, ex-
clusive of officers, aided by a powerful fleet ; but they
Expedition were so dilatory in their nicasures that, before they were
against ready to sail, the Brest fleet, Avith seventeen sail of the line,
Loujsburg besides frigates and transports, arrived at Louisburg.
^^givea rJ^^^ garrison was so reinforced as to amount to nine thou-
sand men. On the reception of this intelligence, it was
judged inexpedient to proceed, and the expedition was
given up.*

Had the earl of Loudon been a man of enterprise, had
he wished to distinguish himself in his majesty's service,
or to have rendered himself popular in the colonies, he
might have conducted this powerful army to Ticonderoga,
and carried all before him, in that quarter. At least, he
might have sent on large detachments for the defence of
the frontiers. With his Prussian majesty, an Amherst, or
a Wolfe, these would have been but natural and common
atchievements. But he returned leisurely to New- York,
and eflected nothing.

The British generals, in America, did more, in two
years, by the pusillanimity, weakness and inconsistency
of their councils, to injure the colonies, than the French
could have done with all their force. The provincials
Avould, probably, have advanced to Crown Point the
last year, and made themselves masters of the country
south of lake Champlain. They would undoubtedly have
kept their own posts and prevented the evils which follow-
ed. The British generals and officers not only lost Oswe-
go, but they destroyed the fortifications at the great carry-
ing place ; and filled Wood Creek with logs and trees.
They cut off" all communication between the colonies and
the live nations, the only body of Indians which preserv-
ed the appearance of friendship to them. They abandon-
ed their whole country to the mercy of the enemy. Noth-
ing could be done to prevent their collecting the Indians,
from all quarters, to act against the colonies.

Monsieur Montcalm, did not neglect to improve the ad,-
vantages he had gained, and which the conduct of the Brit-
"' Rider^g Hist. vol. xlii. p. 6, 7,

Ghap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 381

ish generals afforded him. Finding that the troops were Book II.
drawn off to Halifax, he at once determined on the siege v-^-v>»^
of fort William Henry, and the destruction of the vessels, 1757,
boats, and batteaux, at the south landing of lake George.
Bodies of Indians, with his whole force, were collected for
this purpose.

Colonel Monroe, who commanded at fort William Hen-
ry, having intelligence that an advanced party of the ene-
my lay at Ticonderoga, detached colonel Parker with four
hundred men to surprise them. Having landed at night,
not far distant from the enemy, he sent three boats to re-
connoitre, directing them where to meet him in a general
rendezvous. The enemy, waylaying and intercepting the
boats, obtained a perfect knowledge of the colonel's de-
signs, and concerted measures to decoy him into their
hands. They laid an ambush behind the point where Colonel
they knew he designed to land, and having been reinforced Parker de-.
to nearly double his numbers, they sent three boats to the
place appointed for the general rendezvous. The colonel
mistaking them for his own boats, eagerly put to shore,
and was instantly surrounded by the enemy. They attack-
ed him on all sides with such incessant violence, that sev-
enty privates and two officers only made their escape.

Elated with this success, Monsieur Montcalm hastened
to the seige of fort William Henry» Having drawn togeth-
er all his forces from Crown Point, Ticonderoga, and the
adjacent posts, with a greater number of Indians than the
French had ever employed on any other occasion, he pas-
sed the lake and regularly invested the fort. The whole ^oh Will-
|irmy consisted of nearly eight thousand men. The gar- iam
rison consisted of about three thousand, and the fortifica- JHenry be-
tions were said to be good. At fort Edward, scarcely four- ^^^^ A^
teen miles distant, lay general Webb, with four thousand "^
troops. The regular troops at the two posts, were proba-
bly more than equal to the regular force of the enemy. A
considerable proportion of their army consisted of Canadi-
ans and Indians. Yet, in about six days, Avas this impor- p^^.^ -ry..,
tant post delivered up into the hands of the enemy. All iam
the vessels, boats, and batteaux, which, at so much ex- Henry
pense and labor, had been for two years preparing, fell ^^J^mi,
into the power of the enemy. Though general Webb had °'
timely notice of the approach of the enemy, yet he never
s^nt to alarm the country, and bring on the militia. He
never reinforced the garrison, nor made a single motion
for its relief. So far was he from this, that he sent a let-
ter to colonel Monroe, who commanded the fort, advising
him to give it up to the enemy.* Montcalm intercepted
* Rider's Hist. vol. slii. p, 9, 12 : and Wright's Hist, of war, vol. i. p. 41.

3S2 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL

Book II. the letter, and sent it into the fort to the colonel. He had
^^.^'-^v-^^w/ acted the part of a soldier and made a brave defence ; but
1757. having burst a number of his cannon, expended a consider-
able part of his ammunition, and perceiving that he was to
have no relief from general Webb, he capitulated on tei-ms
honorable for himself and the garrison. It was, to march
out with arms, baggage, and one piece of cannon, in hon-
or to colonel Monroe, for the brave defence he had made.
The troops were not to serve against the most christian
king under eighteen months, unless exchanged for an equal
number of French prisoners. The French and Indians
paid no regard to the articles of capitulation, but falling
<'arrison ^^ ^^^^ English, Stripped them of their baggage and few re-
murdered, maining effects ; and the Indians, in the English service,
were dragged from the ranks, tomahawked and scalped.
Men and women had their throats cut, their bodies ripped
open, and their bowels, with insult, thrown in their faces.
Infants and children were barbarously taken by the heels,
and their brains dashed out against stones and trees. The
Indians pursued the English nearly half the way to fort
Edward, where the greatest number of them arrived in a
most forlorn condition.* It seems astonishing, that be-
tween two and three thousand troops, with arms in their
hands, should, contrary to the most express stipulations,
suffer these intolerable insults.

When it was too late, general Webb alarmed the coun-
try, and put the colonies to great expense in sending on
large detachments of the militia for the defence of the north-
ern frontier. The sudden capture of the fort, the massa-
cre made by the enemy's Indians, and suspicions of gene-
ral Webb's treachery, and an apprehension that general
Thecoun- Montcalm would force his way to Albany, put the country
■JJ '^ ^""' into a state of great alarm and consternation. People were
never more alarmed during the war. At the same time,
there was never a more general and manly exertion. Con-
necticut detached and sent on, in a few days, about five
thousand men. She had raised and sent into the field, four-
teen hundred before, which was more than her proportion.
Large reinforcements were marched on to Albany and fort
Edward from New- York, and the other colonies. Gene-
ral Webb, notwithstanding the great numbers of men with
which he was reinforced, did not make any effectual pro-
vision for the defence of the frontier settlements. No
sooner was one expedition finished by the enemy, than
Gprman another was undertaken. Soon after the reduction of foi t
trc! f^d" William Henry, the enemy, with fire and sword, laid waslr;
* Rirltr'? IlUt. vol. xVu. p. U. Wright's Ilitt. vol. i. p. 41.

(^HAP. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 383

the fine settlements at the German flats, and on the Mo- Book II.
hawk river. v-^-vn^

On the American station there were nearly twenty 1755.
thousand regular troops, and a large number of provincials
in service ; and yet one fortress and settlement after an-
other were swept away ; and every where the enemy riot-
ed and triumphed with impunity. The army spent the re-
mainder of the campaign in inactivity. The provincials,
as the season for winter quarters approached, returned to
their respective colonies. The regular troops were sta-
tioned at Albany and fort Edward. Thus ended the in-
glorious campaign of 1757.

By this time, under the repeated losses they had sustain- T^e colo-
ed, the colonies had very much lost their confidence in the nies lose
British commanders in America. They for two years had *^*^'' ^?"^'
witnessed their dilatory measures, their inconsistency, want g,.,tish
of foresight and a spirit of enterprise, and had such bit- generals,
ter experience of the consequences, that they considered
them as utterly disqualified for the important command
which they held. To their incapacity and pusillanimity
wholly, did they impute the loss of Oswego, fort William
Henry, and their other losses on the frontiers.

Notwithstanding all the reinforcements which France
had sent to Canada, they, every campaign, had a force
much superior to the enemy. Had they been men of mil-
itary genius, skill and enterprise, instead of the losses they
sustained, they might have led on their troops to conquest
and glory. Had the colonies been left to themselves, they
would probably have done better. The first year of the
war, when left to themselves, their achievements were hon-
orable and useful to the nation : but now they had sustain-
ed two years of great expense, which had been worse than
lost. Indeed, such were the ministry, and the men whom
they employed, that misfortune and disaster attended them
in almost every quarter of the globe.* A British historian
observes, with respect to this third campaign in America,
"That it ended to the eternal disgrace of those who then
commanded the ai-mies, and directed the councils of Great-
Britain."

* There was one exception : admiral Wafson and colonel Clive acted
with great magaanimity and success upon the Ganges, in the East-Indies,

HISTORY OF Chap. XVIII.

1758. CHAPTER XVIII.

Change of men and measures. Plan of the campaign m
1758. The colonies encouraged again to exert themselves.
Extraordinary exertions of Connecticut. Armament
against Louisburg. Its siege and captiire by general Am-
herst. Army under general Abercrombie. Its defeat at
Ticonderoga. Frontenac taken by colonel Bradstreet.
Expedition against du Quesne— taken by general Forbes.
The generaPs death at Philadelphia.

B

Y this lime, the dispute relative to the Ohio, Crown
_.^ Point, and territory in America, had involved a great
part of Europe in the flames of \var. It had kindled in both
the Indies, and extended its destructive influence beyond
the Gano-es. The disappointments and losses of the Brit-
ish nation for a succession of years, and its present exigen-
ces, absolutely demanded a change of men and measures.
Men of capacity and enterprise were necessary to retrieve
its honor, and prevent its ruin. By a most happy turn m
providence, those incomparable men, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Leg,
and their fi-iends, had been chosen and established in the
ministry, and had time to concert their measures, and
choose the men to carry them into execution. Now there-
fore, every thing relative to the nation, in Europe and Ame-
rica' took a new and surprising turn. Now men were
brought forward, upon whose fidelity, skill, and spirit ot
enterprise, confidence might be placed.

Notwithstanding the disappointments and losses ot the
past years, they determined on the reduction of Louis-
"buro-, with a view of cutting off the communication be-
tween France and Canada, of destroying the French fishe-
ry, and of securing the trade and fisheries of Great-Bri-
tain, and her colonies in America. At the same time, to
gratify the colonies and to draw forth their whole strength
into exertion, they also determined on expeditions against
Crown Point and fort du Quesne.

Intimations of his majesty's designs, and of his expec-
tations from the colonies, were, at an early period, giv-
en to tliem by letters from the right honorable Mr. Pitt.
These were written in a style which animated their cour-
age, and drew forth their most spirited exertions. The
people of Connecticut, in particular, exerted themselves in
an extraordinary manner. i r ^t i

A special assembly was convened on the 8th ot March,

Chap; XVIII, CONNECTICUT, 385

at New-Haven, when the right honorable Mr. Pitt's letter Book II.
was communicated to the legislature, importing, that his v-^-v-<w^
majesty had nothing more at heart than to repair the loss- 1758.
es and disappointments of the last inactive and unhappy A special
campaign, and by the most vigorous and extensive efforts, ^^^""jj'^'
to avert, by the blessing of God upon his arms, the dan- 1758'. *
gers impending over North-America ; and not doubting jyj^ gecre-
but his faithful and brave subjects here would cheerfully tary Pitt's
co-operate with and second, to the utmost, the large ex- letter,
pense and extraordinary succours supplied by his king-
dom, for their preservation and defence : And that his ma-
jesty, judging that this colony, together with Massachu-
setts Bay, New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island, New- York and
New-Jersey,^ were able to furnish 20,000 men, to join a
body of the Icing's forces for invading Canada, and carry-
ing the war into the heart of the enemy's possessions ; and
that it was his majesty's pleasure, that, with all possible
dispatch, there be raised as large a body of men as the
number of inhabitants woukl allow, to begin the opera-
tions of the campaign, as soon as practicable. And that
no encouragement might be wanting to so great and salu-
tary an attempt, that strong recommendations would be
made to parliament, to grant compensation for the ex-
penses of said provinces, according as their active vigor
and strenuous efforts should appear justly to merit.

The legislature resolved, That, notwithstanding this n , j
colony j when acting with the several provinces aforesaid, of the le<^
in the three several expeditions undertaken the preceding islature.
years, against Crown t*oint, hath raised a much greater
number of men than its just proportion, in comparison with
what they then raised, by means of which the number of
men is greatly diminished and its strength much exhausted,
yet that nothing be wanting, on the part of this colony, to
promote the great and good design proposed by his majes-
ty, and relying on his royal encouragement, 5000 good
and effective men, including officers, shall be raised within
this colony, as soon as may be, for the service aforesaid.
It was resolved at the same time, that the assembly is sen-
sible, that it is really more than the number of men this
colony can allow, without great difficulty ; and much ex-
ceeds this colony's proportion, even of twenty thousand
men, when compared with the other provinces.

It was resolved that the said 5000 men should be formed
into four regiments, consisting of twelve companies in each
regiment. That there should be one colonel, one lieuten-
ant colonel, one major and one chaplain to a regiment, officers
The honorable Phinehas Lyman, Esq. who had a general's appointed.

Y2

oZ(j HISTORY OF Chap. XVlfK,

Book II. command in 1755, Nathan Whiting, Esq. Eliphalet Dyar,

'>-*'~N^^v^ Esq. anil John Read, Esq. were appointed colonels, to

1758, command the respective regiments.* The Rev. Messrs.

George Beckwith, Joseph Fish, Benjamin- Pomeroy and

Jonathan Ingersoll, were appointed chaplains.

To encourage the speedy enlistment of men for the sei--
vice, the bounty was increased much beyond what it had
been in former years. All proper measures were adopted
to raise the troops with expedition, and to have them sea-
sonably in the field.

To provide for the expense of sjjclia number of troops,
the assembly enacted that thirty thousand pounds lawful-
money in bills of credit, at five per cent interest, should
be immediately printed : and that for a ftfnd for the sinking,
of said bills, a tax of eight pence on the pound should be
levied on the grand list of the colony to be brought in.
Anno Domini, 1760. It was provided, however, that such
monies as should arri-ve from Great-Britain for the reim-
bursement of the expenses of the war, should he applied,
by the treasurer, for the purpose of sinking the said bills,
and that, if a sufficient sum should amve before the time
fixed for the payment of said tax, to sink the whole, that
then said tax should not be levied, and that the act res-
pecting it should be null and void.

That the treasurer might be able to pay the troops on
their return from the public service, the assembly laid a
tax of nine pence on the pound on the whole rateable es-
tate of the colony, according to the list braughtin to the
assembly in October last, and ordered that it should be
collected by the last of December then followhigv And as
it was uncertain whether money would arrive, sufficient
to reimburse the expenses of the colony, in sea'son, a com-
mittee was appointed to borrow the sum of twenty-five
thousand pounds, to be paid before the 20th of May, 1 76 K
For an ample fund to repay the sum to be borrowed, a tax
of five pence on the pound was levied on the list whicFi
should be brought in to the assembly in 1759, to be paid
into the treasury by the last of December, 1760. It wa^^
enacted also, that any of the notes given for the money
borrowed, might be received in payment of said tax. Bur,
as considerable sums of money were expected from Eng-
land, for provisions, furnished for the troops under the
command of lord Loudon, in 1756, it was enacted that

* Each colonel was allowed forty pounds for his table, and the decent
Fupport of his chaplain. Their wages as colonels, and captains for one
t ompany, was fifteen pounds per month. The bounty for eacli man who
would equip himself for the field was four pouiuis. I'lie wages were tl-
•iame as in the preceding years.

Chap. XVIII, CONNECTICUT, SSI

said money, as fast as it should arrive, should be applied Book IL
to discharge the notes given for the money borrowed ; and ■s^.^'-v'-^y
that, if a sufficient sum should seasonably arrive to dis- 17580
charge all the notes, that then said tax should not be col-
lected.

That nothing might be left undone, which could be at-
tempted for his majesty's service, the commissioners ap-
pointed in October, to meet those from the other colonies,
were now authorised to meet them at Hartford on the 1 9th
of April, or as near that time as might be, to consult on
measures for the general safety, and to excite the several
colonies to the most vigorous and united exertions to carry
his majesty's designs into execution.* As it appeared by
Mr. Pitt's letter, that major general Abercrombie was chief
commander of the troops for the northern expedition, the
governor was desired to give him the earliest information
of the measures adopted by the colonies, and their vigor-
ous preparations for an early and successful campaign.

While the colonies were employing the most vigorous Arma-
exertions for an early campaign, such effectual measures ment for
had been pursued in England, that, in February, the anna- ^<^''^|?"'''
raent designed for the reduction of Louisburg, was in readi- Louisbur^
ness, and sailed for America. Admiral Boscawcn com- sails from
manded the naval, and general Amherst the land opera- S"?'^?aV
tions. Under general Amherst, was brigadier general
Wolfe. These were men of singular characters. General
Amherst had the coolness and abilities of the Roman Fabi-
tis, while general Wolfe possessed the magnanimity and
lire of the Scipios. From such men, great achievements
might reasonably be expected ; and their successes equal-
led the most sanguine expectations.

Admiral Boscawen and general Amherst, with the arma- Departs^
ment under their command, arrived safely in America ; and 'rom HaU-
on the 28th of May, the whole fleet, consisting of one hun- g'stL ^^
dred and fifty-seven sail, with about fourteen thousand
troops on board, took its departure from Halifax, and on
the second of June appeared before Louisbuvg. ForsixjyneSd
days the landing of the troops was impracticable. The appears
surf was so great, that no boat could live near the shore, b^^'ore
On every part of the coast, where a landing was judged °"'^ ^'^^'
possible, the enemy had made eiitrenchments ; and, in
places most convenient for the purpose, they had erected
batteries and mounted cannon. During the whole time
after the discovery of the fleet, until the landing of the
troops, the enemy employed themselves in strengthening
iheir lines. These they manned with a numerous infantry»
* Records of the colony for March 8th, 1733,

3&8 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIII,

Book II. General Amherst, with a number of his officers, reconnoi-

'»i^~v^^ tered the shore.
1758. On the eighth, the weather became more favourable,

The troops though there was yet a great swell and surf. The general,

s^h*^' "^""^^ determining not to lose a moment, seized the opportunity.
Before the break of day, the troops were embarked in three
divisions. The admiral and general made their dispositions
•with consummate judgment. To distract the enemy, and
draw their attention to different parts, the dispositions
•were made in this manner : — The divisions on the right,
and in the centre, were designed only for feints, while that
on the left, was appointed for the real attack. This was
commanded by general Wolfe. Before the landing, five
frigates, and some other ships of war, commenced a furious
fire, not only on the centre, but on the right and left of the
enemy, to rake them in their flanks. When these had
fired about fifteen minutes, general Wolfe pressed to the
shore. The enemy reserved his fire until the boats were
nearly in shore, and then poured upon them the united
blaze and thunder of their uiusketry and cannon. Many
of the boats were overset, and others dashed in pieces.
Some of the men were thrown, and others leaped into the
"water ; and while sqme were killed, and others drowned,
the main body, supported and animated by the noble ex-
ample and conduct of their commander, pushed to the land,
and with such order and resolution rushed on the enemy,
as soon put them into confusion, and drove them from
their entrenchments. When general Wolfe had made good
his landing, the centre division having moved to the left,
and the right following the centre, the landing was com-
pleted in excellent order.

For many days, the weather was so bad, and the swell
and surf so great, that scarcely any of the artillery or stores
could be landed. It was with great difficulty that even
the tents, provisions, and implements for the siege, were
got on shore. The weather was so bad, at the time of land-
ing, and during the siege, that a hundred boats were lost
in the service. The enemy had five ships of the line, and
one or more frigates, in the harbour, and could bring their
guns to bear upon the troops, in their approaches. The
ground was exceedingly bad ; in some places rough, in
others boggy, wet, and miry. These obstacles, with a
brave resistance from the enemy, caused the siege, for
some time, to proceed slowly. But no discouragements
were judged insurmountable, by such generals as Amherst
and Wolfe. By the twelfth of June, general Wolfe had
spcured the point called the light-house battery, and all

Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 309

the posts in that quarter. On the twenty-fifth, he had si- Book II.
lenced the island battery ; but the shipping in the harbour v^«*-v^s^
kept up their fire upon him until the twenty-first of July. 1758.
One of the ships then took fire, and blew up. This set
two others on fire, which burnt to the water's edge. This
was to the enemy an irreparable loss.

By this time, general Amherst had made his approaches
near to the city ; so that he was in good forwardness to
make lodgments on the covered way. The town, in many
places, was consumed to the ground, arid in others, was
much damaged. The fire of the enemy greatly languished,
yet no proposals of capitulation were made. One bold
action more was necessary to bring them to terms. That
was, to destroy, or bring off, the ships remaining in the
harbour. For this purpose, the admiral sent in a detach-
ment of six hundred men, under the command of two en-
terprising young captains, Laforey and Balfour. Between
the 25th and 26th of the month, under the darkness of the
night, they made their way through a terrible fire of can-
non and musketry, and, sword in hand, took the two ships.
One ran aground, and was burnt ; the other they rowed
out of the harbour, in triumph,

The next morning, the governor proposed terms of ca- Louisburg
pitulation. The garrison, consisting of five thousand sev- taken, Ju-
en hundred and thirty-seven men, surrendered prisoners '^ ^^*^'^'
of war. One hundred and twenty-one cannon, eighteen
mortars, and large quantities of stores and ammunition,
were taken. The enemy lost five ships of the line and
four frigates, besides other vessels. St. John's, v/ith Lou-
isburg, was given up, and the English became masters of
the whole coast from St. Lawrence to Nova-Scotia.* This
was the most effectual blow to France, which she had re-
ceived since the commencement of the war. It was a deep
%f ound to her navy, and especially to her colonies and in-
terests in America. It very much cut off her communica-
tion with Canada, and greatly facilitated the reduction of
that country.

As the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, was
a favorite object with the northern colonies, they made
early and great exertions for carrying it into effectual ex-
ecution. Besides the assistance which they gave to the
reduction of Louisburg, they furnished about ten thousand
troops for the northern expedition. These, in conjunction
with between six and seven thousand regular troops, had,

* Rider's Hist. vol. xliii. p. 127, 135. Wright's Hist. vol. i. p. 95, 103.
General Amherst's journal of the siege of Louisburg, and articles of capitu-
lation. At St. John's, 4100 inhabitants submitted and brought in their
arflis.

39Q

HISTORY OF

Chap. XVIII.

1758.

The north-
ern army
€mbark|for
Ticonde-

"rog-a.

Book II. by the beginning of July, got into lake George more than a
v-^N^>»^ thousand boats and batteaux, a fine train of artillery, pro-
visions, and every tiling necessary for an attack on the
fortresses of the enemy.

On the fifth of July, the army, consisting of fifteen thou-
sand three hundred and ninety effective men, embarked in
nine hundred batteaux, and one hundred and thirty-five
xvhale boats, for Ticonderoga. Besides, there were a
number of rafts, on which cannon were mounted, to cover
the landing of the troops. Early the next morning, they
landed at the north end of lake George, without opposition.
The army formed in four columns, and began their march
for Ticonderoga, But as the woods were thick, and the
guides unskilful, the troops were bewildered, and the col-
umns falling in one upon another, were entirely broken.
In this confusion, lord Howe, advancing at the head of the
right centre column, fell in with the advanced guard of the
enemy, consisting of a battalion of regulars and a few In-
dians, who had deserted their advanced camp near the lake,
and were precipitately fleeing from our troops ; but had
lost their way, and were bewildered in the same manner
as they were. The enemy discharged, and killed lord
Howe the first fire. The suddenness of the attack, the
terribleness of the Indian yell, and the fall of lord Howe,
threw the regulars, who composed the centre columns, into
a general panic and confusion ; but the provincials, who
flanked them, and were more acquainted with their mode of
lighting, stood their ground and soon defeated them. The
loss of the enemy, was about three hundred killed, and one
hundred and forty-eight taken. The loss of the English
was inconsiderable as to numbers, but in worth and con-
sequences, it was great. The loss of that gallant ofiicer,
lord Howe, was irreparable. From the day of his arrival
in America, he had conformed himself, and made his regi-
ment to conform, to that kind of service which the country
required. He was the first to endure hunger and fatigue,
to encounter danger, and to sacrifice all personal conside-
rations to the public service. While he was rigid in dis-
cipline, by his affability, cohdescending and easy manners,
he conciliated afi'cction, and commanded universal esteem.
Indeed, he was considered very much as the idol and life
of the army. The loss of such a man, at such a time, can^
not be estimated. To this, the provincials attributed the
defeat and unhappy consequences which followed.
July 7th. ^^ ^^^*^ troops for two nights had slept little, were greatly
fatigued, and needed refreshment, the general ordered
them to return to the landing place, v/here they arrived u*

Lord
Howe kil
led, July
6th.

€hap. XVIIi. CONNECTICUT. 391

eight in the morning. Colonel Bradstreet was soon after Book II.
detached with a strong corps, to take possession of the saw v-^'-v^"**/
mill, about two miles from Ticonderoga, which the enemy-
had abandoned. Towards the close of the day, the whole
array marched to the mill. The general having received
information, that the garrison at Ticonderoga consisted of
about sis thousand men, and that a reinforcement of three
thousand more was daily expected, determined to lose no
time in attacking their lines. He ordered his engineer to
reconnoitre the ground and intrenchments of the enemy.
It seems that he had not so approached and examined
them as to obtain any proper idea of them. He made a
favorable report of their weakness, and of the facility of
forcing them without cannon. On this groundless report,
a rash and fatal resolution was taken, to attack the lines
without bringing up the artillery.

The army advanced to the charge with the greatest intre-
pidity, and for more than four hours with incredible obstina- Defeaf at
cy maintained the attack. But the works where the princip- '^'^^"f^"
al attack was made were eight or nine feet high, and impreg- g^h. '
liable even by field pieces ; and for nearly an hundred
yards from the breast work, trees were felled so thick, and
so wrought together with their limbs pointing outward,
that it rendered the approach of the troops in a great mea-
sure impossible. In this dreadful situation, under the fire
of about three thousand of the enemy, these gallant troops
were kept, without the least prospect of success, until near-
ly two thousand were killed and wounded.* They were
then called oif. To this rash and precipitate attack suc-
ceeded a retreat equally unadvised and precipitate.! By ^^ ■
the evening of the next day the army had retreated to their
former encampment at the south end of lake George.

Nothing could have been more contrary to the opinions,
or more mortifying to the feelings of the provincials, than
this whole affair. They viewed the attack upon the lines
without the artillery as the height of madness. Besides,
it was made under every disadvantage to the assailants.
The enemy's lines were of great extent, nearly three quar-
ters of a mile. On the right of the common path towards
south bay, and especially on the north, they were weak
and of little consideration. In both these quartei^ they
might have been approached under the cover of a thick

*0f the regulars were killed 464; of the provincials 87: in the whole
548. Of the regulars were wounded l,tl7; of the provincials 239: in the
whole 1,356. There were missing; 29 regulars and 8 provincials. The
whole loss in killed, wounded and missing, was 1,941. General Aber-
trombie's return.

't VVright;? Hjstorj, vol, i, p. 109, 113. Rider'?, vol. xliii, p. 136, 141.

39^ lilbTORY OF CtiAP. XVIIL

Book II; wood. The army was sufficiently numerous to have at-
va<'>^>*-/ tacked the lines in their whole extent once, or at least in
1756. a very great part of them, and to have drawn their atten-
tion to various parts of their lines. But, unhappily, the at-
tack was made upon a small part of them where they were
far the strongest, and most inaccessible. As no attacks or
feints were made in other parts, the enemy were left to
pour their whole fire on a small spot, while the whole army
could not approach it. Besides, the general never ap-
proached the field, where his presence was indispensably
necessary ; but remained at the mill, where he could see
nothing of the action, nor know any thing only by informa-
tion at a distance of two miles. By reason of this, the
troops for hours after they should have been called ofi',
were pushed on to inevitable slaughter.

But especially did the provincials reprobate the retreat,
Thep:ene- fhey considered themselves as more than a match for the
enemy, should their pretended reinforcements arrive. The
army, after this bloody affair, consisted of about fourteen
thousand effective men. After all the pompous accounts
of the numbers of the enemy, they amounted to little more
than three thousand. ■ When the general retreated, he had
more than four effective men to one of theirs. He had a
fine train of artillery, and there were strong grounds on
Avhich he might have encamped with the utmost safety.
There were eminences which commanded all the works of
the enemy, whence he might have enfiladed their front,
and poured destruction on their whole lines and camp.

The provincial ol^cers were therefore clearly of the opin-
ion, that (here was the fairest prospect of success, notwith-
standing their misfortune, could the expedition only be
prosecuted with energy and prudence. But the general
took his own way, without advising with them, and appear-
ed to retreat with the utmost perturbation.
Falls into The general never had been high in the estimation of
contempt, the provincials after the loss of Oswego; but now he sunk
into contempt. They generally called him Mrs. Nabby-
crombie, importing that petticoats would much better be-
come him than breeches. To repair as far as might be,
The disaster at Ticonderoga, the general detatched colonel
Bradstrcet, with three thousand provincials, on an expedi-
tion against fort Frontenac. It was planned by the colonel,
and undertaken at his desire. Notwithstanding the great
distance of this post from Lake George, and the numerous
Fori Frnn- obstacles in his march, he reached lake Ontario, embarked
tenac lak- his troops, and landed them in the short term of about a
tn,Aus.27. month, within one mile of the enemy's post. Having se-

Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUt. 393

cured his landing, he immediately invested the fdrt. The Book II.
enemy made no opposition, but, after two days, surrendered v«^-^^'>l-/
themselves prisoners of war. This important post was on 1758.
the north side of the river St. Lawrence, just where it takes Fort Fron-
its rise from lake Ontario. The fort not only commanded k "^V^i^
the entrance of the river from the lake, but was the grand 27th. °'
Stiagazine for supplying Niagara, du Quesne, and all the en-
emy's southern and western garrisons. But as no attack
had been expected in this quarter, and the enemy had
been drawn off, for the defence of Ticonderoga, and their
southern posts, the garrison consisted only of one hun-
dred and thirty men. But there were in the fort sixty can-
non, sixteen small mortars, and an immense quantity of ^^j^^'J,'^^
provisions and goods. They were valued by the French
at eight hundred thousand livres. Nine armed vessels,
from eight to eighteen guns were taken. This was the:
whole naval force which the enemy had on the lake. After
this enterprising officer had destroyed the fort, stores, pro-
visions and shipping, except two vessels, and what he
could carry on board of them, he returned with them, richly
laden, to Oswego.

This fortunate event, with the attempt on Ticonderoga,
was attended with very important consequences. It frus-
trated the expedition of Monsieur Levi against the settle-
ments on the Mohawk river, recovered the communication
between Albany and Oswego ; and once more gave us the
command of lake Ontario. It greatly obstructed the com-
munication between Canada, Niagara, and their southern
and western settlements.*

General Amherst, having placed a strong garrison at
Louisburg, and having made the dispositions necessary
for the security of the adjacent country, proceeded toi
Boston, with six regiments, and thence marched through
the country, to reinforce the army at lake George. He
designed, if the season should not be too far advanced, to
achieve something further for the service of his country.

While these events were taking place in the northern de- General
partmcnt, general Forbes, who had been appointed to °j^^*jfj*"^
command the expedition to the southward, was advancing,
with great activity and labour, to the conquest of fort du
Quesne. About eight thousand men had been assigned to
this service. In June, the general marched from Phila-
delphia for the Ohio. His march lay through a vast tract
of country but little known, destitute of roads for the march-
ing of armies, and incumbered with wood, morasses and

* Bradstreet's letter to general Amherst, "Wrighrs Hist, of the war,
vol. i. V. 12-1, 12o.

Z2

394 HISTORY 6F Chap. XVlU,

Book IL inomUains almost impassable. It was with incredible dif-
'»«-^'>^^N^ ficulty that he procured provisions and carriages for the
1758. expedition; that he formed new roads, extended scout-
ing parties, secured his camp, from time to time, and sur-
mounted the numerous obstructions which presented them-
selves in his tedious niarch* In addition to his other diffi-
culties, which impeded his march, the hostile Indians kept
a constant watch upon all his movements, and, in small
detachments, neglected no opportunity to obstruct and
harass him as he advanced.

When he had arrived at Ray's town, about ninety miles
from du Quesnc, he sent forward colonel Bouquet, with a
detachment of a thousand men, to Lyal Henning, withio
about forty miles of the fore. The colonel, from this post,
detached major Grant, with eight hundred men, to recon-
noitre the situation and works of the enemy ; and, if practi-
cable, to reduce the post by a coup de main. The ene-
my discovered them as they approached, and detached a
body of troops sufficient completely to surround them. A
severe action ensued, which, for three hours, the English,
with great spirit maintained against so great a superiority.
But finally, they were overpowered, obliged to give way,
iind retreated with disorder to Lyal Henning. About three
hundred men were killed and taken. Among the latter
was major Grant, and nineteen other officers, who ivere
carried prisoners to fort du Quesne. This severe check
made no alteration in the resolution of general Forbes.
He still a:dvanced, with that persevering firmness and cir-
cumspection, which had marked his whole conduct. The
enemy, perceiving that it was impossible to surprise and
defeat him on his march, and that their numbers were not
Que ne ta- Sufficient to maintain the post against him, on the twenty-
ken, Nov. fourth of Noveniber, destroyed their works and abandoned
'24th, the post to the general. His light troops took possession:
the following evening. The next day, the general arrived
with his whole army, and the British flag was once more
erected at fort du Quesne. The French made their escape
down the river, partly in boats and pardy by land,, to their
settlements on the Mississippi,

General Forbes repaired the fort and named it Fort
Pitt, in honor to secretary Pitt. Having concluded trea-
ties of fi-iendship and alliance with the Indian nations of
that fine and extensive country, and apparently reconciled
them to the English government, he committed the care of
die fort to a garrison of provincials, and took his depar-
ture for Philadelphia. On hi« return, he erected some

Chap. XVIH. CONNECTICUT, 395

small fortresses at Lyal Henning, for the defence of the Book IL
western frontiers of Pennsylvania.* v.^-v^'v.^

The incredible fatigues of this campaign so broke the 1758.
ronstitution of this vigilant and brave commander, that
he returned to Philadelphia in a very enfeebled state ;
where, after languishing a short time, he died, universally
lamented.

When general Amherst arrived with his troops at the
Jake, the season was so far advanced, and such a body of
troops had been drawn off, for the expedition under colo-
nel Bradstreet, that he judged it unadvisable to make any
further attempts against the enemy during that campaign.

Notwithstanding the defeat at Ticonderoga, the cam-
paign closed with great honour and advantage, not only to
the colonies, but to the nation in general. In this fourth
year after the commencement of hostilities, the English
had not only reduced Louisburg, St. John's, and Fronte-
nac ; but had made themselves the undisturbed possessors
of that fine tract of country, the contention for which had
kindled the flames of war in so general and destructive
a manner. Success had attended the British arms, not
only in America, but in almost every quarter of the globe.
The successes in America, besides many other important
advantages, paved the way for that series of successful
events, which terminated in the entire reduction of Canada.

Another favourable occurrence of this year, which had Treaty
its influence in that great event, was a general treaty and !^'j^ *^®
pacification with all the Indian nations, inhabiting be- oct. 8th.
tween the Appalachian mountains and the lakes. This
was completed at Easton, on the eighth of October.

In review of the events of the present and past years of
the war, the immense importance of having men of capa-
city, fidelity, and enterprise, at the head of government,
appears in a convincing and striking point of light. Un-
der the old ministry and their generals, for three succes-
sive years, nothing but loss, disappointment, and shame,
attended every enterprise. Not one general officer, of their *
appointment, in America, ever achieved any thing mag-
nanimous and honourable ; but hesitation, delay, and dis-
appointment, attended all their measures. On the contra-
ry, under the new ministry, and the generals and officers
originally of their appointment, every enterprise was
crowned with success. A series of most important and
brilliant successes, from every quarter, like a steady, all
cheering stream, flowed in upon the nation.

* Rider's Hist. vol. xliii. p. 143, 145. Wright's Hist, vol, i. p. 125, 126,

HISTORY OF Chap. XIX.

1759. CHAPTER XIX.

plan of the campaign in 1759. Mr. Secrctarrf PilP.i letter\
Transactions of the. legislature of Connecticut, relative to
the war. Expeditions against Ticonderoga and Crown
Point, Niagara and Quebec. Ticonderoga and Crown
Point abandoned. Niagara taken. Siege of Quebec. Ac-
tion at the falls of Montmorenci. The camp removed to
Point Levi. The troops land above the town. Battle of
Quebec. Generals Wolfe and Montcalm killed. Quebec
surrenders. Movements of general Amherst on lake Cham-
plain.

THE successes of the last campaign had released the
sea coasts and frontiers of the colonies from all an-
noyance from the enemy, and opened the way into the
heart of Canada. Tiie belligerent powers, in Europe,
maintained the same hostile dispositions Avhich operated
Plan of the last year. The British ministry, therefore, determined
j'^'^'^^co '^^ to improve the advantages which they had gained in Ame-
rica ; and, if possible, the next campaign, to conquer the
whole country of Canada. For this purpose, it was de-
termined to attack all the strong holds of the enemy nearly
at the same time. As soon as the river St. Lawrence
should be cleared of ice, it was designed, that general
Wolfe, who had so distinguished himself at the reduction
of Louisburg, should, with eight thousand men, and a strong
squadron of ships, proceed to the siege of Quebec, the
capital of Canada. At the same time, it was intended
t-hat general Amherst, who had the chief command j with an
army of twelve thousand regulars and provincials, should
make an attack on Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Hav-
ing reduced these posts, and having built a sufficient naval
force on lake Charaplain, he was to advance by the river
, Sorel into the St. Lawrence, and form a junction with gene-
ral Wolfe at Quebec. A third expedition was to be di-
rected against Niagara, under the command of brigadier
general Prideaux. Sir William Johnson was appointed
to command the New- York provincials, and the Indians of
the five nations, to be employed in this expedition. By
so many diflerent attacks, it was designed, as far as pos-
sible, to divide and distract the enemy, and to prevent
their making an effectual defence at any place. It was
hoped, if general Prideaux should be so fortunate as to
^T,ake himself master of Niagara, at an early period, thai

€hap. XIX, CONNECTICUT. 8^^

he would embark on lake Ontario, and, falling down the Book II.
river St. Lawrence, would reduce the town of Montreal. Vi^^^v'^sw'
It was then hoped, that the three armies, forming a junc- 1759.
tion, would complete the conquest of the whole country.

To facilitate these grand and extensive operations, colo-
nel Stanwix had the command of a small detachment, for
the reduction of small posts, and for securing the banks of
lake Ontario.

The designs of the ministry were communicated to the
colonies at an early period, that they might have time to
prepare themselves for the opening of the campaign, as
soon as the season would permit; and that it was his ma^-
jcsty's pleasure that they should furnish the respective
quotas required the last year.

With a view to answer his majesty's requisitions, gover- Generaf
nor Fitch convoked the General Assembly of Connecticut, ^/u'"'j'^
at Hartford, on the 8th of March ; and communicated a let- fo^d,
ter from the right honourable William Pitt, bearing date March
December 9th, 1758, making a requisition of 20,000 men ^*^-
from the several governments then named, and as many
more as the inhabitants would permit. The letter import- Secretary
ed, that his majesty's designs were the same as the last f^***'^ '^^°
year;— ^to remove all enemies and encroachments on the
colonies, and to carry the war into the heart of Canada.
The same encouragements were given to the colonies, as in
his letter of the preceding year. The successes of the last
campaign were noticed, and his majesty's determination,
by the blessing of God, to repair the disappointment at;
Ticonderoga, was expressed.

The assembly found themselves embarrassed, and ima- Connecti-
gined they were unable to raise so great a number of men ^"* ^°?^
as was required, after all the exertions they had made, ^^^ double
and losses they had sustained, in the preceding years ; in propor-
which they had done more than double, nearly three times ^"^'^•
their proportion, when compared with some of the other
colonies. In 1753, Connecticut furnished a thousand men
at the commencement of the campaign, and after the battle
at lake George, they raised and sent into the field, twQ
thousand more, to reinforce the army. In 1756, the colo-
ny raised two thousand five hundred men. This was dou-
ble the number required by his majesty's commander in
chief, for the service of that year. The legislature were
induced to exert themselves in this duplicate proportion,
from an apprehension that the southern colonies would
fail of their proportions, and lest the service should suffer.
In 1757, the colony not only raised fourteen hundred men,
the full number required by the commander in chief, but,

39S HISTORY OF Chap. XIX.

Book II. on the capture of fort William Henry, which put the coun-
v.-^'-v^^^ try into a state of great alarm and consternation, it detach-
1759, ed and sent forward, with great dispatch, about five thou-
sand of the militia, for the defence of the frontiers; so that
they had, in the whole, more than six thousand men in
actual service.* In the preceding year, flattering itself
that it would be the finishing year of the war, especially in
America, it exerted itself, considering its expense, losses,
and diminution of men, even beyond its former example,
and had about five thousand troops in actual service, du-
ring the campaign. The inhabitants had paid two taxes
the preceding year, one of ninepence on the pound. At a
special assembly in February, the preceding month, they
had found it necessary, in order to discharge the expenses
which had been already incurred, and to meet future con-
tingencies, immediately to emit twenty thousand pounds
lawful money, in bills at five per cent ; and, as a fund to
sink them, they had ordered a tax of fivepence on the
pound on the grand list, in addition to all the other taxes
already laid. The employment of such a number of men
in public service, greatly diminished the labour and re-
sources of the colony. Besides, the polls of the soldiers
were, for their encouragement, excluded from the grand
list, which served further to increase the burthens of the
people. The assembly, therefore, could not, at first, con-
ceive that the colony Avas able, or that it was its duty, to
raise so great a number of men, beyond its just proportion.
Resolu- It was therefore resolved, That the number of men raised

tions of the ^^^ jg^gj. ygg^j. ^yg^g greater than the colony could conven-
March iently furnish; that many had died, and others had been
8th. disabled, and rendered unfit for service, in the last cam-

paign : that numbers had enlisted as recruits, into his ma-
jesty's regiments : and that others were employed in the
batteaux and carrying service : — by all which means, the
numbers of the colony were diminished. Yet, that the sa-
lutary designs of his majesty might, as far as possible, be
answered, it was resolved, firmly relying on his majesty's
royal and most gracious encouragement, that three thou-
sand and six hundred men should be raised within this
colony, consisting of four regiments, of ten companies in
each. Major general Phinehas Lyman was appointed
colonel of the first regiment ; Nathan Whiting, of the se-
cond ; David Wooster, of the third ; and Eleazer Fitch, of

* Reasons iu behalf of Connecticut, why the colonies should not be tax-
ed, p. 30, 31. Records of the colony. The militia, at that tin^e, were
much more numerous than at present, as all, from the age of sixteen to
?isty, were obliged to bear arms.

Chap. XIX; CONNECTICUT. 3B§

the fourth. Israel Putnam, who generally conimandcd the Book IL
rangers, was lieutenant-colonel of the fourth regiment.* ^^^-v^s-i'

To supply the treasury, the assembly resolved, that 1759.
40,000 pounds in bills of credit, equal to lawful money,
with interest at five per cent, should be impressed, payable
on, or before the first day of March, 1764. As a sufficient
fund to sink and discharge said bills, a tax was levied on
the grand list of the colony, to be brought in, in October,^
1762, of ten pence on the pound, to be paid in by the
last day of December, 1763.

As the governor and some other leading characters wish-
ed for a nearer compliance with his majesty's requisition,
and judged it expedient, the assembly, before they rose,
consented that four hundred men more might be enlisted
for the service, making in the whole a body of four thou-
sand men.

When the assembly met in May, it appeared, that gene- ^g"^o^^ ^^
ral Amherst required the same number of troops to be fur- Hartford,
nished by Connecticut this year which it sent into the May lOth.
field the last. Governor Fitch also warmly addressed the
assembly in favor of raising the whole number required,
as they were come to a very important crisis, when they
hoped for the complete conquest of the enemy, who for a
long period had been the occasion of much distress, and of
such an expense of blood and treasure, to this country. t
Upon which the assembly came to the following resolu-
tions : That this colony is greatly exhausted, by the ex- Resolu-
penses incurred in the late campaigns : That the taxes tions of the
laid on the inhabitants are heavy : That its credit is much assembly,
endangered by the use of large sums in bills, and that the
number of its inhabitants is very much lessened, by their
enlisting into his majesty's regular troops the last winter ;
and as rangers, batteaux men and team drivers ; and into
the pay of neighboring governments, for the present cam-
paign ; to which they had been induced by the payment of
large sums, which had been offered and given them,, by
other governments, to induce them to take the places of
persons who ought to have gone into the service them-
selves : and also by the great loss of men sustained in the
several late campaigns. This assembly is of the opinion,
that the three thousand and six hundred men voted and or-
dered, last March, to be levied and raised for said service,
and filled up by impress, or detachment, with the encour-

* The chaplains this year were the Rev. Messrs. George BecXwith, Ed-
ward Eells, Jonathan Ingersoll and Bejijamin Pomeroy.

t The only alteration in the choice of magistrates at this election, was
the choice of Roger Griswold, Esq. afterwards governor of the colony,
into the coimcil, ia the room, of general Lyman, employed in the army. "

400 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX,

Book II. agcment tlien given for four hundred men more to enlist,
*-.<~v-^>i-/ is as much as the number of the inhabitants will allow ;
1759. yet considering the very great importance of exerting our-
selves in the present important, critical and decisive mo-
ment, for the security of our country, and from a deep
sense of our duty to our king, and from the gratitude wc
owe to the kingdom of Great-Britain, for the great ex-
pense and succours supplied for the immediate defence
and future safety of our rights and possessions in Ameri-
ca : and humbly relying on the gracious assurances which
the king was pleased to allow his secretary of state to give,
that recommendations should be made to parliament to
grant a reasonable compensation, as his colonies should
appear to merit : and that the zeal and ardor of the people
may be enlivened and quickened to go forth in the de-
fence, and for the future safety of our country ; and that all
proper encouragements may be given and motives used,
to promote the raising of as many more men as can any
way be induced to enlist themselves and engage in said
service : it is resolved and enacted, that one thousand able
bodied men, in addition to the four thousand afore men-
tioned, be allowed to enlist into the service. It was en-
acted, that the men now to be raised should be joined to
the regiments already formed.

To induce men to enlist, the encouragements were in-
creased. A bounty of seven pounds was given, and those
who would enlist from among the men who had been in
service the last year, were allowed pay fi'om December,
to the end of the campaign, two or three months longer
than they were in service ; or as though they had been ac-
tually in service all the time, from their enlistment the last
year.

This assembly granted another emission of ten thousand
pounds lawful money, in bills of credit, at five per cent.
They were m.ade payable at or before the first day of May,
1763. To support the credit of the bills, a tax of two
pence farthing was levied on the grand list of the colony,
which should be brought into the assembly in October.
1761, to be paid into the treasury by the last day of De-
cember, 1762.*
Expptli- The colonies made such exertions, that the provincials
^"^."^■. were early in the field, and the army under general Am-
coiuieroo-a J^'^rst was first in motion. In July, he passed lake George
and Crown without Opposition, and marched with his army to Ticon-
Point.

* Records of the co'ony, 1759. Seven chests of money were this spring
.'pnt over (o the colony, bj' tiie agent, to assist in defraying the expense?
ot the wiir, in the precediug years.

Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT, 401

rleroga. The enemy, on his approach, abandoned their Book IF.
lines, which had been so fatal to the English the last year, s-^^v's^^
and the general broke ground just within their formidable 1759.
breast work. At first, the enemy made the appearance
of a bold and determined defence. But, On the 27th ofTJconde-
July, they blew up their magazine, and retired with pre- roga and
cipitation to Crown Point. There they made but a very Crown
short stay. On the first of August, they suddenly evacu- ^ °^cuated,
ated that post, and retired to the isle Aux Noix. The
general immediately detached the light rangers to take
possession. On the fourth, he arrived with his army.

Though the general was now master of these important
posts, yet the enemy were formidable on lake Cham-
plain. They had four large vessels mounted with cannon,
and manned with the piquets of several regiments. These
were commanded by Monsieur le Bras, a captain in the
French navy, assisted by a number of officers. The ene-
my at the isle Aux Noix, consisted of three thousand and
five hundred effective men, strongly encamped, with a
numerous artillery. Monsieur de Bourlemaque, the com-
mander in chief, flattered himself, that he should be able to
command the lake, and prevent the passage of the English
army into Canada.

That general Artiherst might proceed, it was necessary
that he should have a superior force on the lake. Cap-
tain Loring, who had superintended the building of the
vessels on lake George, was therefore ordered, with all
possible despatch, to build a sloop of sixteen guns, and a
radeau, of eighty four feet in length, to carry six twenty-
four pounders.

While these were constructing, the army were employed Expedi^
in repairing the fortifications at Ticonderoga, and in laying *^°'^.
the foundations of a strong and regular fort at Crown Point ; Nla^^Tra^
for the security of his majesty's dominions in that part of
the country. Especially, it was designed to guard against
the incursions of the scalping and burning parties, which,
in former wars, had been so distressing and destructive to
the frontiers of the northern colonies.

While the army under general Amherst was thus em-
ployed, general Prideaux, reinforced by the Indian auxilia-
ries under Sir William Johnson, advanced to Niagara with-
out loss or opposition. He arrived before the fort about
the middle of July, and immediately invested it on all sides.
The trenches were soon opened, and the siege was prose-
cuted with great vigor. But, on the twentieth, general ^^^- ^"•
Prideaux was killed in the trenches, by the unfortunate i^^^^
bursting of a cohorn. This affected the army with univer- Juiysbtfa,

A3

402 HISTORY or Chap. X\t,

Book II. sal sorrow, and threatened to check (he vigor of its opera-
^..^•^v^s^ tions. No sooner was general Amherst acquainted with
1759. this misfortune, than he dispatched brigadier general
Gage to assume the command. Mean while, it devolved
on Sir William Johnson- He vigorously pursued the mea-
sures of the late general, and pushed on the siege with eve-
ry addition which his own genius could suggest. He wa>.
popular both with the provincials and regular troops, and
almost adored by the Indians. The siege was therefore
pressed on with such united ardor and alacrity, that, in
about four days after the fall of general Prideaux, the ap-
proaches were made within an hundred yards of the covered
way. The French, alarmed at the danger of this important
post, determined to hazard a battle for its preservation.
Collecting all the regular and provincial troops which they
eould draw from their several i:)osts in the vicinity of thp
lakes, in conjunction with a large body of Indians, amount-
ing to about seventeen hundred men, they advanced to at-
tack the English and to raise the siege. General Johnson,
apprised of their design, ordered his ligh* infantry, sup-
ported by a body of grenadiers and other regulars, to take
post on his left, upon the road where the enemy were ap-
proaching ; his Hanks were covered by large bodies of
his Indians. At the same time he posted a strong body of
troops to secure his trenches, from the attempts of the gar-
rison, during the action. At nine in the morning the ac-
|, ti<5n commenced, wi!h great fury, with a wild and horrible

Kiagara, ^^creani of the hostile Indians. This yell is truly the most
tierce vvhich can be imagined, h threw g^eneral Brad-
dock's army, and has thrown other troops into the utmost
disorder. But at this time it had no ill etfect. The ene-
my were so well received in front, and so galled by the gen-
Tlienic- eyal's Indians on their flanks, that in less than an hour their
my de- whole army was ruined. For five miles the pursuit was
feated. ijQt j^,,^ bloody. Monsicur Aubry, commander in chief,

was taken prisoner, with sixteen other officers.*
Niagara As the baEtle was fought within hearing and sight of the
T^t*^2'r!h ^^^^^ ^^® bopes of the gari'ison were destroyed, and they im-
mediately surrendered themselves prisoners of war. The
garrison consistedof between six and seven hundred. The
prisoners were conducted to New- York and NcAv-England.
The women and children were sent, at their desire, to
Montreal.t

The services which general Johnson rendered to his
country were singular and important. In the compass of

* Gen. Johnson's letter to s^eneral Amherst.
tllider's Kist. vol. jtlv. p/81, 87.

£hap. XIX. CONNECTICUT, 403

four years, he had the honour of acting twice as command- Book II.
•erin chief. In both instances, he fought a general battle, vwi'^v->^
and obtained a complete victory. Both victories were sig- 1750.
nalized by the capture of the commander in chief of the
enemy. The consequence of the latter was, the reduction
of one of the most important posts of the enemy, by which
he cut off all communication between Canada and Louisia-
na, Through his influence, many Indians had been brought
into the field, when he first had the command of the army
at lake George ; and this year, he Jed out about eleven
hundred of the five nations. Through his influence, they
were kept in order, and restrained from barbarity. Though
he was not bred to arms, yet it was allowed that no gene-
ral could have made a better disposition for the battle, or
conducted th^ siege v/ith more cool and determ'ined reso-
hition. The force of innate courage and natural sagacity,
seem to have contributed to forni him an accomplished
general.

The reduction of Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and Ni- Expedition
agara, were a defalcation of principal members ; but the rl^g'^^^^.
txpediton against Quebec, was a blow at the heart of the
enemy. While this stood in its strength and glory, nothing
decisive was accomplished. The reduction of this, was
considered, not only as the greatest, but by far the most
difficult to be achieved. The most active and accomplish-
ed ofTicers were, therefore, chosen for this arduous enter-
prise. Under general Wolfe, that great militaiy genius,
served brigadiers Monckton,Townsend,and Murray. They
were, all three, the sons of noblemen. The four generals
were all in the glory and fire of youth. They were all
adepts in the art of war, and, though young in years, were
old in experience. The fleet was commanded by admiral:^
Saunders, Holmes, and Durel, officers of worth and probi-
ty, who, on several occasions, had distinguished them^
selves in the service of the nation.

As early as the twenty-seventh of April, admiral Saun-
ders arrived on the coast, within sight of Louisburg ; bur.
the harbour was so blocked up with ice, that he was obli-
ged to bear away for Halifax. Thence he detached rear
admiral Durel, with a squadron, to the isle de Condes, in
the river St. Lawrence, to intercept all supplies from
France to Quebec. He took several store ships ; but, un-
happily, seventeen sail of ships, with stores, provisions,
and recruits, from France, under the convoy of three frig-
ates, got into the river before him, and arrived safe at the
capital of Canada.

AtJmiral Saunders, as soon as the season would permit.

404

HISTORY OF

Chap. XIX.

arrives at
the isle of
Orleans,
June 26th

Book IL sailed, with an army of eight thousand men, up the river,
v-^^N^-"**-' fpr Quebec. After a safe and easy passage, the troops

1769. were disembarked on the island of Orleans.*
Armament This island is about twenty miles in length, and seven-
teen in breadth. It is fertile, and highly cultivated ; abounds
in people, villages, and plantations, affording every kind
of refreshment. It was necessary to take possession of
this island, not only for the refreshment of the troops, but
to act against Quebec, as the west point of it extends up to
its very bason. Opposite to this, is a high point of land,
called Point Levi. The possession of both these points,
"was of essential importance, as they might be advantage-
ously employed against the town ; and if in possession of
the enemy, they could make it impossible for any ship to
lie within the bason of Quebec, or for the army to carry on
any efTcctual operations against the town.

General Wolfe having taken possession of these points,
the harbour and town of Quebec, and the situation of the
enemy, came into view ; and at once presented him with
the almost insuperable difficulties which he had to encoun-
ter. Nature seems to have consulted the defence of no
place more than that of Quebec. Charlevoix, in his de-
scription of it, says. No other city besides this, in the
known world, can boast of a fresh water harbour, a hun-
dred and twenty leagues from the sea, and that capable of
containing a hundred ships of the line. It certainly stands
on the most navigable river in the universe. At the dis-
tance of a hundred and ten or twelve leagues from the sea,
it is never less than four or five leagues in breadth. But,
above the island of Orleans, it suddenly narrows, and that
at such a rate, as to be no more than a mile broad at Que-
bec ; from which circumstance, the place has been called
Quibeo, or Quebec ; which, in the Algonquin language,
signifies a strait, or narrowing. When Samuel Champlain
founded the city, in 1608, the tide usually rose to the foot,
of the rock. Since that time, it has retired, by little and
little, and has, at last, left dry a large piece of ground, on
"which the lower town has since been built, and which is
jiow sufficiently elevated above the water's edge, to secure
the inhabitants against the inundations of the river.t The
ascent from the lower, to the upper town, is so steep, that
it can be ascended only by steps, which, for that purpose,
are cut in the rock on Avhich the town stands. This lofty
jock extends itself, and continues, with a bold and steep
front, westward along the river St. Lawrence, for a con-

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlv. p. 81, 87.

t Charlevoix's Journal, &c. p. 00, 100, 102.

Descrip-
tion of
Quebec
and the
river St.
Law-
VencCo

Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 405

siderable way,forminG; above the town the heights of Abra- Book II.
ham. From the north-west, comes the river St. Charles, ^-^-s^-^^y
and falls into the St. Lawrence, washing the foot of the 1759.
rock on which the city is built. By the junction of these
rivers, the point on which it stands is a kind of peninsula.
There was no way, therefore, to approach the town, but
either to cross the river St. Charles, and attempt it on that
side, or to go above the town, and overcome the precipice
formed by the rock.

The town was not only thus strongly defended by na-
ture, but it was also fortified with great art. It was defend-
ed with ten thousand men, under that able, and as yet fortu-
nate commander, the marquis de Montcalm. He had
strongly posted his army on that which was deemed the
only accessible side of Quebec, all along the river St.
Charles, to Montmorenci. At every spot where an attack
could be made, were strong entrenchments. In front was
the river, and a sand bank, of great extent ; and the rear
of the army was covered with a thick, impenetrable wood.

When general Wolfe saw the situation of the town, the
nature of the country, the number and strong position of
the enemy, though naturally sanguine and adventurous, yet
he began, in a measure, to despair of the success of the
enterprise. Nevertheless, the keen sense which he had of
the expectations of his country, his desire to answer them,
and his thirst for glory, bore him above all considerations
of difficulty or danger. He determined to leave nothing
unattempted, which might be for the public service.

Batteries were immediately erected on the west point of
the island of Orleans, and on Point Levi, whence a contin-
ual and destructive fiire was poured upon the lower town.
To co-operate in the best manner with the army, admiral
Saunders took his station below the north channel of the
island of Orleans, opposite to Montmorenci. To distract
the enemy, and to prevent any attempt on the batteries
which played on the town, admiral Holmes passed it, and
took his station above. When this disposition was made,
the general ordered the troops to be transported over the
north channel of the St. Lawrence, to the north-east of
Montmorenci. His view in this was, to cross the river,
and to bring the enemy to a general engagement. To ef-
fect this, was his grand object. He foresaw that an assault
on the city would prove ineffectual, while the shipping
could only batter and destroy the lower town. In this,
they must greatly suffer from the batteries and bombs of
the upper. When the reduction of the lower town should
he effectgd, the passages to the other were so steep, an<^

Am HISTORY OF Chap. XIX.

Book II. effeclually entrenched, that even this advantage would con-
%^'~->'^^Sm^ tribute httle to the reduction of the place. Several enii-
1759. nences, Avhich commanded the enemy's entrenchments, a
ford above, and a ford below the falls, induced him to take
this new position. But, upon a nearer view, and a more
thorough examination of the ground, the opposite shore
vv'as found to be so steep and wood}', and so well entrench-
ed, that it baffled all his hopes of carrying what he at first
designed into execution. Tiiis was to force the enemy
from their present position, by an attack on their left,
which he apprehended to be less disadvantageous than
one directly on their entrenchments. But their advantage-
ous situation caused him to adopt dilferent measures.
Troops were detached above the tov/n, and every appear-
ance made of a designed attack on that side. The gene-
j-al passed the tovyn himself, and accurately surveyed the
shore and banks of the river above. But, on this side, he
found extreme difficulties, from the nature of the ground,
and these were increased by the precaution of the French
general. He knew them so well, that he trusted in them,
for the defence of that side of the town. At the same time,
he was too well apprised of the importance of the post he
had chosen, to be drawn from it by any arts of the English

feneral. He kept close in his lines. He had a numerous
ody of savages, and was careful to make such a disposi-
tion of them, as to render any attempt upon him by sur-
prise absolutely impossible.

Meanwhile, the shipping was exposed to great danger
from the enemy's ships and rafts of fire, with which they
had made repeated attempts for its destruction. By the
vigilance of admiral Saunders, and the intrepidity of the
seamen, under the smiles of Providence, it had more than
once been saved from the most threatening danger. The
seamen boarded those floating castles of fire, and towed
them ashore, where they spent their fury, without the least
injury to the British scjuadron. Besides the constant dan-
ger of the lleet, the time for action was wearing away, and
the Season, in addition to all other difficulties, would soon
fight for the enemy, and necessitate the fleet and army to
retire. The general came, therefore, to the resolution of
attacking the enemy in their entrenchments.
Attack at The attack was made at the mouth of the river Mont-
Moiitnio- niorcnci. To facilitate this hazardous enterprise, great,

rcniii, July . . ,• n i i , * . ' »

3i,st. quantities oi artillery were placed upon the eminence, to

batter and enfilade the enemy's entrenchments. The ad-
miral placed the Centurion in the channel, to check the
fire of the enemy's battery, wljich comma ndr(;3 the ford.

cfriAP. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 4(yj

Two flat bottomed vessels were armed and run on shore, Book IL^
to batter an advanced redoubt. At a proper time of tide, v,^-v-x>
and when the enemy's left appeared to be thrown into some 1759^-
confusion, by the fire of the batteries and shipping, the sig-
nal was made for the troops to move, and begin the attack.
The dispositions were excellently made, and the place of
attack was chosen with great judgment; as it was the only
place in which the artillery could be brought into use, and
in which most of the troops could be brought to act at once.
But here, little accidents, which often dash human councils,
and demonstrate the existence of a Ruler higher than man,
totally defeated the design.

Many of the boats from Point Levi, ran aground upon a
ledge, which projects a considerable distance from the
shore. This was an occasion of some disorder, and of so
much loss of time, that the general was obliged to stop the
march of brigadier Townsend's corps, after it began.
After some delay, the boats were floated, and though ex-
posed to a severe fire of shot and shells, ranged in proper
order. General Wolfe in person sounded the shore and di-
rected the spot where the troops should land. Thirteen
companies of grenadiers landed, with two hundred of the
second American battalion. They had orders immediate-'
ly to form, in four distinct columns, and, supported by briga-
dier Monckton's corps, as soon as the other troops had
passed the ford for their assistance, instantly to advance
to the charge. But the grenadiers, without forming, and
before Monckton's corps was landed, in confusion, rushed
impetuously on, towards the enemy's entrenchments. But ^^ .
here their courage served only to increase their misfor- MontnuT-
tune. They were met with such a steady and tremendous renci.
fire, from the enemy, that they could not stand the shdck of
their repeated vollies ; but were obliged to retreat behind
the redoubt which the enemy had abandoned at their ap-
proach. The general, perceiving that they could not
form under so heavy a fire, ordered them to retreat and form
behind general Monckton's corps, which was now drawn
up upon the beach, in excellent order. This unhappy
circumstance had occasioned a new delay, the day was
far spent, the tide was making, and the wind began to blow
with uncommon violence.

In these circumstances, the general foreseeing that, in
case of a second repulse, the retreat of the army would be-
come hazardous and uncertain, gave up the attempt, and
repassed the river without molestation. But, in this unfor-
tunate attack, more than five hundred men, including many
brave officers, were lost.*

* Gen. Wolfe'6 letter to Mr, Pitt. ■Rider's HJ?t. vol. xlv- p, 94, 95.

408 HISTORY OF Chap. XlX.

Book II. Iiiitncdialcly after this severe check, brigadier Murray
^-*'^^^^««»l«/ was detached Avith twelve hundred men, in transports, to
1 759» co-operate with admiral Holmes, above the town. It was
designed to make an attempt to destroy the enemy's ship-
ping. The brigadier was also instructed to sieze every
opportunity of fighting the detachments of the enemy, and
of provoking them to battle. He made a descent at Cham-
baud, and burnt a considerable magazine, filled with arnis,
clothing, provisions and ammunition. But the ships were
moored in such a manner, that their destruction was im-
practicable. As no other service presented itself above
the town, general Murray returned to the camp.

The season was now far advanced, and nothing decisive^
Imd been accomplished. Though the successes of general
Amherst and general Johnson had reached Quebec, yet al!
hopes of any assistance from them had entirely vanished.
General Wolfe, overcome with care, v/atching and fatigue,
which he had for so long a time endured, and chagrined
with disapjiointment, became violently sick. His body
was unequal to that vigorous and enterprising soul which
it possessed. He well knew that no military conduct
could shine unless it was gilded with success. It could
by no means satisfy his great mind to return from an expe-
dition so interesting to his country, and with respect to
which such expectations had been formed, without censure,
and he aspired to the zenith of glory. His high notions of
Sept{ 2nd. Jjqjjqj.^ j[^g national expectation, the success of other gene-
rals, all turning in upon his mind, were supposed to oppress
jiis spirits, and to convert disappointment into disease.
When he had recovered a little from the shock, he dispatch-
ed an express to the ministry with an account of what had
passed, and of the difficulties which he had to encounter.
He wrote very much in the style of despondency, at the
same time promising, that the small part of the campaign
which remained, should, to the utmost of his capacity, be
employed for the honor of his majesty, and the interest of
the nation.

Before this dispatch was sent off, it was determined to
, move the army above the town, and, if possible, to bring
the enemy to a general action. Though the enemy were
superior in numbers, this appeared to the general, and the
three brigadiers, to be the only probable chance of success,
in this difficult enterprise. The camp at Montmorenci
The nrmv ^^'^^ ^^°" broken up, and the troops and artillery were em-
is moved barked and landed at Point Levi. The troops soon pass-
Hbove the ed up the river in transports ; and while admiral Holmes,
^^^y- for several days successively, made moveijients up the riv-

Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 409

er to amuse the enemy, on the north shore, and draw their Book II.
attention as far as possible from the city, one half of the \^^~-^~>^^
troops were landed for refreshment on the other side. 1759.
These movements had no other effect than to produce a
detachment of fifteen hundred men, from the main camp,
under the command of Monsieur BourgainviUe, to proceed
along shore, and to watch the motions of the English fleet
and army. The general therefore came finally to the reso-
lution of landing the troops at night, within a league of
Cape Dimond, and to ascend the heights of Abraham.
These rise abruptly, with a steep ascent, from the banks of
the river, and, once gained, would give the army possession
of the ground on the back side of the city, where it was
least defensible, and would enable the fleet and army, iri
concert, to attack the upper and lower town.

Such however, were the difficulties and dangers of exe-
cuting this design, that it could scarcely have been adopt-
ed but by a spirit of enterprise bordering on despair.
The stream waS rapid, the shore shelving, the bank of the
river lined with centinels, the landing place so narrow as
easily to be missed in the dark ; and the ground so diflEicult
to be surmounted, as hardly to be effected in open day,
should no-opposition be made. Should a spy or deserter
give the least intimation of the design, or should it be sus-
pected by the enemy ; should the embarkation be disor-
dered through the darkness of the night, or difficulty of the
shore, the landing place be mistaken, or the centinels alarm-
ed, the heights of Abraham would instantly be lined witK
such numbers of troops as would render the attempt abor-
tive. Any of these circumstances might have occasioned
a defeat. Though these difficulties could not escape the
penetration of the gallant general, yet he adopted the plan
without hesitation, and executed it in person. A divine
superintendency so watched over it, that it succeeded ac-
cording to his v.'ishes.

When every thing was ripe for execution, admiral Saun-
ders was ordered to make a feint with his ships, as if he de-
signed to attack the enemy in. their entrenchments on the
Beauport shore, and, by his motions, to give it all possible
appearance of a reality. The troops embarked in boats
and on board the transports, and, to cover their design, pro-
ceeded eight or nine miles up the river, above the place
where they designed to land. Under the cover of the
night, the boats fell silently down, undiscovered by the cen- ^
tinels. On the thirteenth of September, an hour before land
day, the troops landed on the north shore, directly against against the
the heights of Abraham. Admiral Holmes, sailing down 'I'V^^u* "^

^ -jj ^ ' » Abiahaja.

410 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX.

Book II. the river, arrived just in time to assist and protect the land-
v-'^v->.^ ing of the troops. Wiicn they had gained the shore, the
1759. precipice being exceedingly steep and high, they were not
able to climb it but by laying hold on stumps and boughs
of trees, and pulling themselves up by them. A little path,
so narrow that two could not go abreast, wound itself up
the ascent ; and even this was defended by a captain'^
guard. With admirable courage and activity did the light
troops and Highlanders mount the craggy steep, dislodge
the captain's guard, and open the way for the other, troops
to gain the summit. By about the breaking of the day,
the troops were up and formed in good order.*
■Rndle of N*^ sooner was marquis de Montcalm informed that the
Quebec, English had gained the heights of Abraham, than he march-
^tpt. loth, («t]^ with his whole force, from the Beauport side, to give
them battle. He filled the bushes in his front with his In-
dians and his best marksmen, amounting to not less thaa
fifteen hundred men. His regulars formed his left ; his
right was composed of the troops of the colony, sup})ort-
ed by two regular battalions. The rest of the Canadians
and Indians he extended on his right, with a view to out
flank the English. General Wolfe, instantly penetrating
his design, detached brigadier Townsend, with the regi-
ment o( Amherst, which was afterwards reinforced with
two battalions of royal Americans. He formed the left in
the manner which military men term en potens, presentini';
a double front. The right of the army was covered by the
Louisburg grenadiers. Atway's were afterwards brough*.
to their right. On their left were Brag's, Kennedy's, and
Astruther's regiments, and Lascelle's Highlanders. CoL
Howe's light infantry protected the rear and the left-
Webb's was drawn up as a reserve, in eight subdivisions,
with large intervals. Such were the dispositions on both
sides, as at once evinced the penetration and judgment of
tlie respective generals. The French had two pieces of
cannon ; the English had time to bring up one only. About
nine o'clock, the enemy, in good order, advanced to the
charge. Their attack was brisk and animated. Their
irregulars kept up a galling though irregular fire upon the
, whole line of the English, though it was in some measure
checked by their advanced posts. This they endured with
patience, reserving their fire until the main body of the
enemy had advanced within forty yards, when they poured
in upon them a terrible discharge, which took eti'ect in its
whole extent. The fire was ke))t up with the same vigor in
which it commenced, till the enemy every where gave way,
* V» rigiit'g History of the war, vol. i. p. 210.

Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 411

As general Wolfe stood conspicuous in the front of the line, Book II.
he was aimed at by the marksmen. He received a shot in v-^~n^">»^
his wrist, which he wrapped in his handkerchief, and con- 1759,
tinued giving his orders with coolness ; but just as the for-
tune of the day began to declare itself, advancing at the
head of Brag's and the Louisburg grenadiers, he received
a ball in his breast, and fell in the arms of victory.* Im-
mediately fell general Monckton, and both were conveyed
out of the line. In this critical state of the action the com-
mand devolved on general Townsend, He had the good
fortune to preserve the spirit of the troops, and push the
advantages gained, to a complete victory. Every corps,
in this crisis, seemed to exert itself with a view to the hon-
or of its own particular character. While the grenadiers,
on the right, pushed on with their bayonets, general
Murray, with his corps, with a heavy and destructive fire,
broke the centre of the enemy, and the Highlanders falling
impetuously on with their broad swords, hewed themdov/n
with terrible slaughter. The troops pursued them to tlie
very walls of the town, killed them upon the glacis and in
the ditch : and had not the city been so near, the whole
French army must have been destroyed.!

No sooner had the English won the field, than a fresh
enemy appeared, threatening another engagement, and
put all again to hazard. Monsieur Bourgainville, who
had been drawn up the river by the movements of the Eng-
lish, with a corps of two thousand men, from Cape Rouge,
appeared in their rear. But, as the main French army
had been defeated, and as general Townsend was able to
establish his rear, and to advance against him with a supe-
rior force, he was obliged, after some feeble attempts, to
retire.

This memorable batde was foug'it with great loss on
both sides. In a very short time, six generals, and about
two thousand men, were killed or wounded. The loss of
the English was five, and that of the enemy was fifteen
hundred men. General Wolfe, amiable in his person,
and one of the greatest military geniuses of his age, was a
capital loss to the nation, which damped the joy of this sig-
nal victory. When struggling with grievous wounds, he
seemed only solicitous for the success of the action, and
the good of his country. When unable to stand, he beg-
ged his attendants to support him, that he might once more
view the field ; but his eyes were so dimmed by the ap-
proach of death that he could not see ; he therefore eagerly

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlv. p. 104.

t Admiral Saunders' letter to the right hon. Mr. Secretary Pitt.

412 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX.

Book II. asked an officer what he saw ? He answered, the enemy
w'-v->»i«/ run ; they are totally defeated. Then, said the hero, " I
1759 thank God, 1 am contented ;'" and almost instantly expir-
ed.

The marquis Montcalm was carried from the field mor-
tally wounded, into the city, and lived just long enough to
recommend his wounded and captivated countrymen to the
mercy of the English general. It must be allowed, that he
was an officer of distinguished ability, and that, from the
commencement of the war, he had rendered the most es-
sential services to his country. In the last scenes of his
life, he well supported his character, having made the best
dispositions human skill and prudence could suggest, both
before and during the engagement. In every preceding
enterprise, he had been successful. It is not certain that
he v.xuld not have been in the defence of Quebec, had he
been left to his own opinion. It is said that he was not
for hazarding a general action ; but that his opinion was
overruled by Monsieur Ramsay, governor of Quebec.

General Monckton, who was shot through his breast, and
had the ball extracted from under his shoulder blade, re-
covered ; but the second in command in the French army,
was left wounded on the field of battle, and died the next
day, on board the fleet. The third and fourth in com-
mand were killed.

Immediately after the battle, admiral Saunders sent up
all the boats in the fleet, with artillery, ammunition, and
whatever should be necessary for general Townsend, in
besieging and attacking the city. But, as the enemy were
still more numerous than the English, it was judged expe-
dient to fortify the camp, before they attempted complete-
ly to invest the town. A considerable time was spent in
this manner, and in clearing the road, getting the cannon
up the precipice, and in making the dispositions necessary
lo cut off the communication between the city and the coun-
try.

On the seventeenth, the admiral went up with his whole
force, disposed in order to attack the lower, as soon as the
general should be ready to attack the upper town. As the
place was now invested, and every thing put on the ap-
pearance of a vigorous siege, or an immediate attack, by
The city of ^3"d and water, the enemy demanded a capitulation. On
Quebec the eighteenth, the city of Quebec was surrendered, on
^""^"ifith' ^^^^^ honorable to the garrison, and advantageous to the
"" ^ ' ' inhabitants. The garrison was allowed to march out with
the honors of war; and the inhabitants were sec^ired in
their persons and eflectSj ij) the exercise of theiji- religion.

<::hap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 413

and the enjoyment of all their civil rights, until a general Book II.
pacification should determine their future condition. v-^-vs^/

Various circumstances united their influence in procur- 1759.
ing these favorable terms for the enemy. The season was
so far advanced as to become cold and stormy, unhealthy
for the troops, and dangerous for the fleet. The number
of men was so small, that it was hardly sufficient complete-
ly to invest the city. The enemy continued to assemble
in force in the rear of the British army ; and though the
lower tOAvn was in a manner destroyed, and the upper one
much damaged, yet the walls were in a state of defence :
and it was judged a considerable advantage to take pos-
session of the city in that condition. Another circum-
stance, which, at that time, rendered the capitulation more
singularly fortunate and providential was, that Monsieur
Levi had arrived from Montreal, with two battalions, tQ
reinforce the enemy, who were rallying behind cape Rouge.
Monsieur Bourgainville, at the same time, was advancing
with a convoy of provisions, at the head of eight hundretf
men, with a view of throwing himself into the town, the ve-
ry morning on which it was surrendered.

A garrison of five thousand regulars, with some light
troops, were left in the city, under the command of general
Murray. The garrison was plentifully supplied with pro-
visions, ammunition, and warlike stores. The fleet soon
sailed for England; and about a thousand French officers,
soldiers and seamen, were embarked on board a number of
English vessels and sent to France.

ITius, after a severe campaign, of nearly three months,
fell the capital of the French setdements in Americao
Considered in all its circurnstances, perhaps thei'e never
was an enterprise, attended with so many difficulties, man-
aged with more gallant perseyerance, nor accomplished
with more ability and vigor. A city strong in its situa-
tion, and strong in fortifications, was to be attacked ; an
army greatly superior in numbers to the besiegers, posted
under its walls, in an ajmost impregnable situation, under
a cautious and experienced commander, was to be defeat-
ed ; a theatre of more than five leagues \vas to be filled,
and operations of this extent to be carried on ; and all this
was to be accomplished by an ai-my of only about eight
thousand men. In overcoming the obstacles of nature, as
>vell as of art, general Wolfe shewed himself to be supe-
rior to every difficulty. All the dispositions of that dar-
ing, but judicious attempt, which divided the force of the
enemy, drew Montcalm from his entrenchments, and final-
ly effected the capture of Quebec, were so many masterly
strokes in the art of war,,

4H HISTORY OF Chap. XIX.

Book II. The perfect harmony and united zeal and exertions of
"~^'"^^'■"^-^ the whole fleet and army, had a capital influence in this
1759. grand event. In it all good men will discern a divine su-
perintendency. How conspicuous was this, in combining
so many favorable circumstances as were necessary for
gaining the heights of Abraham ? And in preventing those
numerous incidents, by which it might have been defeated,
and against which no human foresight could have made
effectual provision ?

When the news of the reduction of Quebec arrived in
England, it is hardly possible to describe the various and
mixed emotions, which instantly pervaded the nation.
But two days before, the ministry had received the dis-
patches of general Wolfe, after the check at Montmorenci.
As the general appeared then to doubt of success, the pub-
lic judged they had reason to despair. But in the midst of
this general despondency, a second express airiving, at
once announced the victory and captuic of Quebec, and
the death of general Wolfe. News so joyful, immediately
on a state of general dejection, has an unusual effect. That
mixture of pity and grief which attended the public joy
and congratulations, was singular, and peculiarly affecting.
Major Rogers, who was sent out with a scouting party on
the 8th of August, fell in with a large number of French
and Indians near Wood Creek, A smart engagement im-
mediately ensued. Major Putnam, afterwards general Put-
nam, was taken prisoner, with some others, and carried to
Caoada, where he was kept about three months. In this
action, Peter Wooster, of Derby, an ensign in colonel Na-
than Whiting's regiment, had six balls shot through him,
had his elbow, wrist and hand broken in pieces with the
hatchet, and received seven other blows from it ; was scalp-
ed and stripped, and left as a dead man in the place where
he fell 5 and yet he afterwards revived, and Vi^as recovered
to a comfortable state. The assembly, upon his applica-
tion, representing that, by reason of the wounds which
he had received, he was in a great measure incapacitated
for labor, granted him forty pounds lawful money for his
assistance.

While those great events had taken place in Canada,
General general Amherst was making all possible exertions on the
ackanceV la^^es ? ^^"t it v/as the 11th of October before he had com-
pleted the shipping necessary to command the lake, and
could be ready to attack the enemy. On this day, having
the whole army embarked in battcaux, in excellent order,
covered with -his shipping, he advanced down the lake to
attack the enemy. But the next day the weather becamt

Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 415

so tempestuous that he was obliged to take sheker in a bay Book IT.
on the western shore, and to disembark the troops. While s^^v^**^
they remained on shore, captain Loring, with the squadron, 1759,
sailed down the lake, and drove three of the French ships French
into a bay, where two of them were sunk in deep water, ^'^^P^ ^^*'
and abandoned by their crews. The third was run aground, ^
and was also deserted. This captain Loring repaired and
brought oft'. The French were now despoiled of all their
shipping on the lake, except one schooner. General Am-
herst, after lying wind bound some days, re-embarked his
troops and proceeded down the lake : but the storm, which
had for some time abated, beginning again with greater
violence, and the wind blowing with such fury that the
weaves ran mountain high, he was obliged to return again
to the same bay, where he had sought safety before, and
re-land his army. The general being convinced that the
season for action was elapsed, and that it was unsafe to ven-
ture the army on the lake in batteaux, returned to Crown
Point. The remainder of the season was employed in
raising the new fortress at Crown Point, with three small
out forts for its defence ; in forming roads for communica-
tion between Ticonderoga and the governments of Massa-
chusetts and New-Hampshire ; and in making such dispo-
sitions for quartering the troops, as, during the winter,
should secure the country from all damage and insult by
the enemy.

Thus closed the ever memorable campaign of 1759 : a
campaign, the success of which made ample amends for the
inactivity and disappointments of former years ; and will
always do the highest honor, not only to the generals who
commanded in the several enterprises, but to the nation in
general.

By the reduction of Ticonderoga, Crown Point and Ni-
agara, and especially of Quebec, the remaining part of
Canada became invested on every side, and entirely cut
off from every communication with France. The troops
under monsieur Levi, at Montreal and Trois Pcivieres, with
those at the isle Aux Noix, could receive no recruits of
men, j:)rovisions, or military stores. The v/ay was open to
advance upon them in the spring from the lakes Ontario and
Champlain, and from Quebec, up the river St. Lawrence,
and presented the most flattering prospect of the total re-
daction of all Canada.

The nation was deeply sensible of the divine benefi-
cence in the successes of the campaign, and thanksgivings
were ofi'ered, both in Great-Britain and in America, unto
Him who giveth the victory, and saveth by few as well as
by many.

HISTORY OF Chap. ±X.

1760. CHAPTER XX.

Slate of the garrison at Quebec. Designs of Monsieur Levi,
His preparations for the siege of the city. Marches with
hjs army from Montreal. Battle of Sillery. General
Murray defeated, and Quebec is besieged. Lord Colville
arrives with the British fleet. The French shipping de-
stroyed, and the siege raised. Preparations for the cam-
paign in 1760. Plan of it. Resolutions of the General
Assembly of Connecticut, respecting it. Movements of
general Amherst. He goes doron the river St. Lajorence,
Makes a junction zoith generals Murray and Haviland, at
Montreal. The city surrenders, and the whole country of
Canada is conquered.

T had been supposed, the last year, that, by the reduc-
tion of Quebec, Canada was, in effect, conquered. But,
experience soon taught the English, that more dangers
awaited them, and that much more remained to be done,
to complete the advantages to which the taking of the capi-
tal had given an opening, than, at that time, the most saga-
cious had been able to foresee. It very soon appeared
that there was danger of losing that important acquisition,
which had been made by such uncommon exertions of
military prowess, and by such consummate generalship, in
(he face of so many dangers, and at the expense of so ma-
ny lives.

As soon as possible after the "reduction of Quebec, the
English ileet retired, that they might not be damaged by
^ the storms usual at that season, nor frozen up in the river.

As in the v;inter the river would be frozen up, it was ima-
gined that no shipping would be necessary for the defence
of the city, and, consequently, none were left. Lord Col-
ville, with a strong squadron, remained at Halifax, with
orders to visit Quebec in the spring. General Amherst
was at New- York, and had so cantoned his troops as, early
in the spring, to recommence his operations, for the entire
reduction of Canada. With this disposition, it was con-
ceived, the English garrison at Quebec, and the American
^osts, would be safe and undisfurbed.
Designs of But immediately after the departure of the English fleet,
the enemy. Monsieur Levi conceived the idea of recovering Quebec.
The army which he commanded was more numerous than
the land force which had made the conquest. He had a
nunibcr of frigates, by which he could entirely command

Chap. XXi CONNECTICUT. 417

the river. He established advanced posts at Point au Book IT.
Tremble, St. Augustine and Le Calvaire ; while the main v.-^-v^s./
body of his army quartered between Trois Rivieres and 1760=
Jaques Quartier. As he had formed the design of taking
Quebec in the winter, and carrying it by a coup de main,
he provided snow shoes, scaling ladders, and whatever
might be necessary for that purpose. He took possession
of Point Levi, and there formed a magazine of provisions.

General Murray, on his part, omitted no exertions nor Precau-
precautions in his power, for the defence of the city, and tJ°"^ °^
the annoyance of the enemy. During the winter, he re- ^il^^^y^ ■
paired more than five hundred houses, which had been
damaged by the English shells and cannon. He built eight
redoubts, raised foot banks along the ramparts, opened
embrasures, and mounted cannon. He blocked up the
avenues of the suburbs with a stockade, removed eleven
months provisions into the highest parts of the city, and
formed a magazine of four thousand fascines. He posted
two hundred men at St. Foix and Lorette. A detachment
marched to St. Augustine, and brought off the enemy's ad-
vanced guard, with great numbers of cattle, and disarmed
the inhabitants. By these means, the motions of the ene-
my were constantly watched, and the avenues to the city
.".ecured. As soon as the river froze over, he detached a
party to Point Levi, drove off the enemy, and took their
magazine. He disarmed the inhabitants on the river, and
obliged them to take the oath of allegiance. The English
government, by these means, was maintained overnearly a»
dozen parishes..

By these measures, the outposts were so well secured,
and the avenues to the city so effectually guarded, that
Monsieur Levi judged it most prudent to give up his de-
sign of attempting to take the city by surprise, and not to
begin his operations till the spring should open, and he
could form a regular siege. To be ready for this, no pains
were spared. The French ships were rigged, gallies built,
bombs and bullets cast, fascines and gabions prepared, and
the militia disciplined and called to arms. From the in- Prepara-
habitants of the country, M. Levi raised ^eigh't complete ^'o"^^'^^'^^
battalions. Of the colonists, he formed forty companies ^"^"y*
into regiments.

General Murray had certain intelligence, that the French
general was determined to undertake the siege of Quebec,
as soon as the river should be clear of ice, so that the frig-
ates and other vessels could act. He knew that by these
he would be able entirely to command the river.

In the mean time, the garrison had suffered so much by
C 3

418 HISTORY OF Chap. X>L

Book II. the extreme coldness of the winter, in that northern cli-
v-'^-v^*-/ nfiate, and for the want of vegetables and fresh provision?^.
1 7G0. that before the end of April, one thousand of them were
State of dead, of the scurvy and other disorders. | The general,
the garri- notwithstanding, detached parties, who surprised the ene-
**^"' my's posts at St. Augustine, Maison, Brubcc, and Le Cal-

vairc. Nearly a hundred prisoners were taken. After-
v.'ards, the light infantry were dispatched to take possession
of Cape Rouge, and to fortify it, to prevent the enemy
from landing at that post, and to be near at hand, to watch'
llicir motionrr. Besides, considering the city as only a
strong cantonment, he projected a plan of defence, by ex-
tending his lines, and entrenching his troops, on the heights
of Abraham, at the distance of about a hundred and sixty
rods from the city. These commanded its ramparts, and,
by a small force, might have been defended against a for-
midable enemy. Fascines, and every article necessary for
the purpose, had been prepared. !n April, the men began
to' work on the projected lines ; but the ground was so fro-
zen, that it was found impracticable to carry the design into
execution.
The^:neray j^q sooner was the frost abated, so as to favour the de-
advance, gigps Qf {[jg enemy, than his provisions, ar^munifion, and-
heavy baggage, fell down the river St. Lawrence, under
the convoy of six frigates, of from forty-four to twenty-six
euns. The river ^Vas now vvholly under hi-s command.
This was a circumstance of great importance, as to the
success of his enterprise. The enemy landed at such pla-
ces as suited his cotivenienccr The British, abandoning
their posts, one after airother, retired into the city.

On the night of the twenty-sixth of April, the main army
of the enemy landed at Point au Tremble. It- consisted of
five thousand regular troops, six thousand Canadians, and
lour or five hundred Indians.* The numbers were, after-
wards, considerably increased.t On the intelligence of
the enemy's approach, general Murray ordered all the
Ijridges' over the river Caprouge to be broken down, and
secured the landing places at Sillery and Toulon. The
next day, perceiving it was the design of the French gene-
ral to cut oif his outposts, which had not yet been called
in, he marched out in person, with two field-pieces ; and^
taking possession of an advantageous situation, defeated
,lhe design. Having withdraw'n his detachments, he re-
tired, with little loss, into the city.

I Rider's Hist. vol. xlvi. p. 168, 169, and governor Murray's letter to-
Sir. Secretary Pitt.

* Wright's Hist. vol. ii, p*: 2o6, and R,ider's, vol. xlvi. p. 169, 110.

t General Murray, jo bis letter to the auuistry, says he was beeieger'
bylSjOOOmen.

€hap. XX. ' CONNECTICUT. 41^

As the British troops had been in the habit of victory, Book IL
and they had a fine train of artillery, general Murray dc- n..^-v-«w'
termined rather to risk a general battle, than tamely to 1 7G0.
submit to the damages and hardships of a siege. Accord-
ingly, on the twenty-eighth of April, he marched out, with
a train of twenty fieldrpieces, and the whole number of his
effective men, amounting to three thousand only. These
formed on the heights in the best order. On reconnoitor-
ing the enemy, he perceived that their van was taking pos- Battje oJ
session of a rising ground in his front, and that the main Ari728thp
army was marching in a single column, unformed. Judg-
ing this to be the lucky monaent, he advanced immediately
10 the attack, l>efore they bad forn^ed their line. The Eng-
lish charged the van of the enemy so furiously, both on
their right and left, as soon drove them from the eminences,
though they were well maintained. The van of the French
gave way, and fell back on the main body, which was
forming to support them. This checked the pursuit of the
English. The light infantry were now ordered to regain
the flanks of the enemy ; but they were so furiously char-
ged in the attempt, that they were obliged to retire into
the rear, in such a shattered condition, that they could not
be brought up again during the action. Otway's regiment,
from the body of reserve, was instantly ordered to advance
and sustain the right wing. This was so well supported,
that the repeated attempts of the enemy to penetrate it,
were in vain. Meanwhile, the left brigade of the English
dispossessed the enemy of two redoubts, and, for a long
time, with prodigious resolution, sustained the whole ef-
forts of his right. This was reinforced by the third bat-
talion of the royal Americans, who were of the corps de re-
serve, and also by Kennedy's, from the centre. The en-
emy, however, were able, t)y a steady and furious fire, not
only to suppoi't their centre, but to wheel round, and pour
in such fresh and repeated force upon the flanks of the
English, that, notwithstanding every exertion of military
art and prowess, the enemy began to encompass them in a
semicircle ; and, pouring in upon the left a fresh regiment^
(that of de Rousillon,) after they were fought down, and re-
duced to a handful in that quarter, they* penetrated that
wing of the English army, and threw it into confusion.
The disorder was soon communicated to the right ; and it
appeared that there was the utmost danger that the army
would be surrounded, and taken. As speedy a retreat as The En°
possible became necessary. In this there were such diffi- Ji^h are <ie =
culties, as nothing but the magnanimity of the troops, and f^^*-^*^*
the spirit and skill of their general and his officers, could

420 HISTORY of; ' Chap. XX,

Bqok II. overcome. They finally gained Quebec. As the action
S>^v>-' continued an hour and three quarters, with great exertion
1760, and spirit on both sides, the loss Avas very considerable.
The Englis^h lost most of their artillery, and had not less
than a thousand men killed and wounded, about one third
of their whole number. The loss of the enemy was sup-
posed to be more than double that number.*

General Murray's engaging with such superior numbers,
in the open field, when he might have acted with greater
security in a fortified city, has been censured, as savouring
more of youthful impatience, and over abounding courage,
than of that military discretion which ought to have dis-
tinguished a commander in his critical situation. The
reasons given by Mr. Murray for his conduct, are said, by
the British historian, to be incomprehensible. It is not
improbable that, as he was a man of the most ardent and
intrepid courage, passionately desirous of glory, and emu-
lous of the character of the incomparable Wolfe, that he
designed, by one bold stroke, so to disable the enemy, as
to pave the way to the conquest of Canada, by his own
force 5 and, by this means, to raise himself to the height of
military glory. Be this as it may, it was indeed an unhap-
py affair. For a short time, it exceedingly elated the
French, both in Europe and America. The blow was, in-
deed, sensibly felt by the English in both countries. It
was not expected that the garrison, after such a defeat,
would hold out any considerable time. The English fleet
was at a great distance, and general Amherst could afford
no immediate assistance. The acquisition and defence of
Quebec, in less than a year, had cost the nation more than
three thousand lives, besides a vast expense of money.
Were this now to be retaken, it would all have been loss.
The sanguine hopes that Canada would be conquered the
next campaign, must all be broken and vanish.
Quebec The French, whose only hope of success depended on

besieged ^^^ accomplishment of their work before the arrival of a
French. British squadron, lost not a moment in improving their
victory. The very night succeeding the victory, trenches
were opened against the town. Three ships anchored at a
small distance bplow their camp, and for several days
were employed in landing their cannon, mortars and am-
munition. At the same time, the enemy worked incessant-
ly in their trenches before the town. On the 1 1th of May,
they opened one bomb battery, and three batteries of can-
non. The first day, they cannonaded the town with great
vivacity.
^' General Murray, in his letter to Mr. Pitt, estimates it at 2500.

Chap. XX. CONNECTICUT. 421

General Murray was not less active in his defence of the Book If.
town, than the enemy were in the siege. The defeat which v^^-v^^^
he had suffered, served only to rouse him to more strenu- i760.
ous exertions. He was deeply sensible, that if Quebec
should be retaken, it would be imputed to the rashness of
his counsels. He knew that in proportion to the liberali-
ty with which the public had heaped honors upon the men
who had conquered it, they would not fail to poar resent-
ment and reproach on the man by whom it should be lost.
It did not escape his reflection, that nothing makes a worse
figure than unfortunate rashness. These ideas pressed him
on to vigilance and activity in the defence of the city. He
prosecuted with the utmost vigor, the fortifications which
i)ad been suspended by the severity of the winter. The
soldiers, by his example and influence, exerted themselves
with incredible firmness and activity. Out works were
contrived, and on the ramparts were mounted an hundred
and thirty-two pieces of artillery. By the time that the
enemy's batteries opened, the English were able to main-
tain such a superior fire, as greatly to check, and almost
to silence them. The French were very deficient as to the
number of their cannon and weight of their metal. Their
heaviest cannon, it seems, were but twelve pounders.

But, notwithstanding these circumstances, the relief of
the city depended on the early arrival of the English fleet.
This was looked for, with anxious expectation, every hour.
It was the general expectation, that should a French fleet
arrive before the English, this important acquisition must
be lost.

In the mean time, the English admirals, as soon as the
season would admit, got into the river. Lord Colville,
with the fleet under his command, sailed from Halifax, on
the 22d of April ; but he was retarded by thick fogs, con-
trary winds, and shoals of ice which floated down the river.
Commodore Swanton, however, who had sailed from Eng-
land, with a small reinforcement for Quebec, with two
ships, got into the river and landed at the isle of Beck the
beginning of May. Here he designed to wait for the rest
of his squadron, which had parted from him on his pas-
sage. But the Lowestoffe, one of his frigates, got into the
river before him, and on the ninth of May, to the great
joy of the garrison, anchored in the bason. This gave
them the intelligence of a British squadron at hand. Ad-
miral Swanton, soon receiving the news that Quebec was
besieged, sailed up the river with all possible expedition,
and, on the evening of the fifteenth, cast anchor above ijsh^ar"^
Point Levi, General IVIurray wishing for relief, express- rive.

422

HISTORY OF

Chap. XX,

French
ships des-
troyed.

Siege rais-
ed, May

aeth.

General
Assembly
at New-
Haven,
March 13.

Gen. Am-
herst takes
the field.

Plan of the
tacBpaign,

cd his earnest desire, that the French squadron, above the
town, might be removed. The commodore, therefore, or-
dered two frigates, early the next morning, to slip their ca-
bles, and attack the enemy's fleet.

No sooner were they in motion, than the French ships
fled in the utmost disorder. One of their frigates was
driven on the rocks above Cape Dianiond ; another ran on
shore at Point au Tremble, and was burned. The whole
fleet was soon destroyed or taken. So thunder struck
were the enemy, at this disaster, and thq intelligence of an
English fleet in the river, that, as soon as the darkness oi
the night favored them, they raised the siege, and retreat-
ed with the greatest precipitation ; leaving their artillery,
implements, provisions and whole camp standing. Thirty
pieces of battering cannon, ten field pieces, six mortars,
their tents, baggage, stores, and the whole camp equipage,
fell into the hands of the English. On the 19th, lord Col-
ville arrived. The English now becanqie formidable in
that quarter, and capable of offensive operations. The
clouds were now dissipated, and the prospect of an entire
reduction of Canada, once more brightened.

While these things were transacted in Canada, the colo-
nies were, with great zeal and union, preparing for an early
campaign. The general assembly of Connecticut, con-
vened on the thirteenth of March. Mr. Pitt's letter was
communicated, in which he laid open his majesty's de-
sign, to complete the conquest of Canada, and that he re-
quired the spirited exertions of the colonies. He stated
the great encouragement they had still to exert themselves,
from the success of former years. General Amherst made
the same requisition this year, which he had made in the
preceding years. The assembly therefore voted, to raise
four regiments, consisting of twelve companies each, com-
prising a body of five thousand effective men, officers in-
cluded. It resolved, that all necessary provision should
be made for levying, clothing and paying them : and that
they should be raised with all possible dispatch. Major
general Lyman, was colonel of the first regiment, and com-
mander of the whole. The other officers were generally
the same as the last year.*

General Amherst took the field at an early period ; and
found himself at the head of a very respectable body of
men. They were sufficient for three formidable armies.
His plan was, by three different routes, to concentre his
whole force at Montreal, for the reduction of that important

* The chaplains were, Beckwith of Lyme, LeaTcnworth of Walerbury,
VcTXieroy orHehron, and-Beebe of Stratford.

Chap. XX. CONNECTICUT. 423

city, where almost the whole force of Canada was collect- Book IL
ed ; and whence all the out posts received their supplies ^^^-v-w*'
and support. The capture of this, would be the fall of l7Ca,
them, and the reduction of the whole country.

To effect this, he detached general Haviland, to proceed
with an army, by the way of lake George, Crown Point
and lake Champlain, to the place of general rendezvous.
At the same time, general Murray was ordered, with all
the troops which could be spared from the garrison of
Quebec, to advance towards Montreal, by the river St.
Lawrence ; while the general himself, penetrated into
Canada, by lake Ontario, and down the river St. Law-
rence. To second these measures, captain Loring was de-
tached to cruise on the lake. Two armed sloops were
prepared for the same purpose. A great number of bat-'
teaux and small vessels were built, for the transportation
of the troops, artillery, provisions, ammunition, imple-
ments and baggage of the army. At an early period, seve-
ral regiments were sent forward from Albany to Oswego,
for these purposes, and to make all necessary preparations
for crossing the lake.

In June, the general commenced his march from Sche-
nectady, with the main army, and proceeded by the Mo-
hawk and Oneida rivers, to Oswego. In less than three
weeks the general reached this post with his whole army.
This consisted of ten thousand regular and provincial
troops, and one thousand Indians, under general Johnson.

Very great had been the difficulties already surmount-
ed, in conducting such an army, with its artillery, provis-
ions and military stores, through that vast tract of country
between Albany and lake Ontario. Other generals had
spent whole campaigns in accomplishing less than general
Amherst had done already : but, greater difficulties still
remained, in transporting this numerous army, with its
necessary supplies, in open boats and gallies, aci-oss that
vast lake, and down the numerous rapids of a mad river.
It required the utmost caution, and the strictest order, lest
they should fall foul of each other ; lest they should ap-
proach too near the shore, or be driven too far out, on a
sudden squall or storm, seasonably to reach the land : or
kst they should not be steered and pushed forward with
such exactness as to shoot the falls without turning side-
ways, and overseting and dashing to pieces among the
rocks. But the general, whose calm and steady resolution
was not unequal to the difficulties before him, made all his^
dispositions with that admirable method and regularity of
military arrangement, which so strongly marked the cha

424 HISTORY OF ' Chap. XX,

Book II. racter of that great commander. After a detachment from
\^,^~^r>,»m/ the army had been sent forward to remove obstructions in
1760. the river St. Lawrence, and to find the best place for the
passage of the boats and vessels, the army embarked and
passed the lake without any misfortune. The general re-
ceiving intelligence that one of the enemy's vessels was
aground, and disabled, and that another lay off Lagalett,
determined, with the utmost dispatch, to go down the river
and attack Oswegatchie and isle RoyaL

On the 17th of August, the row gallies fell in with the
French sloop commanded by M. de la Broquerie, who, af-
ter a smart engagement, surrendered to the English gallies.
The enemy retired with great precipitation before the ar-
my, until it arrived in the neighbourhood of isle Royal.
This was immediately so completely invested, that the
- garrison had no means of escaping. By the 23d, two bat-
teries were opened against the fort, and it was cannonaded
by these, in concert with the row gallies in the river. Dis-
We Royal positions having been made for a general attack, M. Pon-
EiinenHers, chant, the commander, beat a parley and surrendered the
Aug. 25. £^^|. ^^ terjjis of capitulation.

As this was a post of singular importance, both to com-
mand the lake Ontario, and to protect the frontiers of the
colonies, the general spent some time in repairing the fort,
in making every preparation, and taking every precaution
in his power for passing his troops down the river to Mon-
treal. As all the falls lie between this post and the city,
this was by far the most dangerous part of the enterprise.

About the same time general Haviland took possession
of the isle Aux Noix and by the most direct route was cross-
ing the country to the St. Lawrence. General Murray,
with the British fleet, was advancing up the river, and sub-
duing the adjacent country. The respective armies bore
down all before them, and the operations of the campaign
were approaching to an important crisis.

When the necessary preparations had been made, gene-
ral Amherst proceeded down the river; but notwithstanding
L ssatthe "^^'^^^ precaution in passing the rapids, the stream was so
FaHs iathe violent, that numbers of the batteaux and whale-boats turn-
St. Law- cd over and went down sideways, and were dashed in pie-
rence. ^^g ^^^ ^^^ rocks. About ninety men, nearly fifty batteaux,
seventeen whale-boats and one galley, some artillery, pro-
visions and ammunition were lost. This was indeed to be
lamented, but considering the greatness of the embarka-
tion, and the extreme difficulties to be encountered, the loss
Avas not very considerable. Without any further misfor-
tune, after a tedious, fatiguing and dEuigerous march and

Chap. XX. CONNECTICUT. 42Si

voyage of two months and seventeen days, after its depar- Book II.

lure from Schenectady, the army, with great joy, saw the v-rf'-Ny-**^

city of Montreal, the object of their ardent wishes, and the 1760.

happy period of their labours and dangers. The troops Armj ar-

were immediately landed in the best order. No opposi- "/^^,^* ,
,•' . r n ' -I Montreal,

tion was made, exceptmg irom some iiymg parties, who, ggpt. cth,
after exchanging a few shot, fled with precipitation. The
general marched about six miles from the landing place,
and drew up his army on a plain before the city. There
it lay upon its arms during the night.

So remarkably had providence guided the motions of
the several armies, that though they pursued long and dif-
ferent routes, through the enemy's country, in which they
had numerous difficulties to encounter, and in which they
could have no intelligence of each others' operations, they
all met at the same time, at the place of general rendez-
vous. General Murray landed on the island, the same
day that general Amherst took possession of it : and gen- fJJI^^^
eral Haviland, with the army under his command, appear- junction,
ed on the other side of the river, opposite to the city.

General Amherst had given orders, that the cannon
should be immediately brought on from the landing place,
at La Chine ; and in the morning determ_ined to invest the
town. But, as soon as the morning appeared, the Mar-
quis Vaudreuille, governor of Canada, finding himself com-
passed with armies, addressed a letter to general Amherst,
demanding a capitulation. After several letters had pass-
ed between the general and governor, the demand was
granted. The terms were such as, while they were hu-
mane and favorable to the French, did honor to the Brit-
ish arms and nation.

The Marquis Vaudreuille had done every thing for the
defence of Canada, which became a vigilant and magnan-
imous officer. When all hope of the recovery of Quebec
failed him, he fixed his head quarters at Montreal, and us-
ed every art and exertion for its preservation. He not on-
ly levied forces, collected magazines, and erected new for-
tifications on the Island, but he had recourse to feigned in-
telligence, and other arts of delusion, to support the de-
pressed spirits of the Canadians.* His chief hopes were
not, however, placed in the greatness of his strength, nor-
in his various arts, but in the difficulties, which, on all
sides, attended the entrance of Canada. He flattered him-
self that, after the general sickness and defeat of the garri-
son at Quebec, there would be little danger from that quar-

* See his rircular letter to the militia of Canada, preserved in Rider's
Hi'^torv of Ensrland, VcK xlvi,

D 3

420

HISTORY OF

Chap. XX.

Montreal,
v'ith all
Canada
given up,
Sept. 8tb.

De"?crip-
iion of
Montreal.

tcr. He knew the great distance between Albany and
Montreal, by the way of Oswego and the St. Lawrence, and
the almost insuperable difficulties of conducting an army
down so many rifts and rapids, as there were in that river,
between lake Ontario and Montreal. These, in conjunc-
tion with the impenetrable woods, morasses and moun-
tains, which covered the country through whith the ar-
mies from New- York and New-England must pass, he hop-
ed would so retard their operations, and protract the war,
that a general pacification would finally save the country.
But when he saw the three armies, notwithstanding ali
these difficulties, forming a junction before the town, con-
sisting of more than twenty thousand men, all his hopes
were clashed, and he perceived that his only safety was in
capitulation. The extent of the country was so great, the
interests of the people, and the objects of the treaty were
so many, that it made the capitulation a work of consider-
able time. It consisted of nearly sixty articles ; but on the
eighth of September it was completed/

By this, not only Montreal, but all the other French
posts in Canada, with the whole country, were surrender-
ed to the crown of Great Britain, All the troops in Mon-
treal, and in the other posts, were allowed the honors of
war, and were to be treated strictly as prisoners ; but to
be sent directly to France, on condition of their not serv-
ing during the war. The capitulation secured to the in-
habitants, of every character, the full enjoyment of the Ro-
man Catholic religion, personal safety, and property of ev-
ery kind.

Montreal is the second place in Canada, for extent,
numbers, buildings, commerce, strength, and opulence^
It stands on an excellent and well cultivated island, about
ten leagues in length, and nearly four in its greatest breadth.
The city is built in a quadrangular form, on the bank of
the river St. Lawrence. The bank gently rising, divides
the city into the lower and upper towns. Though the as-
cent from the lower to the upper town is so gradual as to
be scarcely perceivable, yet when you have reached the
citadel in the upper, it appears entirely ta overlook them
both, and to command the river and the adjacent country.
The city, by reason of its central situation, between Que-
bec and lake Ontario, became the grand resort of the In-
dian traders, and depot of their commerce. As it is more
than three degrees south of Quebec, and as the river, in
its whole extent, from that city to this, inclines considera-
bly to the south, the country is far more pleasant, and the
seasons more clement, than at the capital. Father Char-

€hap. XX. CONNECTICUT. 427

ievoix says, " After passing Richlieu islands, one would Book II,
think he were transported into another climate. The air s-<»-n/^w/
becomes softer and more temperate, the country more lev- j 7GO.
el, the river more pleasant, and the banks infinitely more
pleasant and delightful."

Before the war, the fortifications of this city were mean
and inconsiderable : and though additions had been made
since, yet there was nothing to render the capture of it an
enterprise of any great difficulty, except that of leading an
army through such a prodigious and difficult tract of coun-
try, as the English were obliged to pass, that they might
appear before it ; and that here was collected all the regu-
lar, and most of the provincial force of Canada.

General Amherst had the honor and good fortune of sur- O^^*^""^^"
mounting all difficulties, and of making such dispositions, ^^^^^ °"_
as that, almost without the shedding of blood, to complete quest,
the conquest of Canada. Thus, in a little more than a cen-
tury and an half from its first settlement, in the sixth year
of the war, after six general battles, this vast country was
completely conquered, by the conjoined arms of Great-
Britain and her colonies. This conquest, if we consider
the extent and difficulty of the operations by which it was
effected, the number of inhabitants,* the greatness and
fertility of the country subdued, the safety it gave to the
English colonies in America, and the transfer of the whole
Indian trade to the merchants of Great-Britain, appears to
have been one of the most important, ever achieved by the
English arms.

The accomplishment of so great a work, with so little On the
bloodshed, without a single instance of rashness or inhu- general,
inanity, without any considerable accident or misfortune,
while it reflected the highest military honor on the comman-
der in chief, did equal honor to the humanity and good-
ness of his heart. , It must be allowed, that he was pecu-
liarly happy, in having subordinate commanders, who,
with such ability and vigor, seconded him in all his opera-
tions ; and in commanding a body of regular and provin-
cial troops, whom no labors could discourage, and whom
no dangers could dismay.

After all, the principal honor is to be ascribed to the Su- ^^ Provi-
preme Ruler, whose all-governing agency directed the *^^"
whole series of these successful, events. He only could
harmonize and direct so many hearts and circumstances,
in Europe and America, by land and sea, as combined
their influence in this happy event. He never wants

* These, at the time of the conquest, were estimated at more thaa
14)05000.

4^8 HISTORY OF Chap. XX.

Book II. means to accomplish his own purposes. When, in his

\^^>'''**m^ moral government, great events are to be effected, he will

1760, qualify and call forth instruments, and guide their counsels

and operations, to the accomplishment of his designs. A

Moses, Joshua, David and Cyrus, will never be wanting,

when the emergencies of his people call for such aids.

The repairing and garrisoning of the several forts, the
removing the French troops from Detroit and Michilimaki-
nack ; and the replacing them with English garrisons ; the
preserving of a communication between the various distant
parts; and the securing of the obedience of the country;
made it necessary that general Amherst, and the other
generals of the army, should return by the same routes
which they had taken to form a junction at Montreal. This,
for the commander in chief, was, in some respects, more
laborious and difficult, than it had been to conduct the ar-
my to the place of conquest. His shipping, boats, artille-
ly and baggage, were to be carried back against the stream,
into lake Ontario. This laborious and difficult service
kept the army in constant fatigue, during the remainder
of the campaign, and protracted it nearly to the beginning
of winter.

While general Amherst v/as performing these important
services in Canada, the enemy sustained a considerable
loss in the bay of Chaleurs. The French court, not insen-
sible of the importance of their settlements in Canada, nor
of the danger in which they were, at that time, had fitted
out an armament of three frigates and twenty transports,
with troops and mihtary stores, as a reinforcement for Mon-
treal. They hoped to get into the river St. Lawrence, be-
fore any of the English shipping, and by this means to ef-
fect their design. But on their arrival in the bay, they re-
ceived the intelligence, that lord Colville's fleet had got
into the river before them, and that it was entirely under
his command. They therefore disembarked and formed a
little settlement on the bay, determining, if possible, to
make the;ir way to the main army by land. But, in the
course of the summer, they were discovered by lord By-
ron, who was in the bay with three ships of the line. He
took the whole armament, and broke up the settlement.
Thus, whatever the enemy attempted, in America, was at-
tended with loss and disappointment.

Great and universal was the joy, which spread through
the English colonies, especially through New-England, on
the conquest of Canada, which, for more than a century,
had occasioned so much alarm, such an expense of blood
?nd treasure to them, as well as to the sister colonies. Ma-

Chap. XXT. CONNECTICUT. 420

iiy had been their own and their forefathers fastings and Book II.
prayers for this great event. Now they conceived that ^.^-'-'^^s^
they were fully answered. Days of public thanksgiving 1760.
were generally appointed in New-England, to recognize General
the divine goodness, and ascribe due honors to Him, whose Assembly
is the greatness and the victory, and whose kingdom ruleth Haven,
over all.* The General Assembly of Connecticut, at their Oct. 1760.,
usual session in October, resolved that a letter of con-
gratulation, and of thanks, be presented to his majesty,
congratulating him, on the success of his arms in the va-
rious quarters of the \vorld, and especially in North-Ame-
rica ; in the entire conquest of Canada, and the submission
of that extensive country to his majesty's government.
They rendered thejr thanks for his paternal care of the col-
onies ; and especially for his royal care and beneficence
towards his colony of Connecticut. They also ordered
that a letter of congratulation and thanks should be ad-
dressed to general Amherst, congratulating him on the suc-
cess of his majesty's armSj under his immediate care and
command, and returning him the thanks of the colony for
his wise conduct and care over, and protection of the pro-
vincial troops, and especially of those of the colony of
Connecticut.

CHAPTER XXI.

JVar zoith the Cherokees. Reasons of the war. The chief-
tains of the nation go to Charleston to treat of peace. The
haughty, insidious conduct of governor Littleton. Peace
made hy constraint. The whole nation hum zoith resent-
ment ; rush to roar as one man. Make terrible slaughter
and devastation on the frontiers of Carolina and Virgin-
ia. Their lower towns destroyed. They take fort Lou-
don. Colonel Grant desolates their country with fire and
sivord. They make peace^and the whole country is quieted,

WHILE the northern colonies, and the nation in gen-
eral, were rejoicing in the success of his majesty's
arms, and especially in the "conquest of Canada, some of
the southern colonies w^ere exceedingly distressed by the

* A special thanksgiving was appointed on that account, by the gov-
ernor and council, and religiously observed throusrh the colony, on the ?3d
ofpctobcr, 1760. '

43^ HISTORY OF Chap. XXL

Book II. sudden breaking out of a war with the Cherokees. During
s-^^^/'^Si-/ several of the first years of the war, this numerous and pow-
1760. crful nation had appeared cordially to espouse the inter-
Reasons of csts of the English. At their desire, a fortress had been
t)<e war, built in their country, called fort Loudon, in honour to the
earl of Loudon, at that time commander in chief in Ameri-
ca. Parties of them had assisted in the expedition against
fort du Quesnc. But it seems that while they were engag-
ed in that enterprise, they were treated with such coolness
and neglect, and received such insults, as made deep im-
pressions on the minds of that vindictive people.* These
were kindled into resentment by the treatment which they
received from a number of Virginians on their return from
that expedition. Many of the warriors had lost their hors-
es in the service ; and as they were returning home through
the back parts of Virginia, they caught such as they found
running loose in the woods, not knowing that they belong-
ed to any individuals in the province. The Virginians,
without seeking redress, fell on the unsuspicious warriors,
and murdered twelve or fourteen of them, and took some
prisoners. The Cherokees were highly exasperated at
such an outrage, from allies whose frontiers, by their assis-
tance, had so lately been turned from a field of blood into
peaceful habitations. No sooner had they returned thaiv
they reported to their nation the bloody treatment which
they had received. The flame of resentment and revenge
ilew instantly through their towns. The relatives of the
slain were implacable, and breathed nothing but vengeance
against such ungrateful and perfidious allies. In vain did
their chieftains interpose their authority. Nothing could
restrain the fury of the young warriors. They rushed
down on the frontier settlements, and perpetrated many
cruel ravages and murders on the defenceless inhabitants.!
About two hundred soldiers were stationed at fort Lou-
don, under the command of captains Demere and Stewart.
These, on every excursion from the fort, were attacked by
them. Some were killed, and the rest were soon closely
confined within the fort. All communication between them
and the distant settlements was cut off; and as their sup-
plies were scanty, the only prospect before them was fam-
ine and death. It was feared, at the same time, that the
arts of the enemy would influence the powerful neighbor-
ing nation of the Creeks to the same hostile measures.

In this alarming situation, governor Littleton gave or-
ders to the commanders of the militia immediately to as-

* Wright's History of the war, vol. ii. p. 241, 242.
f Ilistorj of S. Caroliaa, vol. ii. p. 214j'215.

Chap. XXL' CONNECTICUT. 4St

semble their men and act on the defensive. The governor Book IL
determined, with such independent companies and militia ■.^^-^^-'s^
as could be raised, to march without delay into the enemy's 1760.
country, and to prosecute such measures as should bring
them to reasonable terms of accommodation.

The Cherokees, notwithstanding what had happened, Chieftains
were averse to war. Therefore, hearing of the prepara- come to
ttons making against them, they sent thirty of their chief ^jj'^^^®'
men to Charleston, if possible to settle all difficulties, and treat of
prevent a war with the Carolinians. They arrived before peace,
the governor had marched on his designed expedition
against them. A council was called, and the governor
addressed them in a very haughty, imprudent manner,
importing that he knew all their hostilities against the
English, and what they still designed ; — that he would
soon be in their country ; — that they should know his de-
mands ; and that, unless they should be granted, he would
take satisfaction by force of arms. He, nevertheless, gave
them full assurance, that, as they were come to Charles-
ton as friends, to treat of peace, they should go home in
safety, and that a hair of their lieads should not be touch-
ed. At the same time, he gave intimations, that he had
so many men in arms, in various parts of the province,
and it would be unsafe for them to return, unless they
marched with the army, Avhich was going into the country :
thus treacherously putting them under duress.

Ouconnostota, the great Indian warrior of the Cherokee Perfidions
nation, began an immediate reply ; but as the governor conduct of
was determined that nothing should prevent his expedition, Littleton,
he would neither hear him speak in the defence of his na-
tion, nor with respect to any overtures of peace. Lieu-
tenant governor Bull, who had a much better acquaintance
with the manners of the Indians, and the dangerous conse-
quences of an Indian war, urged the necessity of hearing
the great warrior, and the happy consequences of an ac-
commodation, before more blood should be shed. But
governor Littleton was inflexible, and put an end to the
conference, without hearing the warriors. This treatment
fired them with the highest resentment. After such a num-
ber of them had travelled more than three hundred miles,
to represent their grievances, and to make peace, not only
to be disappointed with respect to the great object of their
journey, but not to be allowed even to speak on the sub-
ject, nor even to return at liberty, but under the guard of
the army, was matter of prodigious chagrin, a source of
jealousy and fear.

Soon after the conference, the governor marched for the

432 HISTORY OF Chap. XXL |

Book II. Congaree. This was about a hundred and forty miles
^--^^'^•.w/ from Charleston, and the place appointed for the general
1760. rendezvous of the militia. Hither the sachems were obli-
ged to march with the army, putting on the appearance of
content, while inwardly they burned with the most furious
resentment. The governor, having mustered about four-
teen hundred men, of whom about three hundred were
regulars, marched for fort Prince George. When the army
marched, the chieftains were all made prisoners, and, to
prevent their escape, a captain's guard was mounted over
them. To complete the indignity and ill treatment, when
they arrived at fort Prince George, the thirty-two chief-
tains were shut up in a hut, scarcely fit for the accommoda-
tion of half a dozen soldiers. They were not allowed tc*
speak with their friends, nor to see the light of day.*

By the time that the governor arrived at this post, he
found his army to be so illy armed, and so undisciplined
and mutinous, that he judged it unsafe to proceed against
the enemy. Here, therefore, he opened a conference with
the Indians. For this purpose, he had previously sent for
Attakullakulla, otherwise Litde Carpenter, who was nat.
only esteemed the wisest man in the nation, but the most
firmly attached to the English. This old warrior, though
]ust returned from an excursion against the French, in
which he had taken some captives, hastened to the gover-
nor's camp, and presented him with one of them.

The governor opened the conference with a long and
pompous speech, representing the great power of the Eng-
lish nation ; their victories over the French ; the treaties
between them and the English, and their violation of those
treaties ; and the power of the colonies to destroy them.
In a menacing and high tone, he demanded satisfaction.

Attakullakulla, in his reply, insisted, that the ill treat-
ment his countrymen had received in Virginia, was the im-
mediate cause of the present misunderstanding. He in-
sisted on his friendship to the English, and alledged, in
proof of it, his fatiguing march against their enemies, the
French. He said he would ever continue his friendship, »
and use all his influence that the governor should have m
satisfaction; but gave intimations that the nation would
not comply with his demands. He said that the governor
had treated the Cherokees with more severity than the
English had shewn to other Indians. He requested that
some of the head men, whom the governor had confined,
might be released, to assist him in the work of peace.

In compliance with his request, the governor released
* History of Carolina, vol. ii. p. 216, 217, 218, 22&.

fc'HAP.XXI; CONNECTICUT. 43'3

the great warrior Ouconnostota, and two more of the head Book IL
men. The next day they delivered up two Indians. The v-<'-v>*ai'
governor put them immediately in irons, which so alarmed 1760.
the Cherokees, that they fled out of his way, and could no
more be obtained. Attakullakulla, convinced that peace
could not be made on the governor's terms, determined to
return home, and patiently wait the event. But no sooner
was the governor apprised of his departure, than he sent
for him back to his camp. The governor, wishing to finish
the campaign with as much credit as possible, immediately,
on his return, talked of nothing but peace. Articles were Articles of
drawn and signed by the governor, and six of the head peace
men ot the Cherokees. All former treaties were confirm- ^S'"?^'' "P"
ed. Twenty-two of the chieftains, whom the governor had 26th,
detained, were to be kept as hostages, until such a number
of Indians, who had been guilty of murder, should be given
up to the chief commander of the province. It was also
stipulated, that there should be an open and free trade, as
had been usual ; and that they should kill, or take, every
Frenchman who should come among them, and hold no in-
tercourse with the enemies of Great-Britain.*

Scarcely had the governor finished this disingenuous Small pox
and forced treaty, when the small pox broke out in his freaks out
camp; Few of the army had ever been infected \Vith the J^ ^^'
disease^ and the physicians were wholly unprovided for
such an event; The men were struck with a general ter-
ror, and, with the utmost haste, returned to their respective
settlements. Such was the fear which each had of his fel-
low, that all intercourse, on the return, was cautiously
avoided. By this means, the men suffered exceedingly
with hunger and fatigue. The governor followed, and ar-
rived soon at Charleston. Here, though a drop of blood
had not been shed, nor scarcely any thing achieved but
what was perfidious and inglorious, he was received as a
conqueror. From different societies and professions, he
received the most flattering addresses. By illuminations
and bonfires, the citizens expressed the high sense which
they entertained of his services, and of the happy conse-
quences of his expedition.

But the delusion soon vanished, and it appeared that the
governor, by his conduct, had greatly injured, instead of
serving the public. When the chieftains came to Charles-
ton, they were sincerely desirous of peace. An accommo-
dation might have been eftected, on terms just and honour-
able. But by the treatment which he gave the messengers
of peace, the nation were stung to the heart. An Indian
* Rider's History of Ea2;laDd, vol. xlvi. p. 149, 150.
E3

434 HISTORY OF, Chap. XXl

Book II. values his fieedom above all things, and, Avith him, a breach
v-<~"^''*^-/ of promise is a crime of the first magnitude. Though no-
17G0. thing appeared against the chief men of the Indians ; thougis
they had taken a journey of some hundred miles, to make
peace; and though the governor had given ample promises
of safety and good treatment ; yet he had treacherously
deprived tliem of their liberty, and treated them not only
with jieriidy, but inhumanity. He had obtained an ap-
pearance of jieace, by taking one of those base and unjus-
tifiable advantages, which men of low craft and policy
sometimes practice against weak and unsuspicious neigh-
bours. Tiiis treatment had converted the desires of the
Cherokees for peace, intio the bitterest resentment, and
rage for war.

Attakullakulla, by reason of his known attachment to
the English, had little influence with his countrymen. Ou-
conno.«tota, whose influence was great, was now become
an implacable and vindictive enemy. He determined to
treat the governor in his own way, and to repay meanness
Thfi treaty and perfidy in their owh kind. No attention v;as paid to
is dure- |^,g treaty. Ouconnostota, collecting a strong party, killed
^^^ ^ ' fourteen men in the neighbourhood of fort Prince George.
He surrounded the fort, and confined the garrison to their
works. Finding that he could make no impression on the:
fort, he had recourse to a stratagem, to surprise the garri-
son, and to relieve his countrymen, who were held there ii>
confinement.
Oiironnop- As the counlry v^'as covered with woods and dark thick-
lota^sstra- p(^;5 [i ^yas favourable to his purpose. Having concerted
= iiis measures, tv.o Indian women, v/ho were known always

to be welcome to the fort, made their appearance on the
other side of the river, ta decoy the garrison, Lieutenan;:
Doglierly went out to them, to inquire the news. While
they were conversing with the women, Ouconnostota join-
ed them, and desired lieutenant Dogherty to call the com-
manding ofRccr, saying, that he had matters of importance
10 communicate to him. Accordingly, captain Cotymore,
ensign Bell, Dogherty, and Foster, theif interpreter, went
out to him. He said he was going to Charleston, to pro-
cure the release of the prisoners, and wished for a white
man for a safeguard. The captain told him he should
ll^'Mccoys have a safeguard. No sooner had he received the answei',
the coin- '^'^" turning and giving a signal, nearly thirty guns were
mander of fired fi'om different ambuscades. The captain was killed,
the fort, and Bell and Foster were wounded. In consequence oi"
•Ttr ^^^^" this, orders were given that the hostages should be put in
'kiiletU irons. In attempting this, one of the soldiers was killed.

€hap. XXI. CONNECTICUT. 435

and another wounded. These circumstances so exaiipc- Booic If.
rated the garrison, that they fell, with one consent, on the v-i<''-v->*«#
unfortunate hostages, and butchered them, in a manner too 1700.
^hocking to relate.

In the evening, the Indians approached the fort, and,
after firing signal guns, and crying aloud in the Cherokee
language, " Fight manfully, and you shall be assisted;"
ihey commenced a furious attack on the garrison, and kept
up their fire the whole night. But, they were so warmly
received, they were obliged to give over the assault.

Disappointed in their attempt on the fort, and knowing ^^'"''''^
that ihe hostages were slain, they wreaked their vengeance gj^j,,^
on the English, who were trading in their country.
These they butchered to a man, >vithout mercy or distinc-
tion. In the massacre of the hostages, the Cherokees had
not only lost a great number of their head men, but most
of them had lost a relative or friend. Nothing, therefore,
could exceed the resentment and rage of the nation. The
leaders of every town, seized the hatchet, proclaiming to
their fellows, that the spirits of murdered brothers were
flying round them, and calling for vengeance on their ene-
mies. With one voice, the nation declared for war. hecomes
Jjarge parties, from different towns, rushed down on de- general,
fenceless families, on the frontiers of Carolina, and men,
:5Vomen and children, without distinction, fell a sacrifice to
their merciless rage. At Long Canes, and about the forks
of Broad river, they made horrible carnage among the in-
habitants, who, trusting to the late peace, were reposing
in perfect security.*

About two hundred of the enensy, made a furious attack
«n the fort at Ninety-six ; but they were obliged to retire
with considerable loss. This, they revenged on the open
country, ravaging the English houses in that quarter, and
all along the froniK^rs of Virginiap They were not satis-
fied, barely with pillaging, and destroying the inhabitants,
hut they wantoned in the most horrible acts of barbarity.
Many, v/ho fled into the woods to escape the scalping knife,
perished with hunger. Those who were made prisoners,
were carried into the wilderness, where they suffered in-
credible hardships. So secret and sudden were the mo-
tions of the enemy, that it was impossible to tell where the
storm would fall, or to take the precautions to prevent the
mischief. Every day brought to the capital fresh ac-
counts of their murders and desolations.

The southern colonies were all alarmed, and applica-

* Hist. South-Carolina, vol. ii. p. 225, 229. Riders Hist, of England,
vol. xlvi.p. 153, 15Q,

436

HISTORY OF

CiiAP. XXL

Book II,

1760.
CoL Mofit
gomery is
tent to
C'arolina.
yVrrivesin
April.

Con(iuct
on his ar-
rival.

His expe-
dition a-
gaiiist the
Chero-
kees.

. tion was made in the most pressing terms to general Am-
' herst, for immediate assistance. He dispatched colonel
Montgomery to Carolina, with a detachment of twelve hun-
■ dred chosen men.

On his arrival at Charleston, he advanced to Ninety-six
with as much expedition as possible. As the rcdiu:lion of
Canada was the great object of this year's campaign, his
orders were to strike a sudden blow, for the relief of Caro-
lina, and then, without loss of time, to return to head quar-
ters, at Albany. Nothing was therefore omitted by the
colony, which was judged necessary to forward the expe-
dition. Governor Littleton had been appointed governor
of Jamaica, and tuc government devolved on governor
Bull, a man of erudition and integrity. He spared no
pains for the protection of the province. The whole force
of it was collected and rendezvoused at the Congarees,
for the assistance of the colonel in the enterprise. Seve-
ral gentlemen of fortune, formed themselves into a compa-
ny of volunteers, and joined the army. Application had
"been made to the neighboring colonies of North-Carolina
and Virginia, for assistance. In consequence of this, sev-
en companies of rangers had been raised, to patrol the
frontiers, and to prevent the savages from penetrating far-
ther dovv^n among the settlements. Presents were voted
to such of the Creeks, Chickesaws, and CataAvbas, as
would join in the war against the Cherokecs.* Thus as-
sisted, by the beginning of June, he advanced to twelve
mile river. He prosecuted his route by forced marches,
until he arrived in the neighborhood of Keowee. Here he
encamped in a strong position ; and imagining that the ene-
my were not apprised of his approach, he determined to
surprise then?. Leaving his camp under a sufficient guard,
he marched through the woods twenty-five miles, towards
the town of Estatoe. On his march, he detached a com-
pany of light infantry, to destroy Little Keowee. They
were received at Little Keowee with a smart fire, but,
rushing in with their bayonets, they put all the men to
fieath. In the morning, the main body reached Estatoe;
but it was abandoned just as they entered the town. Such
men as had not made their escape, were instantly put to
the sword. The women and children were captivated.
The town, well stored with provisions, and consisting of
more than two hundred houses, was immediately plunder-
ed and reduced to ashes. Some of the enemy, who had se-
creted themselves in their dwellings, were consumed with
them. The colonel pursued the work he had began, with

* History of South-Carolina, vol, ii. p. 228j 230, 231.

Chap. XXI. CONNECTICUT. 437

surprising rapidity. In a few hours, Sugar Town, as large Book II.
as Eslatoe, shared with it the same fate. Every settle- ^^.^v-^*^^
ment in the lower nation, was thus destroyed. About sixty 1 760.
Indians were killed, and forty women and children made Tlieir
prisoners. The rest escaped to the mountains. Their *°"^Jg^j ""
towns and villages were agreeably situated, and consisted
generally of about one hundred houses, neatly built, and
well supplied with provisions. Large magazmes of corn,
were consumed in the general conflagration. Such had
been the cruelties practised on the inhabitants, and such
Avas the revengeful spirit of the soldiers, that they were^
as merciless as the savages themselves. They were deal
to all suggestions of humanity and mercy.*

Colonel Montgomery having taken such vengeance on
the enemy, marched for the relief of fort Prince George,
which the savages, for some time, had so closely invested,
that the garrison were in great distress, both for the want
of wood and provisions. At this post he arrived in safe-
ty, having not lost more than five or six men in the expedi-
tion.

From this post two Indians were dispatched, to acquaint Messaa:es
the Cherokees, that if their chief men would come down, "/"P^^l^f^'^
and treat of an accommodation, peace should be granted j^®^ ' ^'"^°
unto them, on the account of Little Carpenter, and his
many good services to the English. At the same time,
they were to assure them that, unless they should, in a few
days, begin a negociation, all the towns in the upper na-
tion would be ravaged, and laid in ashes. t A messenger
was also sent to fort Loudon, requesting the commanding
ejfficers there, to use their best endeavors for the obtain-
ment of peace with the Cherokees of the upper towns.

But as messages of peace produced no good effect, the
colonel determined to make an attack on their middle set-
tlements. He immediately began his niarch, but his sue- The gene-
cess in this enterprise, was no ways equal to that in the ml begins
former. The enemy watched all his motions, took every ^^J JJ^""*^'*
advantage of him on his march, and determined to mea- middle set-
sure swords with him. On the third day, as he was ad- tlements,
vancing through a dangerous ground, they attacked him •^""'^ ^'^^^'
in a most furious and obstinate manner. They commenc- guttle
ed the action with their usual horrible screams and out- with the
cries, maintaining a severe fire from under cover. The ^"^'^'J^-
troops were ranged in the most judicious manner, and firm-
ly stood the enemy's charge. The fight was long, obsti-
nate, and well maintained, on both sides. At length, the

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlvi. p. 157.

t Rider's Hist. vol. slvi. p. 159. Wright's Hist. vol. ii. p. 343.

438 HISTORY OF Chap. XXL

Book II. colonel making a movement, which brought the royal Scots
'u*''-v>w/ upon their right, the enemy gave way and fled. But the
J7G0. victory was dearly bought; the captain of the rangers Avas
killed, and twenty other men. Nearly eighty were wound-
ed. It was supf)osed that the enemy lost about forty men.
The army pushed forward about live miles, the succeeding
rvening, to Etchowec, one of the most considerable towiis
in the middle settlements. But the Indians had removed
their most valuable effects, and forsaken the town. The
colonel was able to do them no other injury than to de-
stroy a defenceless towR". Here the enemy attacked his
piquet guard with such fury, that they were with much
difficulty repulsed. They also gave him repeated annoy-
ance, by their vollies from the surrounding hills. Though
he had gained the field, and been able to advance after
the action, yet it had the effect of a defeat. So many of
^ his men had been wounded, and such a number of his hor-
etTre-"^' ^^^ kiHed, that he found it absolutely necessary to retreat,
treats.. to save his wounded men fi'om the massacre of the enemy.
In the beginning of July, he returned to fort Prince George.
The ei:pedition had cost him five officers, and about an
hundred men killed and wounded.

He supposed, that his orders now obliged him to return,
with the troops under his command, and rejoin the main
army. To the consternation of the whole country, this
was found to be his determination. The intreaties of the
province, hov/ever, prevailed with him to leave about four
hundred men, to assist in the defence of the frontiers.

Carolina and the neighboring colonies, were again ex-
posed to the fury of a merciless foe, not so much weaken-
ed as exasperated, by their late chastisement. Fort Lou-
don soon fell into the tjands of the enemy. They had as-
sembled in strong bodies, and formed the siege of it, near-
ly a month before tlie departure of colonel Montgomery.
They were now left, without molestation, to continue it
with their whole force. The garrison held out about two
months, until their provisions were totally consumed. The
enemy manifested peaceful dispositions, and promised kind
Fort Lou- treatment. These circumstances had their influence, in
(Ion sur- the surrendry of the fort, on terms safe and honorablco
]\»t^l{h -^"^ '^^^ enemy, regardless of faith or humanity, fell upoa
"*" ' them, in their oiarch homeward, and butchered all the of-
ficers, except captain Stewart, and twenty-five of the sol-
fliers. These were carried into horrible captivity.

Captain Stewart owed his life to the invincible attach-
ment of Altakullakulla. He ransomed him at the expense
of ail he could command, and, with uncommon art and
pains, conducted him in safety to his friends.

Chap. Xlh CONNECTICUT. 439^

The Cherokees still continuing hostile, and Soulh-Caro- Book IL
lina having expended more than fifty thousand pounds v,««»-Nr-w'
sterling already, in defence of the frontiers, without gaining 176O0
any considerable point, lieutenant governor Bull made ap-
plication a second time to general Amherst, for assistance.
Meanwhile, the royal Scots^ with the militia, were posted
on the frontiers, for their defence. But the Creeks appear-
ing hostile, and murdering some of the inhabitants without
making any proposals, by way of satisfaction, and as the
French were employing all their arts with them and the
Choctaws, to engage them in the war, the province was in
a state of the most dreadful apprehension.*

As Canada was now concjuered, the commander in chief
could more conveniently spare a force adequate to the pur-
pose of humbling the savages. The active and brave col-
onel Montgomery, who commanded in this quarter before,
was now embarked for England. He was brother to the
earl of Eglinton, and afterwards succeeded him in his hon-
ors. His affairs requiring him to return, the command of
the Highlander?, who were ordered again to Carolina, de-
volved on lieutenant colonel Grant. He landed at Charles- Coldnel
ton with his regiment, in the beginning of the year 1761. Grant ar-
He took up his winter quarters with his troops in the town. Charleston

It was determined, if possible, to give the Indians so se- Jan. 1761.
vere a correction the ensuing campaign, as should induce
them to make peace. The province therefore determined
to make the utmost exertion for that purpose^ A provin- Expedi-
cial regiment, under colonel Middleton, was raised. Pre- ^'°P ^"
sents were made to their Indivi allies, and numbers of the cherokeesr
Chickesaws and Catawbas were engaged in the service.
The army were clothed and armed in the best manner for
the expedition.

In May, the army, consisting of two thousand and six
Imndred men, advanced to fort Prince George. Here At-
lakullakulla, having heard of the army's advancing against
his nation, met colonel Grant, and repeatedly intreated him,
by his friendship, and the many good services he had per-
formed for the English, that he would proceed no further
until he had once more used his induence with his nation to
bring them to an accommodation : but colonel Grant would
not listen to his solicitations. He immediately began hi^
march for the middle settlements. A party of ninety In-
dians, and thirty woodmen painted like Indians, marched
in the front of the army, and scoured the woods. After
tliem followed the light infantry, and about fifty rangers,
: consisting of about two hundred men. By the vigilance and

* History of South-Carolkaj vol. li. p. 233,235, 236, 341,

440 HISTORY OF Chap. XXL

Book II. activity of these, the colonel designed to secure the main
^"■^-^^"^^m,/ army from annoyance and surprise. During thi*ee days, he
1760. made forced marches, with a view to pass a number of dan-
gerous defiles, which might cost him dear should the enemy
first get the possession, and warmly dispute the passage.
These he passed safely. But the next day, advancing in-
to suspicious grounds, on all sides orders were given to
prepare for action ; and that the guards should advance
slowly, doubling their circumspection. While the army
was advancing in this cautious manner, about eight o'clock
in the morning, the enemy were discovered by the advanc-
ed guard, nearly in the same ground where they had attack-
ed colonel Montgomery the preceding year. Rushing
down from the high grounds, they furiously attacked the
advanced guard. This was supported, and the action be-
came general. A party of the enemy driven from the low
^^*'l-* 1. grounds, immediately ascended the hills, under which the
oe, June whole line was obliged to pass. On the left was a river,
lOUi. from the opposite bank of which, they received a heavy
fire as they adv^anced. While the line faced and gave their
whole fire to the Indians on the bank of the river, a party-
was ordered to ascend the hills and drive the enemy from
the heights. No sooner were they driven from the heights,
than they returned with redoubled fury to the charge in the
low grounds. These it appeared to be their resolution
obstinately to dispute. The situation of the troops soon
became critical and distressing. They had been greatly
fatigued by forced marches, in rainy weather. They were
galled by the fireof the enemy; and so compassed withwoods
that they could neither discern nor approach them, but
with great difficulty and danger. When they were pressed,
they always kept at a distance ; but rallying, returned
again to the charge, with the same fierceness and resolu-
tion. No sooner were they driven from one place, than
they sprang up like furies, in another. While the atten-
tion of the colonel was directed to the enemy on the banks
of the river, and was employed in driving them from their
lurking places on that side, they made so furious an attack
on his rear guard, that he was obliged to order a detach-
ment back to its relief, to save his cattle, provisions and
baggage. From nine in the morning, until eleven o'clock,
1 'T'fi* ^^^^ ^^*^ enemy maintain the fight. Every where did the
feated. woods resound with the roar of arms, and with the shouts
and hideous yeilings of the savages. At length they gave
way ; but as they were pursued, they kept up a scattering
fire until two o'clock. After that, they entirely disappear-
ed.*

* Hist. South-Carolina, vol. ii. p. 248, 250.

Ghap. XXI. CONNECTICUTo 44t

What loss the enemy suffered, was not known. The loss Book lf»
of colonel Grant, was about sixty men killed and wounded, s-^-n/'-'x^
The army advanced as soon as possible, and about mid- 1761.
night arrived at Etchoe, a large Indian town. The next
morning, it was reduced to ashes. There were fourteen
towns, in the middle setdements, which soon shared the Their mid-
same fate. The enemy's magazines, and even their corn- ^''^ settle-
fields, which are reported to have amounted to fourteen ^^^^''^
hundred acres, were utterly destroyed. The miserable
inhabitants stood the silent spectators of this general and
merciless destruction. They were obliged to retire to
starve in the thickets, swamps and mountains.* Nearly
the same barbarities were committed against them, by a civ-
ilized and christian people, of which we so much complain,
when they are perpetrated against us.

What a scene of bloodshed and desolation, both with res-
pect to them and to the colonies, was the consequence of
the haughty, unjust and perfidious treatment of the Indians,
by a few base and murderous people among ourselves ?.
As the consequences of an Indian war are nothing but
merciless carnage and destruction, on both sides, every
motive of humanity as well as of good policy, requires that
the strictest guard should be maintained against it ; and
that the natives be treated with justice, condescension and
humanity. Pride, injustice, and bloody measures, in the
course of providence, commonly meet a recompence in
their own way.

When the army had spent about thirty days in this venge- The army
ful and barbarous work of destruction, it returned to fort j^^^^^p^ *^
Prince George. The feet and legs of many of the soldiers George,
were so mangled, and their spirits so exhausted, that they
were utterly unable to proceed on their march. Colonel
Grant, therefore, determined to encamp at this post, for
sometime, both for the refreshment of his troops, and to
obtain intelligence from the enemy.

Soon after his arrival, Attakullakulla, and several other The
chieftains of the Cherokee nation, came to his camp, and Chero-
expressed their wishes for peace. Articles were drawn ^^^® *'^'
and interpreted to the warriors. Attakullakulla readily ^''^^ ^^^^ '
agreed to them all, except one, which he said he had no
authority to grant. This was, that four Cherokees should
foe delivered up, and put to death in the face of the army,
or that four green scalps should be delivered within two
nights. As the chieftains could not consent to this bloody
article, they were dispatched to Charleston, to know wheth-
er governor Bull would abate this rigofous requisition.

'- Rider's Hi?t. vo!. slviii. p, 63, 64.

F 3

442 HISTORY OF Chap. XXT

Book II. The governor and his council met th<smat Ashley ferrj'.

■s-^-N/-^!^ He addressed them in this friendly manner : — " Attakulla-^
1761. kulla, I am glad to see you ; and as I have always heard of
your good behaviour, and that you have been a good friend
to the English, I take you by the hand, and not only you,
but all those who are with you also, as a pledge of their se-
curity, while under my protection. Colonel Grant ac-
quaints me, that you have applied for peace. Now tha?
you are come, I have met, with my beloved men, to hear
what you have to say; and my ears are open for that pur-
pose." Then a fire was ki-ndled, and the pipe of peace
was lighted up; and, for &^ome time, all smoked together iu
great silence and solemnity.

AttakuMakuHa then arose, and addressed the governor
in a nranly and eloquent speech, representing his joy at
seeing him, and that he was come as a messenger of peace :
that his people were in great distress; and that, though
the English were superior to them, and lived in light, while
they were in darkness, yet that one Go'd was the father of
them both : that they lived in one country, and that he wish-
ed what had happened might be forgotten, and that they
might live as one people. Governor Bull, and his council,
had too much humanity and good sense, to insist on the ex-
ceptionable article. They could not but know, that, in-
justice, the Virginians, who began the war, by murdering
the Cherokees, ought rather to be given up and executed,
than the Indians. They were not insensible of the injudi-

Peace is cious and insidious conduct of governor Littleton. Peace

made. ^^^^ therefore established ; and both parties wished that it
might last as long as the rivers should run, or the sun shine.
The North- American continent appeared now to be qui-
eted. The conquest of Canada had given rest to New-
England. The capture of fort du Quesne, with the pacific
and prudent measures of governor Stanwix, who command-
ed at that post, had given peace and safety to the people
on the Ohio. He had enlarged and strengthened the for-
tifications at Pittsburg, and had erected barracks and store
houses for a respectable garrison. With great diligence
and success, he had cultivated the friendship of, and made
alliances with, the Indians in the vicinity. The happy
consequences of these measures, were very soon apparent,
in a considerable trade between the Indians and the mer-
chants at Pittsburg; and also, in the return of nearly four
thousand planters to the quiet enjoyment of their houses
and lands on the frontiers of Virginia, Maryland, and
Pennsylvania, whence they had been driven by the war>

Chap. XXII. CONNECTICUT.

CHAPTER XXII. neu

Requisition on the colonies in 1761. Mr. Pittas letter. Act?
of the assemble/, in consequence of it. The business of this
eampaign, in America, rvas principally directed to the re-
pairing and building of fortresses, and to secure the con-
quests which had been made. The critical state of the na-
tion, at the close of the year 1761. Events of the year ,
1762, influencing the belligerents to peace. Pacification
cf Paris. Favourable to the American colonies. Burthen
of the colonies. Supplies from England. Effects of the
war. Policy of Connecticut, in defraying its expenses.
General joy and feelings of the Americans, on the return
of peace.

NOTWITHSTANDING the successes in North-Ame-
rica, the belligerents continued no less inflamed and
hostile, than at the commencement of the war. His Bri-
tannic majesty had, therefore, occasion to employ his
whole force against the enemy. Requisitions were still
made on the colonies, to furnish their respective quotas.

With a view to this, governor Fitch convened the Gene- General
ral Assembly of Connecticut, at New-Haven, on the 26th of Assembly
March. He communicated a letter from the right honour- ^ ^^^^"
able William Pitt, secretary of state, representing, that his March'
majesty had much at heart a vigorous prosecution of the 26th.
war, until the enemy should be compelled to accept of j^""- ^'*^'^
peace, on terms of advantage and glory to his crown, and
beneficial, in particular, to his subjects in America : that,
for this purpose, it was his majesty's pleasure to employ
his regular troops in North- America, as should be best
adapted to some great and important enterprises against
the enemy : and that, for the security of his dominions, and
the possession of his conquests, in their absence, it was his
pleasure, that Connecticut should raise two thirds as many
men as they had raised the last year. The assembly enact- Acts of"
ed, that provision should be made for the immediate rai- *e assem-
sing, clothing, victualling, and paying of two thousand ^'
three hundred men : that they should be formed into two
regiments : that major general Lyman should command
the first, and colonel Nathan Whiting the second regiment.*

To meet the expenses of the war, the assembly enacted,
that an emission of 45,000 pounds, lawful money, in bills
of credit, with interest at five per cent, should be forthwith
* Messrs. Beckwith and Leaveaworth were appointed chaplains.

444 HISTORY OF Chap. XXIL

Book II. printecl; and that, as a sinking fund for the redemption of
vv,^-N/-v^ the bills, a tax of fivepence on the pound, on the whole list
1761e of the colony, to be brought into the assembly in October,
1762, should be levied; which should be paid into the
treasury on, or before, the last day of December, 17G3.
At the same time it was enacted, that a tax of sevenpence
on the pound, on the \yhole list of ihe colony, to be brought
into the assembly in October, 1764, should be levied;
which tax should be paid into the treasury on, or before,
the last day of December, 1765. It was provided, never-
theless, that if a sum should be granted and arrive, suffi-
cient to redeem said bills, then said acts imposing the tax-
es, should cease and be null.

Provision had been made for the payment of the troops,
at the close of the campaign, upon their return, by a tax of
fivepence on the pound, which had been previously laid, to
be paid into the treasury in December.
Business of The repairing and strengthening of the numerous posts
the cam- of such an extensive country as Canada; the erecting of
paign. pj,^, fortitications, where they were necessary to secure
the conquered territory, and to cover and guard the colo-
iiies, should Canada be again put into the power of France ;
the furnishing of them with provisions, ^.rms, and military
stores; the repairing of old roads, and the making of new
ones, for their more easy conveyance, and for maintaining
a convenient and more expeditious communication between
them, and between them and the country, was a work of
much time and labour. The building of houses and bar-
racks, for the convenience of the olficers and men, at the
various posts where it was necessary that garrisons should
be kept, was an additional labour, employing a consider^
able number of men. The acconiplishment of these ob-
jects employed some thousands of men, during the cam-
paign, for this and the next year. In these services, the
regulars who remained in the country, and the provincials,
were principally occupied.

As Crown Point and Ticonderoga had been a source of
great trouble and annoyance to New-England and New-
York, whence the enemy had made all their incursions into
them, for devastation and murder; and as it could not be
foreseen but that Canada would be restored to France, on
a general pacification, it was a matter of the highest con-
sideration, that these passes into the northern colonies,
.should be strongly fortified and garrisoned.

The fortifying of Crown Point, therefore, became a prin-
cipal object. Great and extensive works were laid out
lltq-e, by the moit skilful engineers in the service, Iin-

Chap. XXII. CONNECTICUT. 446

mense labor and expense were laid out upon them. The Book II.
fortifications were principally laid out upon a rock. The v«<*'-v-x^
trenches or ditches, were principally to be blown out of a 1761,
solid rock. It was supposed that Great Britain expended
two millions sterling, or more, on these works.

The French, when they abandoned Ticonderoga, blew
up their magazine, and injured the works. Some repairs
of the fortifications :vyere made there. The whole season
was spent in these services, and the campaign closed at a
late period.

The campaign in Europe closed very unfavorably for
Great Britain and her allies. Notwithstanding all the suc-
cess which had attended the British arois in North-Amer-
ica, the state of the nation, at the close of this campaign
in Europe, and at the commencement of the next, in 176 2, jj^ateTiUic
was nevermore critical and alarming. A very considera- naiiou.
l)le part of Hanover, Avas in the possession of France.
The king of Prussia was so reduced and pressed on every
side, by his numerous enemies, that there was no human
prospect that he could possibly hold out for any consider-
able time. Should he be overpowered, the allied army,
which was now able to act only on the defensive, could
not survive the event a single day« All the Hanoverian
dominions must be instandy lost. What other disastrous
events might be the consequence, no human foresight could
determine. All the great powers of Europe were on the
side of France. Spain v/as now cordial in her friendship
to that nation, and was joining her, unimpaired in men or
money, or any of her I'esources for war. Her fleet was es-
timated at an hundred ships. Great Britain was, directly
or indirectly, engaged in war with all the great conti-
nental powers of Europe ; and with much th,e greatest part
of its maritime force. She was, in some measure, reduced
as to her resources, and labored under a debt of more than
a hundred millions. In the dangers and misfortunes of
the mother country, her colonies were involved.

Notwithstanding the successes in North-America, if
France and her allies, in Europe, should carry their points,
all the expense and exertions of the colonies would finally
be of no advantage to them. All the acquisitions in Amer-
ica would be given up, to recover what would be lost in
Germany, and to secure the rights of the protestants, on
the other side of the water.

It was necessary that the whole strength of the nation,
■by land and sea, should be employed against the enemy.
Requisitions were still made on the colonies, for their as- ^equisi-
sistance« A letter had been received by governQr Fitch, colony.

446 HISTORY OF Chap. XXII.

Book If. from the Earl of Egremont, requiring him to use his utmost
s^»-N/-N^ endeav'ors, to induce the colony to raise the same number
1762. of men this year, which they had sent into the field the
last. It was required, that the troops should be raised
forthwith, and be under the direction of his majesty's com-
, mander in chief, in North-America. The governor, there-
Assembly fore, on the fourth of March, 1762, convoked the General
at New- Assembly at New-Haven. In compliance with the requi-
Haven, gjtion of his majesty, the assembly enacted. That although
i4tli 1762. ^^^^ colony is much weakened and exhausted, both in
strength and treasure, by its vigorous exertions in several
former campaigns, yet, zealous for his majesty's service,
and animated with the agreeable prospect, that the future
safety and welfare of his majesty's dominions in America
will be fixed and secured, and humbly and firmly relying
on his majesty's gracious encouragement, for a proper
compensation of our expenses, incurred by this further ex-
ertion of our strength, for his service, in this important con-
juncture, that all necessary provision be made, for levying,
clothing, and paying, the same number of men as were
raised the last year, to march to such place or places, in
North- America, as his m^ijesty's commander in chief should
appoint. The number raised by said act, was two thou-
sand three hundred men, officers included. They were
formed into two regiments, consisting of twelve companies
each. The regiments were commanded by one colonel,
a lieutenant-colonel, and major. A chaplain was appoint-
ed to each regiment.

To defray the expense, it was enacted, that the sum of
sixty five thousand pounds, in bills of credit, on the gov-
ernment, equal to lawful money, with interest at six per
cent, should be forthwith impressed, payable on or before
the 4th day of March, 1767. The bills were to bear date
the same day as the session of the assembly. As a sinking
fund, it was enacted, that a tax of sixpence on the pound,
on all the polls and rateable estate in the colony, be levied
on the list to be brought in to the assembly in October,
1763 ; to be collected and paid into the treasury of the col-
ony by the last day of December, 1764 : and that another
tax of eightpence on the pound, on the list to be brought
in in October 1775, be levied, to be collected and paid in-
to the treasury of the colony by the last day of December,
1766. It was provided, nevertheless, that if such sums of
money should arrive from England, as to pay the eight-
pence on the pound, before the time of its collection, that
then said act relative to it, should be null and void; and
the treasurer was, to conduct himself accordingly.

Chap. XXII. CONNECTICUT. Ul

As the colony was now much drained of money, and as a Book IL
larger emission of bills might lessen their value, it was re- v-^-n^-*^
solved, that a tax of two pence three farthings on the pound 1762.
be levied on the list brought in to the assembly in October
last, to be paid into the treasury by the last day of Decem-
ber next. The assembly also resolved, that as there were
monies remaining in Great-Britain, belonging to the colony,
which had been granted for the services of the year 1759,
and part of what was, or might be granted for the servi-
ces of the year 1 760, not yet appropriated, and which might
probably be received in season, and used for the lessening
of the taxes laid on the list brought in to the assembly in
October last, for sinking and discharging the bills of credit
emitted in February and May, 1759, that whatever money
had been, or might be granted by the parliament for the
services of the colony in the years 1759 and 1760, which
had not already been appropriated for sinking and dis-
charging the bills of credit, in March 1758, 1759, and

1760, should be appropriated for sinking and discharging
the bills of credit emitted in the said years : and that, if
those monies should be sufficient for the discharging those
editions of bills, then the acts relative to the taxes laid for
that purpose, should cease, and not be executed.

A letter from the earl of Egremont, dated December 12,

1761, and another from general Amherst, dated February Letters

1 762, were communicated to the assembly, recommending from the
to the governor to use his influence to encourage the en- ^^'■' ^'^ ^S'
listing of men rnto his majesty's regiments during the war, ^^^ " 'g.
or until such time as the regiments should return to Eu- ral Am-
rope. General Amherst offered a bounty of five pounds, herst.
New- York currency, to every able bodied man, more than
eighteen, and under forty years of age, and that he should

be immediately on pay, and be clothed on his enlistment.
He engaged that all who should enlist, should be discharg-
ed at the time expressed, and be allowed to return to their
respective homes. He also recommended it to the colony
to add to the bounty. In consequence of these recommen-
dations, the legislature resolved, that five hundred seventy
five able bodied effective men should be enlisted for his
majesty's service, more than eighteen, and under fort}'"
years of age, and that a bounty of five pounds be given by
the colony, in addition to that given by the general.

While affairs were thus transacted by the colony, greas
plans were concerted, and preparations made by his ma-
jesty, and the British ministry, deeply to wound the eneray^
and dispose him for peace. In consequence of a plan for
the reduction of the French West-India islands, after the

44(5 HISTORY OF Chap. XXlI.

Book II. close of the campaign on the continent of America in 1 761^
^v-v^ a considerable part of the regular troops, with a body ot
^P^ provincials, embarked for the West-Indies, ana joined aa
ai mament rom Great-Britain, with a view to the reduct^n
of Martinique. The whole land force consisted of abou
twelve thousand troops, under the command of genera
Monckton. The fteel was commanded by ^c- adm ral
.,, ,-■ .Rodney. It was the most powerful armament wmchhaa
^£r ^er be'en sent into that part of the woHd On the 7th of
Feb. 14th, jpnuary, the fleet and army arrived ott the island. int,
'''- ex edition was conducted with such spmt and success,
'hat/by the 14th of February, the whole island was reduc-
ed to the government of Great-Britain.

The surrender of this island, which was the scat of gov-
ernment, the principal mart of trade, and the centre ot he
French force in the Caribbees, was soon succeeded by the
or, ender of all the dependant islands. The fertile islands
of Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincents, follo^ff^ ex-
ample of th^ capitol. In a short time, the English became
tirroleat.d undisturbed possessors of that grand cham
of islands which form the immense bow, extending from
the eastern point of Hispaniola, almost to the continent ot
South-America. These islands together, can boast of more
trade than falls to the share of some respectable nations.

Meanwhile, war was declared against Spam, and it wa3

do mnincd to give a capital blow to her settlements in the

• wc :. WesM K^s 'An armament was prepared with the utmost

;'rs^ a ' atch. Lord Albemarle was appointed to command

^P-- I e operations by land. His lordship had been trained to

war from his youth," under the command ot the duke ot

cl lerland. The fleet destined for the service was un-

d'rthe command of admiral Pococl^ who had betore com-

^. . manded with such success in the l^^^^'I'^^^^;, -J^^^^^
Experf.ttoB . f ^{^g expedition was the Havanna. In thi^ centei
T'"' iTihc whole tmde and navigation of the Spanish West-In-
Havan.a. ^^^' "^^ ^^^ ,,,led frSm Portsmouth, on the filtl. ot
Mar'ch. This was to be reinforced by a squadron from
Martinique, under the command ot sir James Doug as.. Un
- e twen y-seventh of May, the two fleets formed a junc^

ion at dpe Nichola, the north-west point of Hispaniola.
Tiio' fleet consisted of thirty-seven ships of war, with near]>
a, hundred and fifty transports. The land lorce on board
1 about ten thousand men. Four thousand regular
•oops, from New- York, were ordered to jom them at he
Snna. A considerable rmmber of provmcia s enlist-
ed; undertheirown officers,and ---^ ^ [^^f ^^^^ t
ferprise. The whole laud force, when collected, would a
inouuito about fifieen or sixteen thousand men.

Chap. XXIL CONNECTICUT. 449

The admiral was not insensible how much the success of Book II.
the expedition depended on dispatch ; that it might be \w^-n/-^^
carried into execution before the coming on of the hurri- 1763.
cane months. Therefore, instead of keeping the common
track of the galleons to the north of Cuba, which was
much the safest, though far the most tedious passage^ he
determined to pursue his course from east to west, through
the straights of Bahama. This is a narrow passage, about
seven hundred miles in length. It is bounded, on the right
and left, with so many shoals and sands, that the naviga-
tion is dangerous for single ships. Yet such were the cau-
tions and admirable dispositions of the admiral, that he
carried thistleet of nearly two hundred sail safely, through
this perilous passage. On the fifth of June, Havanna, the
object of this long voyage, and of so many anxious hopes
and fears, presented itself to the view of the fleet and ar-
my. On the seventeenth, the troops were landed, and, for '^'^'; *''''°PA
more than two months, every exertion of courage, every Havan-
art of war, with the most invincible patience and perse- na, Jtme
verance, under almost insuperable difficulties, were uni- 1"^^^*
tedly employed, by officers and soldiers, by the fleet and
army, for the reduction of this important island. The for-
tresses were strong by nature and art. The enemy made
a gallant and noble defence. The climate was burning,
and the want of water great and almost insufterably dis-
tressing. Never were British valour and resolution put to
a severer trial. Some of the soldiers dropped down dead,
under the pressure of heat, thirst and fatigue. Before the
middle of July the army, in this unwholesome and burning-
region, and under the rigour of such extraordinary services,
was reduced to half its original numbers. Five thousand
soldiers and three thousand seamen, were ill at one time.
The hearts of the most sanguine sunk within them, while
they saw this fine army wasting by disease ; and they could
not but tremble for that noble fleet which had so long been
exposed along the open shore, and must, in all human
probability, suffer inevitable ruin, should the hurricane sea-
son come on before the reduction of the place. As the
season advanced, the prospect grew more and more unfa-
vorable. But when the troops were almost on the point
of total despondency, the arrival of the troops from North-
America revived their drooping spirits, gave fresh vigor
to their operations, and was of the most signal service.

Such was the zeal of the New-Englanders in his majes-
ty's service, that not only m:^'ny of them enlisted, with a
particular view to the reduction of the Havanna ; but such
'if them as had assisted in the conquest of Martinique, and.

't o

450 HISTORY OF Chap. XXrC.

Book IT. by reason of sickness, had been sent off in three ships for
TX. their native country, for then- recovery, soon finding their
ITGo health restored, ordered the ships about, and ste^ering di-
rectly for Havanna, shared in the dangers and honors of
that glorious enterprise. . i • ^r *v,^

The town On the thirteenth of August, to the universal joy of the
.urren fleet and arny, the Spaniards surrendered the town of Ha-
dcrs, Aug. ^ ^,ith th6 shipping in the harbor and a temtory ot

^^'^'' an hund.-ed and eighty miles westward of the town. 1 his,
in its consequences, was one of the most important and de-
cisive victories obtained since the commencement of he
war Though Havanna is not reckoned the capital ot the
Spanish West-Indies, yet it is the first in wealth, size and
importance. The harbor on which it stands, is one of he
best in the West-Indies, if not in the known woi'ld. It is
of sufficient extent to contain a thousand of the largest
'^hips. It is perfectly secure from every wind. It is the
grand resort of the rich fleets from every part of the Span^
ish West-Indies, called the galleons and the flota. Hence
they take their departure for Europe. These circura^
stances combined their influence, to make the Havanna
one of the most flourishing, opulent, and populous cities m
that part of the world. The fortifications were not une--
Qual to its importance. r i ?

The advantage gained in the capture of the enemy s
shipping, was equal to that of the greatest naval victorjr.
Tvvelve of their best ships of the line, three frigates, and
some merchantmen, were either destroyed or taken. _

New-England, by her zeal in this enterprise, sustained
a very considerable loss of men. Scarcely any of the pri-
vate soldiers, and but few of the officers, ever returned.
Such as were not killed in the service, were generally
swept away by the great mortality which prevailed in the

fleet and army.

In the course of Provklence, this year, there was a con-
currence of a number of great events, beyond all Iniman
foresight or calculation, which gave an entirely ditterent
turn to the affairs of Europe, and most favorable to the in-
terests of the British colonies in America.

On the second of January, the empress of Russia, one ot
the most powerful enemies of the king of Prussia, died,
and such was the revolution in Russia that, after her de-
mise, the troops of Russia, which before had been employ-
ed a^'ainst him, were allowed to join his forces and assist
ao-ainst his enemies. This gave a most unexpected and
favorable turn to his affairs ; so that he was not only able
10 defend himself, but to aet powerfully agamst his eiie^

Chap.XXH. CONNECTICUT. 451

mies. Besides the loss of Martinique and Havanna, the Book IL
Spaniards received a wound in Asia, no less unexpected ^^af^.^-^^^
or terrible, than that given them in the West-Indies. An n.G'l.
armament under the command of general Draper and ad-
miral Cornish, on the sixth of October, made a complete
conquest of Manilla and the Philippine islands. These
capital losses, with the capture of several rich ships, of
nearly two millions value, made deep unpressions on the
Bourbon family. They very considerably affected those
resources of money, which, with France, had been the
principal objects in her treaties with Spain. These pow-
ers had been entirely frustrated in their attempts to reduce
Portugal and Lisbon. The campaign in Germany, had
fey no means succeeded agreeably to their wishes. These
all combined their influence in disposing the house of Bour-
bon to peace, and to stop that flow of human blood, which,
for se;ven years, had been running almost without intermis-
sion or parallel.

At the same time, those grand acquisitions which Great-
Britain had made, in Asia, and the East and West-Indies,
enabled her to treat of peace, without giving up a single
post which she had gained on the continent of North-
America.

Towards the close of the year, commissioners were ap-
pointed to attempt a general pacification. On the third Definitive
of November, preliminaries of peace were signed, at Fon- treaty of
tainbleau, by the British and French ministers. The de- £^^*^^ip
finitive treaty of Paris, was signed on the tenth of the sue- ^^JqJ^ '
eeeding February.

In the fourth article of the treaty, his most Christian ma-
jesty renounced all pretensions which he had ever formed,
or might form to Nova-Scotia, in all its parts, and guaran-
teed the whole of it, with all its dependencies, to the king
of Great-Britain. He also ceded and guaranteed to his
Britannic majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its depen-
dencies, with Cape Breton, and all the other islands and
coasts in the river St. Lawrence, with every thing depend-
ant on said countries, lands, islands and coasts ; with the
sovereignty, property, possession, all rights acquired by
treaty or otherwise, in the amplest manner and form, with-
-uut any liberty to depart from the said cession and guar-
antee. The seventh article fixed the limits of the territo-
ry between the two nations in the manner following : In ^g"^^^"
order to establish peace on solid and durable foundations, tween G.
and to remove forever all subject of dispute with regard to Britaia
the British and French territories on the continent of Amer- ^^ ^ .
ica, it is agreed, that, for the future, the confines between America.

452 HISTORY OF Chap. XXli.

Book II. the dominions of his Britannic majesty, and those of his
\^^~^^'^>^ most christian majesty, in that part of the world, shall be
1763, fixed irrevocably, by a line drawn along the middle of the
river Mississippi, from its source, to the river Iberville; and
from thence by a line drawn along the middle of the river,
and the lakes Maurepas and Ponchartrain, to the sea : And
for this purpose, the most chi-istian king cedes, in full right,
and guarantees to his Britannic majesty, the river and port
of Mobile, and every thing which he possesses, or ought to
possess, on the left side of the river Mississippi, except the
town of Orleans, and the island on which it is situated,
which shall remain to France : provided, that the naviga-
tion of the river Mississippi shall be equally free, as well to
the subjects of Great-Britain, as to those of France, in its
whole breadth and length, from its source to the sea, and
expressly that part which is between the said island of Or-
leans and the right bank of the river, as well as the passage
both in and out of its mouth. It is further stipulated, that
the vessels belonging to the subjects of either, shall not be
stopped, visited, or subjected to the payment of any duty
whatsoever.*

The king of Great-Britain made a restoration of all his
conquests in the AVefU-lndies to the king of Spain. In
consequence of which, his catholic majesty, in the twenti-
eth article, made to his Britannic majesty an ample ces-
sion of Florida, St. Augustine, the bay of Pensacola, and
all that Spain possessed on the continent of North-America,
to the east or to the south-east of the river Mississippi. A
cession was also made, of every thing dependant on said
country or lands, with the sovereignty, property, posses-
sion, and all rights acquired by treaties, or otherwise, which
ever the catholic king, or crown of Spain, had over thC'
said countries.
Liberties In the fourth, seventh, and twentieth articles, it was stipu-
jrranted to latcd by his Britannic majesty, that the inhabitants of the
calholi'^s^" respective countries above ceded, by France and Spain,
should be allowed the enjoyment of the Roman catholic re-
ligion ; and that he would give the most express and ef-
fectual orders, that his new Roman catholic subjects might
profess the exercise of their religion, according to the
rights of the Romish church, so far as should be consistent
with the laws of Great-Britain. It was further stipulated,
that the inhabitants of said countries might sell their estates
to British subjects, and retire, with all safety and freedoray
wherever they shall think proper. They were also allow-
ed to remove their effects, as well as persons, without any
» Rider's Hist. vol. I

Chap. XXII. CONNECTICUT. 453

restraint in their emigration, under any pretence wlialso- Book II.
over, except in cases of debt, and of criminal prosecutions, k.^-^^'^s^
The time of emigration was limited to eighteen months, 1763.
from the exchange of the ratillcations of the treaty. TliCi^e
were the principal stipulations relative to the continent of
America.

Signally conspicuous Avas that all-governing Providence,
which, for so many years, by sea and land, in Europe and
America, and in other quarters of the world, combined suck
a variety of circumstances, as united their influence in this
great event. In this important treaty, the American colo-
nies saw the enemy which had given them such immense
trouble, caused them so many years of fear 'and soirow,
such an incredible expense of blood and treasure, either
removed from the continent, or reduced to circumstances
in which they were so far from injuring them, that they
could not but contribute to their emolument, and to the
wealth and grandeur of Great-Britain. The treaty was Peace fa-
peculiarly favourable with respect to the colonies, in that vourable
extent of territory which it secured to them. In the extent **^ \^^ ^°'
and security which it gave them, relative to their iisnenes
and commerce, and in every other respect, relating to their
particular interests, it was favouj-able, whatever deficien-
cies there might be in it with respect to the other interests
of Great-Britain. In this, pious people could discover
something very providential, that though the colonies had
no hand nor influence in the treaty, yet that it was more
favourable for them, than it was for the nation in general.

Great and universal was the joy which the retuia of Joy on the
peace gave to the English colonies in America. For near- general
ly eight years, they had been making the most strenuous [^^n*^^^"
exertions to carry on the war, and to assist his majesty
in humbling the pride of their common enemy. Their Burthens
burthens and losses had been great. As the provincials of the war.
enlisted for one campaign only, a new army was to be
raised, new bounties given, and new clothing to be furnish-
ed, every spring. So great was the expense, that the colo-
nies were obliged, not only to emit bills of credit to a great
amount, but to tax the people as highly as they could bear.
Besides the public bounties given by the colonies, the mer-
chants, farmers, and gentlemen of character, were obliged
to advance considerable sums to encourage (he enlistments,
or they must have left their farms, merchandize, and vari-
ous enyjloyments, and gone into actual service. Especial-
ly was this the case with the northern colonies. New- Supplies
England, in general, had, during the war, ten thousand ^"™ ^^^^,
men in the field. Some ve3.rs. the two colonies of Massa- ^

454 HISTORY OF Chap. XXIf.

Book II. cliusetts and Connecticut furnished that number. Massa-
"^-^"N/-^^-/ chusetts annually sent into the field five thousand five hun-
1763. dred men, and one year, seven thousand. Besides her an-^
nual quota, this colony, for several years, garrisoned Lou-
isburg and Nova-Scotia, that the regular troops might be
employed in the expeditions against Canada. On the ap-
plication of the British admiral, she furnished five hundred
seamen, in the expeditions against Louisburg and Quebec.
At several times, many others were impressed out of the
vessels employed in the fishery. According to the state-
ment made by governor Bernard, and transmitted to the
lords of trade, the colony had expended in the war, eight
hundred and eighteen thousand pounds sterling.* Of this
sum, three hundred and twenty-eight thousand pounds had
been replaced by parliamentary grants. Four hundred
and ninety thousand pounds were expended, for which the
colony had no parliamentary compensation.
Particu-' From the resolutions of the assembly, it appears that
Jarly from Connecticut exerted herself more, beyond her proportion,
Connect!- ^^j^^^ Massachusetts. On the commencement of the war in
1 755, she raised a thousand men for the service. After the
battle at the lake, on the 6th of September, she sent on a
detachment of two thousand of her militia. From this
time to the close of the campaign, she had about three thou-
sand men in the field. The next year Connecticut sent
into actual service two thousand and five hundred men.
This was more than double the number required by the
commander in chief. Such was her zeal for his majesty's
service that, lest the cause should suffer by the failure of
the southern colonies to furnish their respective quotas, she
exerted herself in this duplicate proportion. In 1757, the
requisition of the commander in chief was fourteen hun-
dred only. These were not only raised, but on the intelli-
gence that fort William Henry was attacked, she, with un-
common dispatch, sent forward a detachment of five thou-
sand of her militia : so that, for some time, the colony had
about six thousand men in actual service.

As she was called upon the next year, by his majesty
and the commander in chief, to raise all the men in her
power, the colony exerted itself beyond all former exam-
ple, and sent into service about five thousand men. Gen-
eral Amherst, taking advantage of the zeal of the colo-
ny this year, made this number the rule of his demand dur-
ing the war. This was a number far beyond her propor-
tion, and was a heavy burthen on the colony. Tne ex-
pense of this small commonwealth, during the war, fron.
* (jovernor Bernard's letter, August l, 1764.

Chap. XXII. CONNECTICUT. 455

1 755, to 1 762, inclusively, after deducting the parliamen- Book IL
(ary grants, amounted to upwards of four hundred thou- ^.^^^s^^<^^
sand pounds.* 1763,

Besides the public expense, that of individuals was ve- Effects of
ry considerable. It was sometimes at a great premium *^^ ^^^'
that they could obtain substitutes ; much time was spent
by the officers of the militia, and principal men in the sev-
eral towns, in procuring arnis, clothing, and other articles
for the troops, for which they had no compensation. Of
these, and numerous other incidental expenses, losses, and
damages, no estimate can be made. Exclusive of the men
raised by the colonies, under the general name of provin-
cials, many of their inhabitants enlisted into the regular
regiments, and were among their grenadiers and very best
troops. They were in the sharpest actions and severest
services during the war* The i-oyal American battalions,
which were not inferior to any of the regular regiments,
were raised wholly from the colonies. Numbers were im-
pressed on board his majesty's ships ; many were employ-*
ed in privateering, and other services relating to the war.
The whole number employed was very great. The colo-
nies probably sustained the loss of considerably more than
twenty thousand men. These, in general, were their most
firm and hardy young men, the flower of their country*
Many others were maimed and enervated, in the many
distant and arduous campaigns during the war. As the
New-England colonies furnished much the greatest number
of men, so this loss fell with the heaviest weight upon
them. Connecticut, as she exerted herself so much be-
yond her proportion, necessarily sustained a greater loss
in proportion to her inhabitants, than the other colonies.

The employment of so many men, for such a number of
years, in the war, injured the husbandry and settlement of
the country. The loss of so many young men, and the
prevention of marriage for so many years, with respect to-
others, greatly retarded population. At the same time,
the war was unfriendly to literature, destructive of domes-
tic happiness, and injurious to piety and the social virtues.
The country thirsted for peace.

A deliverance from these evils, the return of parents, Joy and
sons, brethren, and friends, from distant countries, from ^^^^ °^
captivity and the dangers of war, to the embraces of each nirs*^on°the
other, with the countless blessings of peace, diffused a gen- return of
eral and uncommon joy. The extent of territory ceded, to ptace-
the colonies, the safety of their commerce and fishery, the

* Reasons offered in behalf of Connecticut against the internal taxation
of the colonies, printed at New-Haven, 1764, written by governor Fitcb,

45ii HISTORY OF Chap. XXIL

Book If. prodigioua scope which presented itself for both, the in-
v-^-v-N*^ crease of wealth, the extent of settlement, the advance-
1763. nient of population, and the general diffusion of happiness,
all united their influence to bring in a full tide of gladness.
That high point of honor and magnificence, to which the
jsation had been elevated, the extension of her empire, the
flow of the whole trade and wealth of Canada and of thi^
great continent into her lap, whom they esteemed as a pa-
rent, and to whom they claimed the relation of children ;
the honors acquired in so glorious a war, with the advan-
tages of a peace which gave such lustre to the crown, ami
aggrandizement to a prince whom they loved, were so ma-
ny circumstances enlivening the joy, and increasing the
satisfaction which so universally prevailed. The colonies
gloried in their prince, and in their relation to Great Bri-
tain. They felt a high degree of satisfaction, and it was
no small part of their pride that, with their fellow subjects
of the mother country, they had shared in the labors and
enterprises, and with them had mingled their blood in those
battles and victories, on the continent and in the Indies,
which had given such lustre to her arms, and enlargement
to her empire.

They were impressed with a grateful sense of the royal
beneficence, and parliamentary goodness, in the grants
which had been made for their assistance, in defraying the
expenses of the Avar. They were entirely satisfied with
ihe British government, and conceived themselves to be
peculiarly happy in the protection and privileges wkich
they enjoyed, as British subjects. This was the general
feeling and happy state of the country, at the return of
peace.

The extension of settlements, the increase of cultivation,
numbers, commerce, and wealth of the colonies, for about
ten or twelve years after the j^acification of Paris, were
idmost incredible. During the war, and this v/hole subse-
quent period, money was plenty, and suffered no deprecia-
tion. Provisions of every kind, especially pork aud beef,
were in the best demand. This called forth the utmost ex-
ertions of the husbandman, in the cultivation of his fields^
and enabled him with facility to pay the taxes which the
htateof the country demanded. It was the policy of Con-
necticut, in this favorable period, to tax the people as high-
ly as they could cheerfully bear, providing substantial
funds, in short j}eriods, for the payment of their whole debt.
To assist them in supporting the war, the legislature call-
ed in ail tiieir outstanding debts. Contracts were made
with the British commissary, annually, for several years.

Chap. XXIIT. CONNECTICUT. 45?

for provisions to the amount of four thousand pounds ster- Book IF,
Hng. This was paid in money, or in bills of exchange, ^^*»-s/-'^fc>
These contracts were principally for pork. At the same 1763.
time, great quantities of fresh provisions were furnished
the armies, in droves of fat cattle. The merchants had a
safe and prosperous trade. Especially after the peace, an
almost boundless scope of commerce and enterprise, was
given to the colonists. In these favorable circumstances,
with the return of thousands of her brave and industrious
inhabitants, to the cultivation of their fields, and the vari-
ous arts and labors of peace, the colony was soon able to
exonerate itself from the debt contracted by the war. The
other colonies, who adopted a different policy, and neg*
lected to tax the people, in these favorable periods, were
a long time burdened with a heavy tax.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Unexpected Indian rvar. The reasons of it* The enemy
ravage the frontiers of the southern colonies. Take seve-
ral English forts. Attempt the reduction of forts Pitt,
Detroit, and J^iagara. Battle at Detroit. The enemy
attack colonel Botiguet, and are defeated. They destroy-
ed a detachment of men near Niagara, Were finally
humbled, and made peace,

AT a time when there seemed to be the fairest pros-
jject of a long and universal peace in America, the
southern colonies were suddenly involved in a destructive
Indian war. In 1761, a firm peace had been made with
the Cherokees. Three of their chief men soon after visit-
ed Great-Britain, and there confirmed it with the British
court. About the same time. Sir William Johnson made a
tour among the Indian nations, to quiet the fears and jeal- Reasons of
ousies which might have been occasioned by the conquest *^® Indian

1 . . . •^ ^ war

of Canada. These fears and jealousies, it seems, had been
fomented by French emissaries, with much industry and
success. The same year a conference had been held be-
tween several of the American governors and the six na-
tions, with a view of ratifying fornrer treaties, and of more
entirely conciliating and fixing their friendship. At this
conference, a warm dispute arose on account of certain
lands, of which a Delaware chief complained that certain

H 3

458 iilStORY OJ^' CThap. XXIII,

Book II. English selllers had taken possession, in consequence of n
v--«^y-'x^ fraudulent conveyance. Though this animosity appeared'
1763. at that time to be in some measure stifled, and to su})side,
yet the Indians were by no means satisfied.* To this
ground of dissatisfaction, there was an addition of many
more. The French had ever paid a more flattering atten-
tion to the Indians than the English ever deigned to show
them. Their conquests now made them haughty, and they
treated these rude neighbours with less condescension and
decorum, than had before been usiaal. And besides, con-
trary to the faith of treaties,, settlements had been made be-
yond our just limits.! We had also drawn a line of forts
round their best hunting grounds ; and their suspicions
were, that the English had concerted a plan for their total
extirpation.

These injuries and suspicions having roused the resent-
ment of the Shawanese and Delaware Indians, they united
with the other tribes along the Ohio ; and having drawn the
Indians about Detroit, and a considerable part of the clans
on this side of the Mississippi, into their measures, they
determined to make a sudden and general attack on the
frontiers at the same time. That they might, at one blow,
cut oif both the inhabitants and all their means of subsist-
ence, they resolved to begin their work of destruction at
the time of harvest. Their plan was concerted with un-
common art and secrecy. They made their irruption so
unexpectedl}^ so generally, and with such violence, that,
before any relief could be obtained, great numbers of the
inhabitants were masarred, their houses burned, and their
iiiid waste crops ruincd, with all the marks of horror and cruelty at"
and desert- tending an Indian war. In consequence of the general
^'^- alarm and consternation, all the frontiers of Pennsyivania^

Mar) land and Virginia, for twenty miles back into the
country, with thousands of fine settlements, were abandon-
ed to the enemy. The travelling merchants, who, under
the security of a general peace, were trading in the Indian
(ountry, were murdered, and their effects plundered.
These were estimated at several hundred thousand pounds.
But that which, in a military view, was considered as ox'
much greater importance, was the capture of le Boeuf, Ve-
nango, and Presque Isle. These forts were advantageous-
ly situated, so as to command the heads of all the navigable
livers, southward of lake Erie, and were important to keep
up the communication between fort Pitt and the lakes, and
the posts north of them. The Indians made themselves

* Rider's History of England, vol. xlviii, p. 64, 65, and vol. xlix. p. 3?.-

I r Tiie same, vol. 1. p. 45, 46.

Chap. XXIII. CONNECTICUT. 450

masters of these forts, rather by stratagem than by any Book II.
power sufficient to have reduced them. They preterided ^^..t^-s/^ ^^-*
to the soldiers, that they had cut off the other garrison?, 1763,
boasted of the great numbers they had with them, and made
them the most flattering promises of safety and good usage.
When, by these arts, they had induced them to give up
these posts, they commonly violated their promises, and
killed or captivated them. By the same means they gni
possession of Michilimakinack.

Flushed with these successes, they attempted to reduce
fort Pitt, Detroit, and Niagara. Though the theatre of this
Indian war was of vast extent, though the different nations
were separated by immense tracts of country, yet in their
operations they preserved an admirable degree of connec-
tion and concert. At the same time, they invested fort Pitt
and Detroit, though at a great distance from each other.

The commander in chief, apprised of the danger to
which all the western posts were exposed, detached strong
reinforcements to those garrisons. Captain Dalyell con-
ducted the reinforcement dispatched to Detroit. After his
arrival at the fort with his reinforcement, he imagined, from
the intelligence given him, that he could surprise the ene-
my, and drive them entirely from that settlement. With
this view, it was determined to make an attack on their
camp, which lay at the distance of about three miles from
the fort. Between two and three of the clock in the morn-
ing, captain Dalyell, with two hundred and seventy men,
began his march with all possible secrecy and precaution.
But the Indians were so vigilant and sharp sighted, that
they discovered his party, lined the hedges, posted them-
selves behind houses, and took the most effectual measures
to annoy and defeat him. Before he had reached their
camp, he was saluted with a severe fire in his front. In-
stantly it commenced in his rear, and soon it became furi- J^^^' ''•^, ^}
ous and destructive on every side. The captain fell in the ^ '"^ ^
beginning of the action. I'he darkness of the night pre-
vented a sight of the Indians, and the whole party were at
once on the point of irreparable disorder and ruin. In
this emergency, captain Grant, on whom the command de-
'volved, saw that his only safety was in a speedy retreat.
To effect this, he made a spirited charge upon the enemy :
by this they w^ere soon driven from the roads, and repulsed
in every quarter. The English having thu;j extricated
themselves, returned to the fort. But it was an unfortu-
nate affair, in which seventy men were killed, and forty
wounded. The Indians now finding the garrison to be nu-
merous and well supplied, despairing of any further suc-
cess; soou withdrew, aud gave th'i'iri no more trouble.

460 HISTORY OF Chap. XXHI.

Book II. Meanwhile, fort Pitt was so closely surrounded on all
^.^-^•-x^ sides, that all communication, even by private message,
1763. was cut off between that and the country. The Indians,
Fort Pitt in some measure, supplied their want of skill and cannon,
is besie- ^y their incredible boldness and perseverance. Regard-
^ less of danger, and with a resolution which would have

done honour to the best troops, they took post under the
banks of the river, close to the fort, and burying them-
selves in holes, for several days together, poured in upon
it an incessant storm of shot and fire arrows. Captain Ecuy-
er, who commanded the garrison, took every precaution
which judgment or art could suggest, and defended himself
with no less zeal and perseverance, than the enemy made
their assault.

General Amherst well knew the importance of this post,
and had detached colonel Bouquet, a trusty officer, with a
large quantity of provisions and military stores, under a
strong escort, for its relief. When the colonel had advan-
ced to the remotest part of the English settlements, he
could not obtain the least intelligence of the state of the
garrison, or of the numbers, position, or motions of the
enemy. In these circumstances, he determined to prepare
for the worst, and disengaged himself from all ammunition
and provisions, which did not appear to be absolutely ne-
cessary. Having thus disencumbered himself, the army
entered a rough and mountainous country. Before him
lay a dangerous defile, called Turtle Creek, several miles
in length. On both sides, it was encompassed with steep
and craggy hills. After refreshing his troops, it was de-
termined, if possible, to elude the observation of the ene-
my, and pass this defile in the night. Though the colonel
had not been able to obtain the least intelligence of the
enemy, yet this alert and keen sighted foe had discovered
his party; and finding that a reinforcement was coming
on, they immediately raised the siege of fort Pitt, and, ta-
king the route by which they knew the armymust pass, de-
termined to surprise it the first favourable opportunity.
Attack oa While the English were making the necessary arrange-
Bouquet ^d^s lor reiresbment and repose, altera latiguing march
Au^, 5(h!. of seventeen miles that day, their advanced guard was sud-
denly and furiously attacked. This was so expeditiously
and firmly supported, that the enemy were soon obliged to
fly, and the English pursued them to a considerable dis-
tance. But that which, with another enemy, would have
been considered as a defeat, and victory, in this case seem-
ed only as an artful relaxation or amusement. So far were
the enemy from abandoning the field, that the mom,ent the

Chap. XXIIL' CONNECTICUT. 461

pursuit ended, they returned, with redoubled fury, to the Book II.
fight. Several other parties, who lay in ambush in the ^-^-^/-«w'
high grounds, along the flanks of the army, now sprang up, 1763.
and rushing on to the encounter, with a resolution no less
than that of their companions, galled the English with
a furious and obstinate fire. To dislodge them from' the
high grounds, it was necessary to make a charge with the
whole line. This succeeded, but produced nothing deci-
sive. No sooner were the savages driven from one place,
than they sprang up in another. Such were the reinforce-
ments which constantly came rushing on to the battle, that,
at length, the whole detachment was completely surround-
ed.

Having thus surrounded the army, and drawn it some
distance from the convoy, they commenced a furious at-
tack upon that. It now became immediately necessary
for the main body to fall back, or the convoy would be in-
stantly lost. This was effected with the utmost address
and resolution. But the enemy were not intimidated ; the
action, every moment, became more warm and general.
The troops were attacked on every side, and with incred-
ible spirit and obstinacy did the savages support and
press their charge. During the whole of this serious ac-
tion, which took so many shapes, and in which so many
manoeuvres were necessary, the English were not thrown
into the least disorder, but, by their firm and steady con-
duct, and superior discipline, maintained the field, and,
with fixed bayonets, drove the enemy from all their posts.
Nearly seven hours did the action continue, without the
least intermission. It began about one o'clock in th« af-
ternoon, and continued until the approach of night termi-
nated the action.

The ground on which the battle was fought, was tolera-
bly convenient for an encampment, .The wounded men
and convoy were placed in the centre, and the army was
marshalled in a circle round the whole. In this manner
the troops passed an anxious night, obliged to the strictest
vigilance, by a subtile and enterprising foe, who, at some
distance, still encompassed them about.

On the first dawn of the morning, they began to show The action
themselves on every side of the camp. At the distance of •'enewed,
about five hundred yards, they presented themselves round "^'
the whole of it ; and, by an ostentation of their numbers,
and the most horrible shouting and yelling, round the whole
circumference, they attempted to intimidate, and strike the
whole army with terror. Upon this signal, they furiously
renewed the attack. The English, exhausted as they-were^

462 HISTORY OF Chap. XXllL

Book II. wilh ihe fatiguing and terrible action of the preceding day,
*™^-%'-^*»-/ and the anxieties of a sleepless night, were instantly called
1763. to service, which required the utmost vigour of body and
mind. Beside their other distresses, they suffered the ca-
lamity of a total want of water. In this hot season, with
the agitation of their spirits, their thirst was inexpressible,
and the want of water more intolerable than the fire of the
enemy. In these circumstances, they were exceedingly
pressed from every quarter.

Under the advantage of an incessant fire, the enemy
made the most daring and repeated attempts to penetrate
the centre of the camp. In every attempt they were re-
pulsed, yet their attempts were again and again renewed,
without discouragement and without dismay. The Eng-
lish were constantly victorious, and yet constantly in dan-
ger. Their most spirited exertions made no decisive im^
pressions on the enemy. When pressed, they always gave
way, but the moment the pursuit was over, they returned
to the attack with as much spirit and alacrity as ever. The
English were confined to their convoy, and could not loso
sight of it a moment, without exposing that interesting ob-
ject, with all their wounded men, to be an instant prey to
the enemy. Many of the horses were killed and disabled,
and numbers of the drivers were stupified with fear, hid
in the bushes, and were incapable of hearing or obeying
orders. To advance or retreat was equally impracticable.
In these circumstances, they saw before them the melan-
choly prospect of crumbling away and perishing in a drea-
ry wilderness, Vt^ithout honor, or revenge. Each moment
the fate of Braddock was presented to their view. Besides,
they foresaw that, in their fall, that of the important gar-
rison effort Pitt, would be involved. In this most critical
and distressed situation, the commander conceived an ex^
pedient which succeeded to his wishes.

Observing the eagerness and temerity of the enemy, he
determined to take advantage of it, and, if possible, bring
them to a more close engagement. For this purpose, he
ordered two companies, who had been posted in the most
advanced situation, to retire within the circle ; the troops
on the right and left opened their files, seemingly to cover
their retreat, and to fill up the vacancy which had been
made by diis movement. A company of light infantry and
another of grenadiers, were ordered to support the two
companies who feigned the retreat. The movements
were made, and the plan executed, without the least con-
fusion. At the same time, the thin line of troops whicii
occupied the ground whence the advanced companies had

Ckap.XXUI. CONNECTICUT. 463

been withdrawn, moved back toward the centre of the cir- Book IL
cle, giving ground to the enemy. Tliey, mistaking these v_*^-v^h»^
motions for a retreat, rushed in headlong from the woods 1763.
and fastnesses which covered them, and advancing, with a
most daring intrepidity, within the circle, poured in a ter-
rible and galling fire upon the English. At the moment
they imagined themselves masters of the camp, two of the
four companies, which had been ordered for that purpose,
made a sudden turn, unobserved by the enemy, and charg-
ed them furiously upon their right flank. The enemy re-
ceived them Avith firmness, kept a good countenance, and
returned the fire with resolution. But, as these two com-
panies were making a second charge, with great spirit and
energy, on their flank, the other two companies advancing,
poured in a heavy aiKl well directed fire upon their front,
and, by this unexpected exertion, put them to an immedi-
ate rout. The four companies pursued them with such '^^^ ^°^°
resolution and celerity, as gave them not a moment to col- ^J ^ *^^ "
lect, or look behind them, till they were totally dispersed.
The enemy round the camp, during this fierce engagement
in the front, were awed and kept in play by the rest of the
army, and when they perceived that their comrades were
routed, they soon followed their example, and fled.

This happy manoeuvre rescued the army from apparent
destruction. It gained the field and cleared the adjacent
woods. By it the enemy were entirely disheartened, as
they had lost more than sixty men in these various encoun-
ters, besides a great number who had been wounded.
Among these, were a number of their bravest warriors,
who had most distinguished themselves by the fierceness
of their attack, and their animosity against the English. In
tkeir fall, was extinguished no small part of the fuel of
war.*

Though the victory had beea gained, after this hard
fought battle, yet the marching of the army Was a matter
of great difficulty. It had sustained the loss of fiky men,
and sixty had been wounded. At the very time when an
additional number of horses were necessary, on the ac-
count of the wounded men, so many had been killed, that
there was not a number sufficient to carry on but a small
part of the provisions. With great reluctance, the colonel
was obliged to destroy the greatest part of them ; so that,
after every exertion, one principal object of the expedition
was defeated.

The troops thus disburthened, advanced about two miles,
and pitched their camp at Bushy Run„ After such fatigues

* Rider's Hisf. vol. 1. p. 60—69,

464 HlSTOllV OF Chap. XXilL

Book II. on their march, and such a severe chastisement as they had
v..^"^/--'^l^ given the enemy, in the preceding actions, it was natura!
17G3. to expect repose. But scarcely had the English fixed their
camp, when the enemy appeared in ambush round abouc
ihem, and gave them another fire. Indeed, at this time,
nothing could have been more mortifying. The enemy
however soon drew off", and, except a few scattered shots,
gave them no more trouble. Four days after, the army
arrived at fort Pitt.

Few enterprises have been managed with more caution,
skill, and gallantry, than this. Colonel Bouquet, his offi-
cers and men, gained singular honor, by the firmness, pre-
sence of mind, and dexterity of movement, displayed on
this interesting occasion.

In few of the hard fought battles and signal victories of
Europe, which are celebrated with so much eclat, is there
such an exhibition of obstinate, persevering fortitude, and
of military skill, as appeared in this action. Indeed, after
all the severities and dangers of a campaign in Europe,
litde idea can be formed of what is to be endured in a war
with savages, in America.

In Europe, the country is generally cultivated and in-
habited, roads are made, hospitals and magazines are pre-
pared. If troops are conquered and taken, it is only an
Difficulties exchange of masters. They expect kind treatment from
oCau In- a civilized and generous enemy. But in a war with sava-
dion war. gg^^ [^ America, every thing is the reverse, every thing is
terrible. Here, troops hold their marches through groves,
thickets, and defiles, through a vast and dreary wilderness,
where there are neither hospitals, magazines, nor refresh-
ments for the well, nor conveniences, nor^ relief, for the
sick and wounded. The face of the country, the nature of
the service, the appearance and manner of the enemy, are
terrible. Their wild and horrible yells, their terrible vis-
age, and manner of attack, are so alarming, that they have
often tiirown the best troops into confusion. Their ex-
. Ireme art, in first discovering, waylaying, and surprising
their enemy, the suddenness and violence of their attacks,
and their merciless cruelty, all conspire to make them a
truly terrible enemy. Victories over them are often not
decisive, while defeats involve the vanquished in total ruin.
The least misfortune to be expected, in general, is simple
death. If, in the rude campaigns of America, there be
less dignity, there is something more adventurous, more
interesting to the heart, and more amusing to the imagina-
tion, than in the more grand events of a regular war. In
them, all the powers of courage and address are called

Chap. XXIII. CONNECTICUT. 4G5

forth into exertion^ and all the firmness of body and mind Book II.
is put to the severest trial. s-^-n^^-v*'

An Indian war forms a truly difficult and dangerous -ser- 1764.
vice. It requires a firm body of the best regular troops,
with a large proportion of the best marksmen, to compose
alight infantry. At the same time, a commander of the
firmest and coolest mind, full of caution, and rich in expe-
dients, who, with a glance of his eye, can catch every
advantage and opportunity, is absolutely necessary. To
appoint a self-sufficient, incautious, dull man, to command
in enterprises of this kind, is little better than sacrificing
an army to the rage and cruelty of an insidious foe.

By the arrival of colonel Bouquet at fort Pitt, that post
was effectually secured against any further attempts of the
enemy. By the seasonable succours sent to this post, and
to Detroit, the enemy received a considerable check and
disappointment. However, they were not discouraged
from making further attempts, in a different quarter. They
bent their whole force against Niagara. This Avas not
less worthy of their attention than the other posts. This
they endeavuored to distress, by every art of which they
were masters. They hoped to reduce it by hunger, if
other expedients should fail them. The great distance of
these posts from each other, and of them all from the set-
tled country, was a circumstance fovorable to their design.
For this purpose, they watched the convoys, by land and Delacb-
water. On the fourteenth of September, they surrounded "J5"* '^"*
an escort, near Niagara, slew seventy of the soldiers, and \^^\^^ ^ '
destroyed the whole detachment.

Afterwards, as a schooner v/as passing lake Erie, with
provisions, for Detroit, she was attacked by a crowd of ca-
noes, on board of which were nearly four hundred Indians.
A hot engagement ensued, but the savage fleet was obliged
to sheer off, with considerable loss.

The garrisons soon became so well supplied with troops,
military stores, and provisions, that the enemy had no
prospect of effecting any thing of consequence further
against them. But they continued still to be so numerous
and powerful, and did such damages on the frontiers, that
requisitions were made on the colonies, for troops to sup-
press them.

In consequence of a letter received from the earl of General
Halifax, one of his majesty's principal secretaries of state, Assembly
signifying his majesty's pleasure that, in consequence of the ford
insurrection of the Indians, Connecticut should assist in March 4th.
the war against them ; and of a letter from general Gage,
BOW commander in chief in North- America, urging the same.

I 3

466

HISTORY OF

Chap. XXIll.

A ii(*w
corps rais
td to an
noy tlie
ludians.

Book II. a General Assembly was convened fit Hartford, on the 8th
'-..^-v^w^ of March, 1764. The assembly were by no means insen-
J764. sible that, from their local situation, they wore entirely
safe from the incursions of the Indians ; and that, by their
extraordinary exertions in the preceding war, they had
greatly exhausted their resources, and made it a matter of
extreme difficulty to allbrd assistance in a new war. Nev-
ertheless, as it was his majesty's pleasure, and urged by
the commander in chief, diey complied with his majesty's
requisition. They wished to promote his majesty's ser-
vice, and to manifest their obedience. The assembly
therefore enacted, That provision should be made for levy-
. ing, clothing and paying two hundred and sixty-five able
bodied men, officers included, with the utmost dispatch.
The men were all to be between twenty-one and fifty
years of age. They were directed to march to any place
in North-America, where the commander in chief should
order them. It was enacted that the troops should consist
of one battalion, and be commanded by a field officer of
the rank of major : and that it should be composed of
five companies, each company including one captain, two
subalterns and fifty men. The command of the battalion
tvas given to major Israel Putnam, afterwards general Put-
nam*

To defray the expense of this little armament, the as-
sembly ordered an emission of seven thousand pounds, in
bills of credit, at five per cent, and for the pm"pose of re-
deeming them, levied a tax of one penny on the pound.

Reinforced with the new recruits, colonels Bouquet and
Bradstreet, in such a spirited manner, attacked and harassed
the enemy, the next spring and summer, that they became
willing to bury the hatchet, and adopt articles of pacifica-
tion.

In September, a treaty was completed. The English
appear rather to have dictated and imposed the terms than
to have given them equal advantages. The articles in
substance were, That in twenty days after the ratification
AHicles ofQf y^g articles, they should deliver up all the prisoners in
their hands : That they should renounce all claim to the
forts which the English had then in their country : That
the English should build as many more as they should
judge necessary to secure their trade ; and that they should
cede to them forever, all the land within cannon shot of the
forts. It was also stipulated, that if any Indian should kill
an Englishman, that he should be delivered up to be judg-
ed by the English laws, and that half of the jury should
consist of Indians : and that if any of the Indian nations

Peace is
made in
Septem-
ber.

Peace.

Chap. XXm. CONNECTICUT. 467

should renew the war, that the rest should join with the Book II.
English to bring them to reason. Ten of the Indians who v.^-v->w'
assisted as deputies in the convention for treating of peace, 1764.
were to abide as hostages, until the Indian nations should
be certified of the peace, and return the captives agreeably
lO the present treaty.*

There is no mention of any cession on the part of the observa.^
English, nor any valuable consideration for those little tions,
townships of land which they were obliged to grant around
every fort which the English then possessed, and around all
others which they should judge proper to build. Neither
does there appear to be the least stipulation on the part of
the English to deliver up the murderers of the Indians a-
jnong them to public justice, nor any such care to secure
ihe liberty, property and lives of the natives, as to impose
whatever might serve their own interest and safety. In-
deed, this is too observable in almost all their treaties with
the Indians, that they stipulate and bind themselves to the
English in every thing which can secure their interests,
while the English on their part stipulate little or nothing
for the security or benefit of the Indians. They have too
often imposed on them unequal terms, and even the ar-
ticles of peace given them, have been grounds of uneasi-
ness, and laid the foundation of new wars.

The Indians are quick sighted to their own honor and
interests, they are susceptible of just and humane treat-
ment, and could universal justice and kindness become
part of the national character, as it respects them, and a
proper attention be given to their particular ideas of honor
and decorum, we might generally, no doubt, enjoy peace
with them.

This Indian war, which it seems originated in the inat-
tention, haughtiness and injustice of the English, m.ade a
considerable addition to the loss and expense which the
colonies had sustained in the long war by which it was pre-
ceded. They were called upon, by his majesty and by
the commander in chief, again to furnish considerable quo-
tas of men. Connecticut, though remote from danger, was
obliged to furnish men, and be at considerable expense, for
the protection and safety of the southern colonies. For
about nine years, she had employed more or less of her
men constantly in the field, and, though less exposed, and
less interested in the war than any of the other colonies,
had done more in proportion to her numbers than any o(
them.

Though all the colonies were more or less injured by
* Rider's Hist. vol. h p. 70.^

468 HISTORY OF Chap. XXIV.

Book II. this unhappy insurrection of the Indians, yet the southern
"v-^'^v/-^^ sustained by far the greatest burthens and losses. Their
frontiers were more immediately exposed to the murders
and depredations of the enemy ; large and fruitful tracts of
country were abandoned, and the inhabitants driven in up-
on its more safe and populous parts.

Distressing as the war was to these colonies, it was
nevertheless attended v/ith some favorable circumstances.
The precipitancy of several of the warriors in the begin-
ning of the war, before the enemy were generally prepar-
ed, in some measure defeated the more methodical and
general mischief which had been designed, by giving the
country too early an alarm. This gave an opportunity to
a greater proportion of the frontier inhabitants to make
their escape, and to save more of their valuable effects.
The country had more time, also, to rally and to prepare
for the more general and forcible attack. Other favora-
ble circumstances were, that the Cherokees, during the
whole time, kept the peace : and though the Senecas en-
gaged in the war, yet, by the influence of sir William John-
son, the most of the other Indians were restrained from hos-,
lilities.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Susqiiehannah purchase. Resolve of the assemble/ in fia^
■vour of the company. The settlement of the land com-
mences. Colonel Dyer is sent to the court of Great-Bri-
tain, as agent for the company. The colony assert their
claim to the lands comprised in the purchase.

1754. A RESPECTABLE number of gentlemen in this colo-
_/*- ny, in the year 1754, commonly known by the name
of the Susquehannah company, finding a large tract of land,
lying west of the province of New- York, on the river Sus-
quehannah, owned by the six nations, for which they re-^
presented that they had no use, and wished to sell, at a
full counsel of said six nations of Indians, in Albany, at the
congress there, made a purchase of a large tract of coun-
try, lying on the waters of said river, about seventy miles
north and south, and, from about ten miles east of it, ex-?
tending westward two degrees of longitude. This tract of
country had been conveyed away by king James I, in the

Chap. XXIV. CONNECTICUT. ^ 469

most ample manner possible, by letters patent, under the Book II.
great seal of England, bearing date November 3d, 1620, to v^^'-n/'-w
the duke of Lenox, the marquis of Buckingham, the earls 1754.
of Arundel and Warwick, with divers other persons, by the
name of the council established at Plymouth, in the county
of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing
of New-England, in America. This patent made a con-
veyance to them, and their successors and assigns, " of all
that part of America, lying and being in breadth from forty
degrees of nordi latitude, from the equinoctial line, to the
forty-eighth degree of said northerly latitude, inclusively,
and in length, of and within all the breadth aforesaid,
throughout the main land, from sea to sea." This patent
includes the whole of New-York, and the principal part, if
not the whole of Pennsylvania.

In 1631, March 19th, Robert, earl of Warv/ick, president The patent
of the council of Plymouth, under his hand and seal, did''' ^!^^'.

1 ,. *^ 1 • 1 1 1 1 • r< neciicut,

grant and confirm unto the right honourable viscount bay ^qji.
and Seal, lord Brook, &;c. to the number of eleven, " All
that part of New-England, in America, which lies and ex-
tends itself from a river, there called Narraganset river,
the space of forty leagues, upon a straight line, near the
sea shore, towards the south-west, west and by south, as
the coast lieth, towards Virginia, accounting three English
miles to a league, and all and singular the lands and here-
ditaments whatsoever, lying and being the lands aforesaid,
north and south in latitude and breadth, and in length and
longitude of and within all the breadth aforesaid, through-
out all the main lands there, fi'om the western ocean to the
south seas ; and all lands and grounds, soil, wood and
woods, ground, havens, ports, creeks and rivers, waters,
fishings, and hereditaments whatsoever, lying within the
said space, and every part and parcel thereof; and also,
all islands lying in America aforesaid, in the said seas, or
either of them, on the western or eastern coasts, or parts
of the said tracts of land, by these presents to be given or
granted."*

This territory had been granted to the earl of Warwick
the preceding year, and it was confirmed to him, by his 1630,
majesty, under the great seal of England, the same year.

This territory was again confirmed to the governor and
company of the colony of Connecticut, by royal charter,
under the broad seal of England, in 1662. After these
complete and repeated conveyances of this territory, and
confirmations of them, by several kings of England, it was

* See these patents in the Appendix of the first volume of this history^
■J^os, 1 and 2.

470 , HISTORY OF Chap. XXIV,

Book II. judged, by the purchasers of the lands on the Susquehan-
K^^-\y-*^ nah, that they were undoubtedly covej-td, and conveyed to
1755. the colony of Connecticut, and that the right of preenip-
AH other tioi) was vested in the colony. By these conveyances and
grants of confirmations of them, the kings of England divested them-
^Qj.^y*'"^^ selves of all right or title to said lands, and invested the
to Pean's. patentees with all the tide which the royal grants could
possibly convey. The original grant to the Plymouth com-
pany, was about eighty years before the grant to William
Penn ; the grant to the earl of Warwick, and from him to
lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, &:c. hfty years ; and the
confirmation of it by royal charter to Connecticut, nineteen
years prior to the conveyance to Mr. Penn.
Petition to The purchasers, therefore, considering the lands as un-
Vy^ ^^^"^' doubtedly belonging to Connecticut, at the session in May,
1765. ^^' 1^55, preferred a petition to the honourable General As-
sembly, praying for the consent of the assembly, that they
might be formed into a distinct commonwealth, if it should
be his majesty's pleasure to grant it, with such privileges
and immunities as should be agreeable to his royal wisdom
and pleasure.

The assembly granted their petition, and recommended
them to the roval favour, in the following manner :
P^esolve of " Upon the petition of Phinehas Lyman, Roger Wolcott,
the ^ssera- jy^?^^ Samuel Gray, and Abraham Davenport, Esq'rs. and
petition, others, their associates, to the number of about eight hun-
dred and fifty, known by the name of the Susquehannah
company, by their agents, George Wyllys, Daniel Edwards,
Samuel Talcott, Thomas Seymour, and Eliphalet Dyer,
representing that the colony, according to the express lim-
its of its royal charter, is in extent from the Narraganset
bay on the east, ro the south sea on the west, and from the
sea shore on the south, to the line of the Massachusetts
province on the north: That within, and towards the west-
ern part of its limits, are, and, time immemorial, have
been, large numbers of Indian nations, commonly called
the six nations, dwelling, improving, and claiming a large
extent thereof: That a certain large parcel of such their
claim, situate and lyiag on the waters of the Susquehan-
nah, about seventy miles north and south, and from about
ten miles east of said river, extending westward two de-
grees of longitude, they, the said Indian nations, not find-
ing necessary for their own use, have, for very valuable
considerations, beeh induced to relinquish, and to sell to
the petitioners : and that some well ordered plantation, in
f^o near a neighbourhood to the said nations, might, most
likely, be a mcaas to cement and fix tliem in friendship

Chap. XXlV. CONNECTlCU'T. 471

with his majesty's subjects ; and that they, the said In- Book IL
dians, are desirous such settlement might be promoted and v-.^'-v'^*/
carried on, as being conducive to their interest and safety 5 1755-
and thereupon praying the consent of this assembly, that
his majesty, if it shall be his royal pleasure, grant said ,
lands to the petitioners, and their associates, thereon to
erect and settle a colony, for the more effectual securing
said Indians in his majesty's interest, and the defence of his
majesty's dominions in North- America, with liberty of fur-
ther purchases of said Indians, to said purpose, as occasion
may be :

" Resolved by this assembly, that they are of opinion,,
that the peaceably and orderly erecting and carrying on
some new Avell regulated colony, or plantation, on the
lands above mentioned, would greatly tend to fix and se-
cure said Indian nations in allegiance to his majesty, and
friendship with his subjects ; and, accordingly, hereby
manifest their ready acquiescence therein, if it should be
his majesty's royal pleasure to grant said lands to said pe-
titioners, and thereon erect and settle a new colony, in
such form and under such regulations, as might be con-
sistent with his royal wisdom •, and, also, beg leave humbly
to recommend the petitioners to his royal favour in the
premises."

When tile Susquehannah company made the purchase
of the lands at Wyoming, on the Susquehannah, they were
uninhabited, either by English or Indian setders, and the
Indian war, for several years, prevented their settlement. A
letter from the earl of Egremont, one of his majesty's prin-
cipal secretaries of state, founded on representations made
by the governor of Pennsylvania, and ti^ansmitted by gene-
ral Amherst, commander in chief of his majesty's forces in
North-America, suggesting that the setdement was disa-
greeable to the Indians, and might occasion an Indian war, Psttle-
and the devastation of the frontiers, prevented its settle- ^^'o^*„
ment in 1 762. But the next year, people went from Con- commen-
necticut, and commenced a settlement. ced, 1763.

The same year, the company employed Eliphalet Dyer,
Esq. to repair to the court of Great-Britain, and transact
the affairs of the company at the British court. He pre-
sented a petition to his majesty, in behalf of the company,
shewing their right to the lands which they had purchased,
" praying his majesty to order and allow them to become
colonists on the same, and grant them such privileges, pow-
ers, and authorities, as, in his great wisdom and goodness,
he should think fit." This petition was pending before
his majesty, when the troubles between Great-Britain and

472 History of Chap. xxiv.

Book II. the colonies began, and the revolutionary war commenced,
v.^'v>w' and the controversy between Connecticut and Pennsylva-
1770. nia, relative to the title, was never determined by the
crown.

As Pennsylvania claimed the same lands, and made a
powerful opposition to the Connecticut settlers and claim,
the colony wished to act cautiously in the affair. There-
1770. foJ's? ifi the session in May, 1770, the assembly determined
Case reiier- to transmit a state of the case to counsel learned in the
red to law- }^^^ in England. The gentlemen to whom the case was
i^iAand. referred, were, Messrs. Thurlow, Wedderburn, Jackson,
and Dunning^ gentlemen as learned and famous in the law
department as any, at that day, in England. With the
statement of the case, they proposed the three following
questions.
Questions Question I. " Do the words, actually possessed and oc-
and an- cupicd, extend to lands on the west side of the Dutch set-
fwers rela- tlemcnts, which were, at the time of the grant of James the
Jj^i^^j^ *^^ first, in a perfect wild state, but divided from the Eng-
tontrover- I'^h settlements by the actual possession of the Dutch?
»y- And did the grant to the council of Plymouth mean to ex-

cept in favor of foreigners, not only what they had actually
planted, but all to the westward of such plantations /"

Answer. " We are of opinion that the words actually
possessed and enjoyed, do not extend to lands on the west
side of the Dutch settlements, which were, at "the time of
the grant of James the first, in a wilderness state, though
divided from the English settlements by the actual pos-
session of the Dutch, and that the grant to the council of
Plymouth did not mean to except in favor of any one, any
thing to the westward of such plantations."

Quest. II. " Have not the said governor and company
of the colony of Connecticut, the right of preemption and
the title under the crown to the lands aforesaid, within the
limits and bounds of their patent aforesaid, lying west-
ward of the province of New-York, and not included in
the charter of king Charles the second to the duke of
York, notwithstanding the several settlements of bounda-
ries between the colony on the east, and the province on
the west, made as well by agreement between the parties,
a.T. under the royal authority, and notwithstanding the sub-
sequent charter to Sir William Penn ?"

Answer. " The agreement between the colony of Con-
necticut and the province of New-York, can extend no fur-
ther than to settle the boundaries between the respective
parties, and has no effect upon other claims, that eitlier of
them had in other parts ; and as the charter of Connecticut

i^HAP. XXIV. CONNECTICUT. '473

was granted but eighteen years before that, to Sir William Book II.
Penn, there is no ground to contend that the crown could, s-^-v-^^^
at that period, make an effectual grant to him of that coun- ] 773,
try, which hAd been so recently granted to others. But if
the country had been actually settled under the latter grant,
it would now be a matter of considerable doubt, whether
the right of the occupiers, or the title under which they
hold, could be impeached by a prior grant, without actual
settlement."

Quest. III. " What course of proceedings will be legal
and expedient for the governor and company of Connecti-
cut to pursue, on the whole state and circumstances in this
case, in order to terminate all disputes and differences rela*-
live to said land ?"

Answer. " In case the governor and company shall, in
point of prudence, think it expedient to make their claim
and support it, it will be proper, either amicably and in
concurrence with the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, or, in
case of the refusal of those proprietaries, without them, to
apply to the king in council, praying his majesty to ap-
point commissioners in America, to decide the question,
with the usual power of appeal.

" E. Thurlow, Rd. Jackson,

" Alr. Wedderburn, J. Dunning."
The legislature having received this decision, so fully
in favour of the colony's title, at the session in October,
1773, " Resolved, That this assembly, at this time, will
assert their claim, and, in some proper way, support such
claim, to those lands contained within the limits and boun-
daries of the charter of this colony, which are westward of
the province of New- York."

At the same time, the legislature appointed and commis-
sioned colonel Dyer, doctor Johnson, and Mr* J. Strong,
to treat with governor Penn, and the agent or agents of
the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, respecting an amicable
agreement between the colony and the said proprietaries,
concerning the boundaries of this colony and the province
of Pennsylvania : but if said proprietors preferred joining
in an application to his majesty for commissioners to set-
tle said line, in that case the commissioners were authori-
sed to join, on behalf of this colony, in such application :
and they were further directed to consult and agree with
governor Penn, upon such measures as would tend to pre-
serve peace and good order among the inhabitants of said
lands, and prevent mutual violence and contention, during
the time the boundaries between this colony and the pro-
prietaries of that province remain undetermined.

K 3

474 HISTORY OF CriAP. XXI\0

Book \l. In December following, the commissioners made a jour-
M^^/^-^w^ ney to Philadelphia, and waited on governor Penn. They
1773, communicated to him the acts of the General Assembly,
relative to the lands west of the province of New-York,
and, in a very able and polite manner, treated with him on
tiie several points comprised in their commission. But
the governor would not enter into any negociation with
them, for the purpose of settling the limits and boundaries
between the colony of Connecticut and t'he proprietaries
cff Pennsylvania, and the whole controversy between them
and Connecticut; nor would he join with the colony in aik
application to his majesty in council, to appoint commis-
Moners to decide the controversy^ At 'the same time, he
was equally opposed to any agreement relative to any such
measures as might preserve peace and good order among
the inhabitants settled on the contested lands, while the
dispute was depending,*

The commissioners reported to the assembly at Hart-
ford, in January. Upon the report, finding that Mr. Penn
would come to no composition with the colony, the Gene-,
ral Assembly determined to extend their jurisdiction to the
settlers on the contested lands, and incorporated them into
^est- a town, by the name of Westmoreland, with the same
incorno" privileges as other tovvijs in the colony enjoyed.
jaied. As the Susquehannah company had its opposers, and as

many imagined that the claim of the colony was unfound-
ed, the measures which the assembly had adopted, produ-
ced a considerable tumult and faction in the colony. A
large number of malcontents convened at Middletown, and
drew up the following petition and remonstrance.
PHifinn "At a meeting of the connnittees of twenty-three towns

2nd re- jp this colony, al Middletown, on the 30th of^March, 1774,
shance appointed by their respective towns, to confer together on.
j)gain>{ the the present alarming situation of this colony, respecting
proceed- the public m-easures lately pursued by the honourable Gen-
ie^srV^^ era] Assembly, respecting Susquehannah matters, and to
' prepare a petition and remonstrance, to be presented to
the nest assembly, which were fully and calmly debated
and considered : — Whereupon it was voted, That the an-
nexed petition and remonstrance be printed and dispersed
through all the towns in this colony, that the general sense
of the public may be had thereupon ; — and the same is re-
commended to their approbation and adoption. The
amount of the lists of the towns now met, by their commit-
tees, exceeds two fifths of the grand list of this colony.

"Adam Babcock, Clerk.'"
* See the report of the commissiontr;, January, 1774.

Chap. XXIV. CONNECTICUT. 475

" To the honourable General Assembly of the governor BdoK If.
and company of the colony of Connecticut, to be holden at v^^-x-^w
Hartford, on the second Thursday of May next. 1 774.

" We, the inhabitants of , in to\yn meeting assem-

bled, with hearts full of submission and duty, and tenderly
affected for the honour, interest, and peace of this colony,
and the welfare and happiness of ourselves, and our pos-
terity, beg leave humbly to petition and remonstrate against
certain acts and doings of the General Assembly of ihif^
colony, and measures taken in favour of the Susquehannah
company, (so called,) whereby the jurisdiction of this colo-
ny is attempted to be extended to lands west of the pro-
vince of New- York 5 — measures which your i-emonstrants
conceive to be of a very dangerous tendency, and preg-
hant with the greatest mischief to them and their posterity,
and highly derogatory to the honour and interest, and de-
structive to the peace of the colony, and a great grievance,

" Your petitioners, as British subjects, conceive they
have an undoubted right to lay their grievances before
your honours, by their humble petition ; — a right vested
in their ancestors, from the earliest periods ; an essential
part of their privileges ; vindicated^ asserted, and confirm-
ed, on the most trying and glorious occasions, and at the
expense of blood and treasure, transmitted to them ; the
exercise of which, at this time and in this manner, as they
are sure it ought not, so they humbly hope it will not, give
any offence or umbrage to your hcfhours, or their fellow
subjects.

" Your honors' remonstrants beg leave, with the freer
dom of Englishmen, and the duty of subjects, to lay their
grievances before your honors, the principal pf which, '

and from which, as its source, all oth-jr grievances are de-
rived, is, that the proprietors of the Susquehannah compar
ny, who claim the lands over which jurisdiction is extend-
ed, who were members of the last General Assembly, and
deeply interested in the questions discussed and determin-
ed, were suffered to, and did sit and act in said assembly,
in those very matters in which they were so deeply inter-
ested, and for which their partners, settled on said lands,
under their votes and for their benefit, were suitors to said
assembly. Your remonstrants conceive themselves war-
ranted to assert that said members were interested, from
all the acts and transactions of said company, from the pe-
culiar engagedness of said members in promoting the in-
terests of said company, and from their frequent declara-
tions, that they have expended immense sums of money u\
purchasing \k^ native right, prosecuting measures, in Eng-

47^ HISTORY OF Chap. XXIV.

Book II. land and America, to complete their title : and, from their
v-^-v-x^ having prosecuted, at their own expense, a memorial to
1774. the assembly in May last, praying for the exercise of ju-
risdiction over said lands by this colony ; and which lands
they must lose, unless the General Assembly would be pre-
vailed upon to take the steps which the last assembly hath
' taken. But we will not take up your honors' time, to prove
their interest and partiality in the present case, since it is
so apparent and notorious, that not a freeman in the colo-
ny can be ignorant of it. And as their being permitted to
debate and give their voice in determining the important
questions that came under the consideration of the last as-
sembly, in which their interest was concerned, is contra-
ry to all ancient precedent and usage, as your remon-
strants are informed ; so it appears to your remonstrants
unreasonable, unconstitutional, and of very dangerous ten-
dency, when partial and interested men not only vote to
jserve their own ends, but are likewise admitted to narrate
facts, to argue, to persuade ; in short, to be witnesses,
counsel and judges for themselves. That full confidence
may be reposed in the supreme legislature is of the highest
importance ; hence the wise care of our ancestors, that an
equal representation should take place, that elections
should be free ; that all suspicion of partiality, prejudice,
and sinister or interested views, in the members of that au-
gust body should be prevented. And it is with deep con^
cern and grief, that thoy are obliged to inform your honors
that the measures they complain of, not only tend to weak-
en and destroy that confidence, in their opinion, but have
in fact, in regard to the last assembly, had that unhappy
effect, of which the feelings of your remonstrants are to
them the highest evidence. They can confide, they ever
have confided, and will still confide in the unbiassed and
impartial determinations of their rulers; but they cannot
consider the determinations of the last assembly, in the
measures complained of, many of which would not have
passed had not said proprietors voted for the same, as un-
biassed and impartial.

" Your remonstrants beg leave to say further, that it is
not men, but measures, they regard. They have no per-
sonal dislike to the gentlemen who are members of that
company ; they would think themselves warranted to com-
plain, in any case, where men, the best of men, with the
same interest and prejudices, were admitted to debate and
decide.

" Your remonstrants Avould justly be tempted to distrust
their own judgments, and quiet their fears, had a disinter-

Chap. XXIV. CONNECTICUT. 477

ested representative of the colony taken any measures of Book II.
which they could not discern the propriety, and against ^^^-sr'^,^
which they might have reasons of weight, with them, pre- 1774.
suming their rulers, as they were appointed to watch for
their good, had both the means and the will to determine
wisely, and for their best interest. But, here they beg
leave to shew to your honors, that they conceive the ex-
tension of jurisdiction to those lands by the last assembly,
was of dangerous, and, in their apprehension, may be of
fatal tendency. The title of the colony to those lands is
contested ; should the same, on trial, be found defective,
we conceive the colony might be justly charged with usur-
ping an unwarrantable jurisdiction, misusing and abusing
their chartered powers and privileges, and thereby a pre-
tence be furnished for depriving us of our dearest rights
and privileges, and at this time especially impolitic, when
debates run high between the parent state and her colo-
nies, and v;e may presume every opportunity will be watch-
ed and greedily seized, to extend the power and influence
of the crown in America. Again, our humanity is shock-
ed when we consider what bloody tragedies may ensue
from the clashing of opposite jurisdictions, actually exer-
cised, or attempted to be exercised within the same lim-
its. We apprehend great numbers of subjects in this colo-
ny, taught as they are, from their youth, to place the high-
est confidence in the legislature, will be, lay the acts of
the last assembly, tempted to transport themselves and
their effects, and settle on said lands, and in case the ti-
tle of the colony should finally fail, they would be reduced
to abject wretchedness, dependance and poverty there, or
fall back on this colony, by thousands, in extreme penu-
ry, to waste the residue of their lives, a burthen to them-
selves, and an expense and dead weight upon the commu-
nity ; by which means, the support of the poor, already a
heavy burthen, will become intolerable.

" Your remonstrants are convinced by arguments, offer-
ed by the committee appointed to treat vv^ith his honor
governor Penn, contained in their repoi'ts to the assembly,
that the possession of said lands is so recent, that it cannot
aid, or affect our title, or be of any use on the trial of the
same, and therefore must be calculated wholly and solely
for the benefit of the Susquehannah company, and procur-
ed by the great influence and address of their proprietors,
who sat in the last assembly : and although we have rea-
son to think the title of the colony to those lands slender
and precarious, yet that being a matter of which we are
not competent judges, nor perhaps furnished with facts and

47& HISTORY OF Chap. XXIV.

Book II. documents, by which a judgment might be made, we are
s-^-^/-*^ willingand desirous that the right of the colony to them, and
1774. ^^^ prudence and policy of asserting that right, should be
judged and determined by a disinterested assembly.

" We therefore humbly pray your honors, to exclude
the proprietors of the Susquehannah company from a voice
on these matters, and to reconsider the aforesaid votes and
doings of the assembly, in October and January last ; and
as we are willing to do justice to all men, let the Susque-
hannah company, by their counsel, and counsel assigned
by your honors to nianage the opposite side of the ques-
tion, be admitted to have a public and open hearing upon
the aforesaid matters, which we esteem of the highest and
last importance ; and we shall be happy to abide by and
acquiesce in the decision that shall be made. In the mean
time, we humbly hope, the inhabitants of the new made
town of Westmoreland, may be suspended from interfering
in the voting, being represented, or otherwise transacting
in the affair of government, during such term as the title
of the company to the same is in suspense and undecided ;
because till then, it cannot be known whether it is in this
colony or not. As your remonstrants in duty bound shall
ever pray."

This party, and their memorial, met with very little
countenance by the people in general ; by many, they
were made a subject of banter and ridicule.
Petition T'he Susquehaunah company, at the same time, came for-

andpropo- ward \vith a petition, praying the assembly to quitclaim to
sals of the them the right and title of the colony, to the western lands,
iiannah' purporting that, to quiet all apprehensions of expense and
company, detriment to the colony, they would give good security to
it, to take the whole expense of prosecuting the claim up-
on themselves : and that, if, on the issue of the dispute,
the lands should be confirmed to the colony, they would
(over and above paying the whole expense of the suit) pay
in to the colony treasury, for the public use, the sum of
ten thousand pounds lawful money ; or that such propor-
tion of said lands, when recovered, should be sequestered
to said use, as their honors by themselves, or a judicious
committee, shall judge reasonable and just.

The petitioners represented that they were the more ur-
gent with their honors in the affair, as they were sensible
of the rapid population and settlement of America, and
consequently of the rising importance of those lands, and
equally averse to burthening the people of the colony with
expenses which, though small, might be an occasipn of

Chap. XXIV. CONNECTICUT. 479

internal uneasiness ; and that they had not the most distant Book II,
thought of giving up and relinquishing so fine a country.* v,<*--v-%./

The legislature persevered in their measures, and the 1774.
representatives from Westmoreland were admitted to sit
in the assembly, as the representatives of other towns in
the colony were.

About the same time, a large pamphlet was written by
a Mr. Smith of Philadelphia, Who it was supposed had been
assisted by Mr. Ingersoll, against the title of Connecticut
to the western lands, and attempting to establish the title
of governor Penn and the proprietaries. In this, an at-
tempt was made to show that the original grant to Connec-
ticut, and their charter, did not cover the western land in
contest : That the tract of country described in them ran '
off from the sea, a north or north-westerly direction : That
the lands granted in the charter, had been previously
granted to the duke of Hamilton. Further, it was urgedj
that Connecticut, by the settlement of boundaries between
that colony and the province of New-York, had cut her-
self off from all lands west of that province. This was
officiously spread in the colony. The people were thrown
into a great ferment. The malcontents were for turning
out the gentlemen of the upper house and forming a new
assembly.

A certain clergyman in the colony, who had made a
large collection of papers and documents relative to it,
though wholly unconnected with the Susquehannah com-
pany, and uninterested in it, merely for quieting the peo-
ple, and maintaining the peace of the colony, wrote an an-
swer to Mr. Smith's and Mr. IngersolPs pamphlet, in which
he attempted to evince, from the most authentic and re-
peated grants from the crown, and from the great Plym-
outh company, prior to Mr. Penn's, the indubitable right
of Connecticut to the western lands in controversy : That
the original grant of territory to Connecticut, and the
charter of the colony, extended in longitude from Narra-
ganset river to the South sea ; and in fact, comprised all
the contested lands : and, that the settlement of bounda-
ries with New- York, could have no effect on the title of
the colony to lands which they owned west of said pro-
vince. The original patent, and various documents rela-
tive to the title, were printed and laid before the public.
This gave entire satisfaction to the Susquehannah compa-
ny, and to the people in general. The colony was quiet-
ed, and the gentlemen of the council were elected at the
next general election.

'" Memorial of the company in print.

480 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. The colony's asserting its title to the lands west of the
v-^-N/'-v-' province of New- York, was a happy circumstance. Con-
gress, after the American revolution, acknowledged the ti-
tle and claim of Connecticut, and the State reserved, for
its own use, that fine tract of country called New-Connec-
ticut, by the sale of which, the school fund of Connecticut
was made. This is a most happy establishment, which not
only does great honor, but is of permanent and incalcula-
ble advantage to the commonwealth.

CHAPTER XXV.

Controversy at Wallmgford. Mr. Dana called to preach
there. TJie church and society, without the advice of the
association, invite him to settle xvith them in the work of
the gospel ministry. An opposition arises against him, on
account of his religious sentiments. Attempts are made
to obtain satisfaction relative to them, but none could be
obtained. The opposition increaseth. A complaint is
exhibited against him to the moderator of the consociation.
The consociation is called at Wallinsford, and an ordi-
nation council at the same time. The church and Mr.
Dana deny the . jurisdiction of the consociation, and Mr.
Dana, refuses an examination by it. The ordaining coun-
cil separate themselves from the consociation, and protest
against it. They proceed to Mr. Dana^s ordination in
direct opposition to the consociation. Tiie consociation
adjourn, and invite the neighboring consociation of the
southern district of the county of Hartford to v/nite zoith
them in council. This united council declare Mr. Dana
and his church guilty of scandalous contempt. The mi-
nor part of the church 7oho opposed the ordination of Mr.
Dana, are owned as a distinct church, by the consociation.
The minority are made a distinct society, and the Rev.
Simon Waterman is ordained pastor over that part of the
church and tozvn. Disputes and divisions in the colony
relative to said transactions.

1738 A ^'^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^'* ^^^' Whittelsey, the
jl\. first church and society in Wallingford were desti-
tute of a settled minister for about six years.* The peo-
ple were so divided in their opinions and feelings, that they

* Mr. Whittelsey died, April loth, 1752.

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 431

had not been able to unite in the settlement of any candi- BookIL
date whom they had employed. Mr. Chauncey Whittel- v«*^-v^>«»'
sey had preached among thorn, to more general satisifac- 1753„
tion than any other gentleman ; but there was such a num-
ber in opposition to him, that it was not judged expedient
for him to settle with them. The association had advised
the committee of the church and society to call in three
candidates, of whom Mr. Whittelsey should be one, and
the other two to be named by the minor party, and to hear
them preach six sabbaths each, and then to settle him who
should have the major vote, and that the minority should
then agree to his settlement. Provided, nevertheless, that
if the minor party should refuse to nominate, that then the
society might proceed in a regular manner to the settle-
ment of Mr. Whittelsey. This advice, it seems, was not
acceptable. There was no prospect that the majority,
who were fixed in the choice of Mr. Whittelsey, would re-
cede from their choice in favor of any other man. At the
motion of Mr. Whittelsey, another council, consisting of
a part of the association, was called, to give further advice
relative to the difficulties then subsisting at Wallingford'.
This advisory council, as it was called, advised the com-
mittee of the church and society, to make application to
Mr. Holyoke, president of Cambridge college, Mr. Apple-
ton, minister of Cambridge, and Dr. Chauncey, of Boston,
ibr direction to some suitable candidate to settle in the
work of the gospel ministry in Wallingford. President
Holyoke and Mr. Appleton advised to Mr. James Dana,
of Cambridge. Dr. Chauncey was gone into the country,
and his advice was not obtained. Mr. Dana soOn after
came to Wallingford, and preached to very general satis-
faction ; so that, at the first society meeting which wai>
called relative to his settlement, there appeared a good de-
gree of unanimity in giving him a call to the work of the
ministry in the society. None appeared in opposition,
though some, and two or three of the committee, were not
in the vote. They were not satisfied with respect to his
doctrines, and soundness in the faith. This first meeting,
which was on the 23d of ^une, was adjourned until the
30th of the same month, with a view to consult with Mr.
Dana, relative to his settlement and salary.

Mean while, one of the committee made him a visit, with
a view of obtaining satisfaction relative to his doctrines,
designing, if he could obtain satisfaction relative to them,
to act in favor of his ordination. He, in as mild and de-
cent a manner as he knew how, introduced the matter, and
asked him a few questions relating to his doctiines and

L 3

48r2 iriSTORV OF Chap. XXV,

Book II. pieaehing, expecting that Mr. Dana would, at least, at-
v.^-'-N/'-v-/ tempt to satisfy him with respect to his religions senti-
1758. merits. But instead of this, to his grief and surprise, as
he testified, Mr. Dana answered him very short, and in a
loud and boisterous manner, and treated him with such ap-
parent anger and disdain, as be never met with from any
gentleman before, declaring that he did not regard the op-
])Ositiona farthing, or words to that effect: That if there
were any objections against what he had delivered in
preaching, he would answer them before the ordaining coun-
cil. Farther, Mr. Dana said, he was too young to be ex-
amined.

Some other gentlemen waited on him between the meef-
ings, to obtain satisfaction for themselves as to his reli-
gious sentiments, and particularly desired him to let thenii
know his sentiments with regard to original sin, the saints
perseverance, and with respect to free will and falling
from grace. He made them very short answers, and said
he should not tell. They asked him how he liked the plat-
form. He said he had never seen it, but supposed, if he
settled, he should settle upon it. They inquired if he had
seen the doctrines of faith which Mr. Whittelsey had used ?
He told them he had. They inquired how he liked them ?
In reply, he asked them why they did not ask him how be
liked John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress and ^sop's fa-
bles ?*

This treatment, and bis refusing to give an account of bis
doctrines, gave much dissatisfaction, and caused a veiy
different appearance at the next meeting, on the 30th.
Now a strong and fixed party appeared against him. Tbe
society, nevertheless, proceeded to vote him a settlement
and salary, and continued their desire that he should be
settled with them in the work of the ministry. Mr. Dana,
after consulting bis friends, declared bis acceptance of
their invitation.

In consequence of this, some of the leading men in the
opposition entered a complaint against Mr. Dana and the
church. Against him as unsound in the faith, and against
(he church for calling him to tbe work of tbe ministry un-
der such circumstances, against so large an opposition, on
the account of his doctrines. A copy of the complaint is
in the words following, viz:

"To the Rev. Mr. Samuel Hall, moderator of the consoci-
ation, in New-Haven county.
"Reverend Sic,
"The petition of us, whose names arc under writtcr>-
* Rev. Mr. Eells' narrative.

Chap. XXV. CONxNECTlCUT. 48a

humbly shexvelh, that whereas the first society and church Book II.
in WalJingford have been in pursuit of Mr. James Dana, ^-^^^/'">-'
of Cambridge, to settle in the ministry among us, and the 1758.
said church and society have not taken the steps of the con- Complaint
stitution of the government, set forth in the Say brook plat- ^^"^^^^^g^
form, reference thereto being had. Furthermore, we the and the
members of said church and society, beg leave to charge church,
Mr. James Dana with declaring in public, some time in
June last, that there was no sacrifice for wilful transgres-
sions under the law or gospel. He also delivered, some
time in the same month, that to suppose a man's sins are
necessary and unavoidable, is to excuse the man from
guilt, and lay and cast the blame upon God. Aug. 20th,
Mr. Dana took his text out of Chronicles, 28th chapter, 9th
verse : under which text he undertook to inform us what
were the conditions of our acceptance with God ; and saith
our obedience must be sincere, uniform, willing, universal,
and persevering ; that these were the conditions of our ac-
ceptance with God, and what would interest us in his fa-
vor ; and that it would be suspended until we had fulfilled
the above conditions. Sometime in July, said Mr. Dana
delivered, in one of his sermons, that the gospel makes the
practice of the duties of morality, the unchangeable con-
dition of our future happiness. He declared some time
ifi August or September, that it was not strange if we had
new things delivered to us in religion, and supposed we
should have further discoveries made to us in every centu-
ry, till we arrived at a perfect state : v/hich doctrines we
look upon as unfounded, not agreeable to the word of God,
or the doctrines of the Saybrook platform, and the confes-
sion of faith therein set forth : and he has preached twenty-
one sermons in Wallingford, and has wholly omitted the
doctrines of the new birth, and the safety of appearing ia
the righteousness of Christ ; and he compared the doctrine
of faith that the Rev. Mr. Samuel Whittelsey taught, to
iEsop's fables and John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress ; which
we look upon as unbecoming. We do hereby desire the
consociation to be called, to hear these, with other griev-
ances, and determine the whole matter ; and we will be at
the cost ; and the house of Caleb Merriman, Esq. is ap-
pointed to meet at. He declares he cares nothing about
the opposition. Members of said church.

"Caleb Merriman, Caleib Johnson, Daniel Clarkj Street
Hall, Levi Moss, of the society.
"A true copy, test, Samuel Hall, Moderator.*
" Dated at Wallingford, September 25th, 1758."
* Key. Mr. Todd's Narrative,

484 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. In consequence of this complaint, Mr. Hall, the modera-
v-^'^'^^/ tor, by the advice of a number of the neighboring elders,
1758. and afterwards by the advice of the association, before
whom he laid the matter, called the consociation, to meet
at Wallingford on the 10th of October ; and he gave out
citations under his hand, to Mr. Dana, and the church at
Wallingford, notifying them of the meeting of the consoci-
ation, and requiring them to appear at time and place.
Agreeably to the letters missive, the consociation conven-
ed at Wallingford, and the council, called for the ordina-
tion of Mr. Dana, met at the same time. This consisted
of the Rev. Messrs. Noyes, of New-Haven, Hall, of Chesh-
ire, Slilcs, of North-Haven. Ruggles, of Guilford, Hall, of
Meriden, Whittelsey, of Milford, John Brown, of Hing-
ham, in Massachusetts, and Mr. Whittelsey, of New-Haven,
colleague with Mr. Noyes, and Mr. Fowler, of Guilford,
colleague with Mr. Ruggles. These were all members of
the association and consociation of New-Haven county, ex-
cept Mr. Brown, of Massachusetts. They all met with
the consociation at Esquire Merriman's.

The consociation having thus convened, the moderator,
as soon as was convenient, proposed to form the body, by
choosing a moderator and scribe. This brought on a dis^
pute on the consociation's being called de novo, or as a
new one, and also on account of some of the members not
being qualified according to the constitution. This, how-
ever, was soon so far overruled, that the council united in
choosing a moderator and scribe, and the consociation was
opened with prayer.

Upon this, Mr. Dana and the churches' committee, and
the complainants, came in before the consociation, and the
complaint was read. The church then declined to submit
to the consociation. The church pleaded that, according
to the constitution, it could have no jurisdiction in that
case. But they said they were ready to hear and answer
all objections made to their proceedings before the ordain-
ing council.

The consociation wishing to conduct an afiair of such
jnoment in the most amicable manner possible, chose a
committee, of which one was of the ordaining council, to
treat with the parties, and attempt some mode of agree-
ment. In this conference, the minority made this propo-
sal by their agents, " That in case Mr. Dana would sub-
mit to an examination by the consociation then met, and
they should approve of him as orthodox, they would con-
cur in his ordination ; for his principles were their chief

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 485.

difficulty."* But they insisted that this should be deter- Book II.
mined by the consociation, and not by the ordination coun- v.^'-n^-n./
cil only. But to this, Mr. Dana and the committee would 1758. ^
not consent.

The consociation adjourned, to meet in the meeting-
liouso the next morning. In the mean time, the gentlemen
who had been invited to be of the ordaining council, met
by themselves and formed, as was generally supposed, to
keep the council alive, that they might act, when the way
should be prepared by the consociation. It was not sus-
pected, even by some who formed with them, that it was
with a design of separating from the consociation.

When the consociation met in the rporning, according to
adjournment, they met with it. On declaration being
made that the council was opened, and that all parties con-
cerned had liberty to be heard, Mr. Dana appeared, and
denied the jurisdiction of the council, and insisted, that the
complaint exhibited against him, was not cognizable by
that body ; for he was not one of the associated pastors,
that might be complained of for heresy or scandal to the
association ; nor, if he was, had there been any complaint
of scandal or heresy made to the association against him ;
nor had there been any careful examination of that matter
by them.

With respect to this part of his plea, that he was not
one of the associated pastors, and that no complaint had
been exhibited against him to the associaton, &;c. ; it was
observed, that Mr. Dana's preaching to, and accepting
the call of a consociated church, to take the pastoral charge
of it, brought him so far within the reach of the constitu-
tion, that he must be subject to the government of the con-
sociated churches : That it was a maxim among all na-
tions, and so founded in the reason of things that it will ex-
tend to all communities, civil and sacred, that whoever
comes into a community, and reaps the benefits of that bo-
dy, must be subject to the laws of it. That Mr. Dana was
reaping the benefits of a consociated church, and therefore,
was subject to the laws of the consociated churches, and
that, therefore, a charge of scandal or heresy might be
brought against him : That a copy of the charge, in sub*
stance, was given him, by those who opposed his ordina*
tion, and that they certified him that they were going to
Northbury, to the association, and that he refused to at-
tend. That though the complaint was carried to the mod-
erator of the last consociation, yet that it was, by his di-

* Mr. Eells' Narrative. That this proposal was made, at this time, ia
attested by five of the principal men in the minority.

48G HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. rection, laid before the association, and that ihey had the
^^^~^/-^^ same opportunity to examine the matter, as if it had been
1758. directed to them at the first, and to give advice in the af-
fair; so that Mr. Dana was subject to the constitution.
His cause had been so heard by the association, tliat they
judged it to be the duty of the moderator to convene the
consociation, and advised him to the measure, that Mr.
Dana might be heard on the charge exhibited against him.
Though Mr. Dana denied the jurisdiction of the coimcil,
he expressed his desire, to give the pastors and delegates
of the churches satisfaction, by an open vindication of him-
self; but at the same time, he gave the council to under-
stand that he would not be interrogated by them on any
point of doctrine, or upon the charge, or that he would not
be wire -drawn.*

When Mr. Dana had finished what he proposed, thf
committee of the church and society appeared before the
consociation, denied its jurisdiction, and pleaded, "first,
That the present convention was not a regular consociation..
For,

1. "A regular consociation was a council, consisting of
all the consociated churches of the circuit, according to
the second article for the administration of church discip-
line ; whereas all the consociated churches were not noti^
fied, called, or invited to be present in this council. The
moderator never sent any notification to the first church in
Wallingford.

2. " The moderator was not empowered by any article
of the platform, to call a consociation de novo, until the
time of the former was expired.

3. " Several of the members of this convention, have
not the essential qualifications of members of a consocia-
tion ; particularly, Mr. Robbins Avas not a pastor of one of
the consociated churches."

It was replied to these objections to this effect : That it
never had been the custom of this consociation, to notify a
church to send a messenger, when the consociation had
been called to consider any matter relating to said church,
or their pastor ; and that universal practice had shown,
that the article in the platform had never been understood
in the sense of those who made the objection.!

With respect to the calling of the consociation de novo,

* Narratives of Messrs. Eells and Todd.

t It is believed, that tfiere never has been an instance, since the forma-
llon of the platform to this time, in this county, of sending a letter missive
to a church or pastor, to sit in a consociation, in vphich a cause of tlieir
own was depending. This would be like notifying a criminal to sit &s
yi^d^e in the very i^ourt which was to try hiip.

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 437

it was shewn, that this had been the universal practice, Book II.
when a new case had occurred. This was testified by a ^^^-w-^^-^
number of the elderly ministers, who were members of the 1758.
council ; and that the calling of the council at Wallingford
de novo, perfectly corresponded with their understanding of
their adjournment without day, and to their universal prac-
tice in all similar cases.

With respect to Mr. Robbins, it was alledged that he
had been received as a member, both of the association
and consociation ; that he was one of the committee of the
association, and had before sat with the consociation. It
was further observed, if any of the gentlemen to whom the
letters were sent, had omitted the reading of them, it could
by no means affect the regularity or jurisdiction of tli^
council.

The committee of the church and society further object-
ed, that if the present convention was a regular consocia-
tion, yet the case in question did not fall under their con-
sideration, according to the constitution.

l; "The complainants were their own members, and
have no right, by the constitution, to call a consociation, to
sit in judgment upon them, and exercise jurisdiction over
them."

2. " That as the matter of complaint against them, was
only their proceeding in the choosing and calling a minis-
ter, and what related to his ordination, it belonged to the
ordination council, not to the consociation, to judge there-
on."

3. " That if it should be granted, that an aggrieved
member might bring the church to the bar, before the con-
sociation, yet their members could not be aggrieved as yet ;
for they had not settled a minister, and, therefore, they
were not hurt yet."

To these objections, little was necessary to be said. The
first objection was so evidently against the express provi-
sion of the seventh article of discipline, that the simple
words of it are a sufficient reply. This provides, " That
any church in which any difficulty arises, which cannot be
issued without considerable disquiet, may apply to the con-
sociation, or that minister or member aggrieved with them,
shall apply themselves to the council of the consociated
churches of the circuit to which the said church belongs,
who, if they see cause, shall thereupon convene, hear, and
determine such cases of difficulty," &c. No words could
be more express and determinate, as to the right which the
aggrieved brethren had to make application to the conso-
ciation for relief, and with respect to the duty of the conscJ-

438 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. ciation to convene, and hear their grievance, and the obli-
v-^-N^-'v-^ gations of the church to appear and answer to the com-
1758. plaint. Were not this the case, a church might exercise
oppression over their minister, and the minor part of
it, and they could have no relief. They might introduce
Roman catholics, the most loose, profane and scandalous
persons, into the church and into the ministry, to the great
grief and distress of the most orthodox and pious people in
it, and they could have no relief.

With respect to the second article, that the articles com-
plained of were such as belonged to the decision of the
ordination council, and not to the consociation, it was re-
plied to this effect : That the articles of complaint were,
that the church had not taken the steps prescribed in the
constitution, in calling, and in proceeding to settle a gen-
tleman, who does not hold to the doctrines of faith, and
stands charged with heresy : that the consociatcd churches
had received the doctrines of faith, as well as the articles
of discipline, contained in the agreement made at Say-
brook; and that the General Assembly had established the
confession of faith, no less than the heads of agreement and
articles of discipline : that the charge against the church
was, their choosing such a person, and proceeding in such
a manner, to obtain his ordination ; that this was the mat-
ter to be submitted to trial ; and that the constitution knew
of no council to try articles of complaint, but the consocia-
tion. That the third article of discipline had confined the
trial to the consociation, and, consequently, excluded the
ordination council. TheaHicle provides, that "all cases
of scandal that fall out within the circuit of any of the afore-
said consociations, shall be brought to a council of the el-
ders, and also messengers of the churches within said cir-
cuit."

With respect to the third objection, that the complain-
ants were not yet aggrieved, because Mr. Dana was not
settled, it was considered as merely trifling. The church
had proceeded to call Mr. Dana, and had taken all previ-
ous steps to introduce him into the ministry, as pastor of
the church, against a large and respectable minority, which
was calculated to make a great division and separation in
the church and town; a man whom they considered as not
sound in the faith ; whose doctrines they believed, instead
of being salutary, would be destructive to the souls of men.
He was now their pastor elect, and the church and society
had called a council to ordain him. The consociation
judged, and they believed that all mankind would esteem
these to be grievances indeed.

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 4.a9

After these objections had been made, the consociation Book II.
Were for some time by themselves, debating upon them, -■^^'s/^^^
Here, among other things, what were said to be the doings 1758.
of a consociation at Branford, in April, 1709, were intro-
duced. This paper was a piece of antiquity, which had
lain tiseless, and almost wholly unknown, for six and thir-
ty years, when it was produced at Branford, in the case of
Mr. Robbins : it was then new to almost every minister
present. It was introduced at Branford, to prove that Mr.
Robbins and his church were consociated, and amenable
to the consociation ; but at Wallingford, thirteen years af-
terwards, it was improved by the same men, to show that
the church there, which had always been consociated, was
not subject to consociational jurisdiction. The explana-
tion of the articles of discipline contained in this ancient
paper, had never been improved in the county of New-Ha-
ven, but in the case of Mr. Robbins in 1745, and now in
this at Wallingford, to prove directly the contrary to what
it had been judged to prove at Branford. It never had
been adopted as a rule of action, by the consociation of
New-Haven county, nor by any other in the colony. Be-
sides, the pretended explanation had never been referred
to any of the churches, for their acceptance ; nor could any
record or proper evidence be produced, that the church at
Wallingford, or any other of the consociated churches, had
received the platform, or constitution, with any such ex-
planation as that paper contained. The consociation,
therefore, considered the explanation pleaded for of no
weight, and that it was inconsistent in gentlemen to use it
for purposes so directly opposite to each other.

It was also insisted on, by the gentlemen of the ordina-
tion council, that the words in the parenthesis, in the sev-
enth article, " or that minister or that member aggrieved
with them," was explained by the next article, where it
was provided, that there is not the same liberty to an of-
fending brother to "call the said council, before the church
to which he belongs proceed to excommunication in the
said case, unless with the consent of the church ;" and
that no pastor, or aggrieved individual, or individuals,
could call a council to arraign the pastor, or a majority
of the church, before it, and that it was subversive of the
liberties of the churches. The consociation had an entire-
ly different view of the seventh and eighth articles. That
ihe eighth was no explanation of the seventh; and that the
ease of the offending brother was entirely different and
distinct from that of an aggrieved pastor or brother.

When the objections against the jurisdiction of the con-
■^ M 3 '

490 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book H. sociation hfid been fully debated, and maturely considered,
'x>''-v-<w the question was put, " whether this consociation have ft
1 7.38, right to hear and determine, in relation to the complaint ex-
hibited against the proceedings of the first church in Wal-
lingford, with regard to the calling of Mr. James Dana, to
settle in the gospel ministry among them ?" and passed in
the affirmadvc. Upon this, the gentlemen who were of
(lie ordination council, who had, till this time, joined and
uctcd with the consociation, withdrew themselves wholly
from it, and entered into, and presented to the consocia-
tion the following protest :

" To the Rev. Mr. Samuel Hall, and other elders and
messengers of churches, of this county, convened at the
house of Caleb Merriman, Esq. in Wallingford, and acting,
or pretending to act, as the consociation of this county,

" We the subscribers, do hereby declare our dissent from.
and protest against, whatever resolves may be come intO;,.
or determined upon by you, for the following reasons r

1 . " Because, by the ecclesiastical constitution of thi^'
colony, a consociation may subsist by adjournment, for a
year: a new consociation was called, and met last May,
atid continued themselves by adjournment, and must be
therefore now in being; yet the present convention was
called together as a new consociation.

2. " Because one of the churches under the constitu-
tion, in this county, was not notified to attend the conso-
ciation by their delegates.

3. " Because you have voted, or resolved by a prerog-
ative act. that Mr. Robbins, of Branford, may sit and act
as a member of the consociation, who, with his church,
have voted out the constitution, and refused to be regulated
by it ; and accordingly did not lead his church to choose
any delegate.

4.>" Because the special matters which, by complaint,
lie before you, relating to the first church and society in
Wallingford, and Mr. James Dana, are so brought, tHat,
^vere you a regular consociation, diey could not be taken
cognizance of by you, consistent with the essential rights of
congregational churches, and the plain directions of the
constitution : and the resolve you have already come into
thereupon, (if reduced to a precedent) Avill effectually de-
prive the churches of their right to choose their own pas-
tors, and to exercise church discipline."*

The consociation sent a copy of their determination, that
they had a right to hear the complaint which lay before
them. After this, both councils were adjourned until eight
o'clock the next morning.
* Mr. Todd's Narrative, p. 40 .

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 49i

The consociation met the next rnorning, accordfng to Book 1 f.
adjournment, and came to the following resolve, viz. v_^»-v->^
*' Resolved by this consociation, that it shall be esteemed, 1 750^
and it is hereby judged disorderly, for any of the members
of this consociation, or any other persons, to proceed to,
or be assisting in the ordination of Mr. James Dana, to the
gospel ministry, in the first church and society of Walling-
iord, while the matter is depending before this consociation.
And also, it is judged disorderly for the church in Walling-
ford to proceed in receiving Mr. Dana for their pastor, by
ordination ; and for him to accept thereof, until the com-
plaint against Mr Dana, and the proceedings of said church,
cognizable by this consociation, have been heard and de-
termined. Therefore, this consociation earnestly beseech
and desire the church to study the things which make for
peace ; and all our members not to be assisting in the or^
dination of Mr. Dana, and Mr. Dana not to accept thereof,
till the matter is fully weighed and considered by tl^is con-
sociation, and full satisfaction given in the matters lying
before this body. Voted. Test.

" Warham Williams, Scribe."

The consociation, at the same time, sent a resolve which
ihey had previously passed, relative to the case of Mr. Da-
na, which was in the follovring words, viz :
" At a meeting, &;c.

" This consociation having duly weighed and considered
the reasons otl'ered by Mr. James Dana, why he is not
bound, iSic. resolved, that this consociation have cogni-
zance of the matter, and a right over all who present them-
selves as preachers and candidates for the ministry, in any
of the consociated churches of this county ; so far at least,
as to forbid, where there is occasion, any such candidates
or preachers, to preach in any of the consociated church-
es, or be ordained in and over them, until such candidates
or preachers give full satisfaction to this consociation, to
such matters of complaint as are regularly brought against
iheiii, before this body. Above voted and resolved. Test.
" Warham Williams, Scribe.*
" To Mr. James Dana."

In the morning, before they went to the meeting house
for a public hearing, the ordination council made a propo-
sal for the dissolution of both councils, each leaving their
advice to all parties, to study the things which make for
peace. The consociation declined an acceptance of thit
proposal, and insisted that they could not put the case out
of their hands, and leave it in the power of the cljurch to

*Mr. Todd's Narrative, p. 50, 51.

492 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. call ahother ordination council, and settle Mr. Dana, be-
v..^--v->^ fore the consociation could come together again. At the
1758. same time, they were very desirous that both councils
should adjourn, and have further time for consideration.
For this purpose, the Rev. Mr. Merrick and others, were
appointed a committee, to treat with the ordination coun-
cil, and they expostulated with them, in as tender and
moving a manner as possible, that the matter might be de-
ferred for some time ; that the heat which then appeared
might, in some measure, subside ; and they gave them as-
surance, that the consociation would adjourn for a consid-
erable time, if they would consent to a similar adjourn-
ment. They urged that there was great danger of their
breaking all in pieces, and of great and lasting divisions,
if any thing was done suddenly.* But the ordination coun-
cil could not be persuaded to postpone the affair.

Several of the ordination council, when they perceived
how matters were going, separated from them. The Rev.
Mr. Fowler, colleague with Mr. Ruggles of Guilford, and
Esq. Sacket of North-Haven, Mr. Stiles' messenger, sepa-
rated from them immediately, as soon as they perceived
they were about to form themselves into a council, distinct
and separate from the consociation. Mr. Ruggles also,
though he was prevailed upon to sign the protest, yet he
was so aftected with the affair, that he withdrew from them
in the morning, and did not assist in the examination or
ordination of Mr. Dana.

The gendemen of the ordination council having sepa-
rated themselves from the consociation, after some con-
sultation upon the affair on which they had been convened,
at Wallingford, put the question, " Whether this council
hath a right to proceed upon matters relative to the ordina-
tion of Mr. James Dana, to the pastoral office in the first
society in Wallingford, and over the church in said socie-
ty ?" and the vote passed in the affirmative.

Upon the desire of the committee of the church and of
Mr. Dana, the ordaining council adjourned to the meet-
ing house, with a view to give tlie committee an opportu-
nity to publish their proceedings in calling Mr. Dana, and
that he might also have an opportunity publicly to mani-
fest his orthodoxy.

After this public hearing in ihe meeting house, the or-
dination council returned to madam Whiltelsey's, the place
of their meeting. The following question was then put,
" Whether the church and society have proceeded regu-
larly in their application unto, and call of the said Mr,
■' Mr. Eei]=' Narrative, p.^ 36,

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT, 493

Dana, to the pastoral office among and over them ?" Vo- Book II,
ted in the affirmative. The qyestion was also put, v,^-n/-x^
" Whether Mr. Dana hath vindicated himself, with respect 17^8.
to the charges and allegations against him, to the satisfac-
tion of this council ?" Voted in the affirmative.

The ordination council then proceeded to an examinar
tionofthe candidate, and after examination, the council
voted their satisfaction, with respect to Mr. Dana's knowl-
edge, orthodoxy, and ministerial qualifications. Mr. Da-
na, at the same time, declared his willingness to settle and
take the care and charge of the first church in Wallingford,
under the ecclesiastical constitution of this colony.

The consociation, before the ordination council had de-
termined to ordain Mr. Dana, certified them, that there
were ninety-five in opposition to Mr. Dana's ordination.
They represented that they possessed half the rateable es-
tate in the society.* The moderator intimated to the or-
dination council, that he considered this as a strong ob-
jection to the ordination of Mr. Dana. Some of the oppo-
sition were men of principal character in the town, and
were possessed of the greatest estates in it.

The ordination council, notwithstanding the prohibitiom
and earnest entreaties of the consociation, proceeded to
the important question, " Whether the council will pro-
ceed to the ordination of the said Mr. James Dana, to the
work of the gospel ministry, in said first church and socie-
ty in Wallingford ?" Voted in the affirmative. The Rev.
Mr, Todd, one of the council, says, " We looked upon it,
that we were called of God to ordain Mr. Dana."t
• The council accordingly proceeded, in these peculiar Ordina-
circumstances, to ordain Mr. Dana at Wallingford. l^^" °^ '

, r 1 • T • • Dana,

in consequence oi this extraordmary transaction, in op- Oct. 12,

position to, and in face of the consociation, this body came ^'758-
to the following resolve, viz :

A complaint being exhibited to this consociation, against
the proceedings of the first church in Wallingford, in call-
ing Mr. James Dana, of Cambridge, to settle in the work
of the gospel ministry with them, as being contrary to the
I'ules of agreement, as set forth in the Saybrook platform ;
and the charges against Mr. Dana, in regard to his princi-
ples in religion, by Caleb Merriman, Esq. a member of
said church, and sundry others : and said first church in
Wallingford and Mr. Dana, being regularly cited to ap-
pear before the said consociation, to answer respectively
to the complaints against them: appeared accordingly,

* Mr. Eells' Narrative, p. 10, 11 and 33.
T Mr. Todd's Narrative, p. 50 to 54, .

494 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book !I. but denied the jurisdiction of the council, which being
v„<^-N/'v^ overruled by the consociation, it was judged disorderly
1758. for any of the members of this consociation, or any other
persons, to proceed to, or be assisting in the ordination of
Mr. Dana, &;c. Copies of the resolve of the said consocia-
tion, in regard to overruling the pleas of the jurisdiction,
&;c. were sent, &lc. who were notified that the consociation
was open, and ready to hear their defence ; but they whol-
ly refused to appear and plead. And likewise a copy of
the resolve, relative to its being disorderly to proceed to
the ordination, while, &;c. was, by order of the consocia-
tion, sent to the Rev. Joseph Noyes, moderator, &c. ; and
sundry endeavors to find some measures of healing the
great and unhappy difl'ercnces in Wallingford first society,
were used, but proved ineft'ectual. Notwithstanding, in di-
rectopposition to the consociation, and before there wastime
or opportunity to come to a final resolve or result in the af-
fair, sundry members of the consociation, with other per-
sons, proceeded to assist in the ordination of Mr. Dana,
&c. ; the said church and Mr. Dana submitting thereto.
In this distressed, disordered state of the chuj"ch and socie-
ty in said Wallingford, this consociation, desiring its peace
and edification, and that gospel order, according to the
constitution of these churches, may be maintained ; and
considering that the consequences of this whole affair may
be very important ; and that the honor of religion, and the
communion of the churches in this county, are nearly con-
cerned, would not be hasty and precipitate in coming to a
a final determination in this affair ; but think best to ad-
journ this consociation to the 31st day of this instant Oc-
tober, &c. And whereas this case, as now circumstanced,
seems great in the nature of it, and of general concern,
this consociation being desirous that it might be issued
with the greatest safety to the churches, think it best to
be referred to a fuller council ; and therefore desire the
moderator of this consociation, in the name and behalf of
the same, to apply to the consociation of the southern dis-
trict of the county of Hartford, to convene at the time and
place above mentioned ; to join with this consociation ia
hearing and determining the case, with respect to Mr. Da-
na and the first church in Wallingford, lying before this
body, antecedent to the ordination, and their disorderly
v/alking, in proceeding to the same, contrary to the resolve
of this council. And the moderator is desired to cite the
Rev. Mr. Dana, and ihe first church in Wallingford, to ap-
})car before the said adjourned consociationj joined by ih

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 495

consociati&n above mentioned, at the time, Sic. to answer Book II.
to the things referred to, &c. v.^'^v^^^.-/

Test. Warham Williams, Scribe. 1758.
To exhibit these extraordinary transactions in a clear
point of light, it ought to be stated, that by the agreement
at Saybrook, Article XII. the whole business of examining
candidates and recommending them to the work of the min-
istry, had been committed to the pastors of the several
counties ; and from the very commencement of the agree-
ment, the associations examined all their candidates, and
recommended them as persons qualilied for preaching the
gospel, antecedent to their preaching at all, and that when
any vacant church was about to call a candidate for settle-
ment over them, it was done by the previous advice and
recommendation of the pastors of the county. This, in
particular, had been the practice in the county of New-
Haven, as is evident by the records of the association.
. No association in the colony had been more rigid in this
point, than they. They expressed their displeasure against
the church and people at Salisbury, for calling an unex-
ceptionable candidate, who had been examined and re-
commended as a proper person for the ministry, and they
excluded a number of the ministers of the association from
associational communion, because they ordained him with-
out their advice. They had been consulted by the church
of Wallingford, before Mr. Dana preached to them. With
respect to Mr. Dana, it does not appear that he had ever
been examined or recommended as a candidate, by any as-
sociation or body of ministers. It was not the general
practice in Massachusetts to examine and recommend their
candidates. Mr. Dana was, however, recommended by
two ministers, in letters to the church at Wallingford, at
the time of his ordination. The Rev. Mr. Appletjon writes
thus of him, " The superior gifts with which God hath en-
dowed your pastor elect, attended with a sober life, &c.
gives a good foundation to hope and trust, that he will be
a good minister of Jesus Christ, and a great blessing to you
and yours after you, if God shall spare his life." Mr.
Tyler, of whose church he was a member, says, " By the
grace of God he hath adorned the doctrine of God our Sav-
iour, among us : we esteeming ourselves honored of God,
that we can make you the present of a son of this churchy
to be over you in the Lord." This recommendation, frons
gentlemen at a great distance, without any intimation that
they had ever examined him, was very different from the
examination, recommendation, and advice of the associat-
ed ministers of the county, to w^ipm the ckurch had made

40G HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book If. no application, and against whose opinion they were act-
v,**-v'-^i-^ ing. Yet the ordination council voted that the church had
proceeded regularly.

It was very extraordinary also, that the ordination coun-
cil should object against the jurisdiction of the consocia-
tion, because it was called de novo, when it was proved by
the aged ministers, that this had been the universal prac-
tice when a new case happened, and they themselves wei'c
witnesses to it, and could not produce a single instance to
the contrary. Further, that they should vote the matters
of complaint were before them, and proceed to judge upon
them, when the aggrieved had exhibited no complaint to
them ; had not been cited before, nor called, nor allowed
to produce a single evidence, nor speak a word before
ihem, in support of their complaint and grievances. They
acquitted the accused delinquent upon his own declaration
and statements, and judged the whole affair upon an en-
tirely ex-parte hearing. This right the ordaining coun-
cil pretended to claim by virtue of the ecclesiastical con-
stitution of the colony, when, in fact, neither the articles
of agreement, nor the articles of discipline, know of any
such council ; and when the articles of discipline express-
ly confine the hearing of all matters of scandal to a coun-
cil of the consociation.

In these extraordinary measures they persisted, and
when the united council convened, on the 31st of October,
they would not answer before, nor submit to them. The
council met and formed in a regular manner, and was the
most numerous and respectable ever convened before iu
the colony, consisting of the most learned and pious di-
vines in the counties of Hartford and New-Haven, and of
deacons and justices of the peace, the principal men in the
respective churches in the two counties. The Rev. Mr.
Russell, of Middletown, was chosen moderator of the con-
sociation from the county of Hartford ; a gentleman of
gi-eat respectability, for knowledge, experience, modera-
tion, and for pacific measures, on all occasions. When
the two consociations had formed, united, and opened with
prayer, the committee of the church in Wallingford ap-
peared before them, and denied the regularity and jurisdic-
tion of the council thus united. They pleaded,

1. "The convention, that called themselves the conso-
ciation of New-Haven county, was no regular consociation;
consequently could not, according to the constitution, invite
another corisociation to join them; nor could another join
them.

2. " The ministers and messengers present, from Hart-

\

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 497

ford county, were not called together according to the con- Book II.
stitution ; for the moderator of the last consociation of the ^^*»-n/-^^
southern district ofFlartford county, is not empowered by 1758 =
the platform, to call another consociation, excepting with-
in his own circuit. The moderator might, with proper ad-
vice, have called for a consociation in some place within
the circuit thereof; which consociation, if they saw cause,
might vote to come to Wallingford, and sit with the New-
Haven consociation, if there was one. But Mr. Russell
did not call the council within their circuit; but issued out
his letters missive to the ministers and churches, directing
them to meet at Wallingford.

3. " Two consociations could not, according to the con-
stitution, be united, except there be some difficult case, to
be referred to them to judge and determine. But the Wal-
lingford case was finished, before the resolution of the pas-
tors and messengers of the churches of New-Haven coun-
ty, to call in another consociation."

The consociation from the county of Hartford, iudged
that the consociation of New-Haven, called at Wallingford,
was a regular consociation, and consequently had a right
to invite another consociation to unite with them.

With respect to Mr. Russell's not having power to call
the consociation of the southern district of the county of
Hartford to meet at Wallingford, it was judged that, as the
seventh article in the constitution made ample provision,
and gave special directions for the calling in of a neigh-
boring consociation, it, in that case, extended the bounds
of their action beyond the limits of their own particular
district, and empowered them to act within the limits of
the consociation which called them ; and that it must be,
that the moderator had a right to call the consociation to
the place where they were desired to meet ; and that the
calling of the consociation of the southern district of Hart-
ford county, to meet at Wallingford, was regular. The
adjournment of one consociation into the limits of another,
they observed, had not the least countenance by the con-
stitution ; and that it did not appear so reasonable, as to
call it immediately to the place of action. They were fur-
ther of opinion, that the making matters of mere form, in
cases where there were no fixed rules essential to the be-
ing and acting of an ecclesiastical body, was inconsistent
■with reason. The council was fully of the opinion, that
the Wallingford case was not finished before assistance
was called for, and that it was one of such magnitude, as
required the calling of the united council.

Objections were made to several gentlemen of the con-
N 3 ' •

40$ HISTORY OF (^HAP. XXt^

Book IL sociation, but one only was excused from acting, with the
v-*»-v-%-/ council, who had a father in the minor party. All other
1758, objections having been considered and overruled, the coun-
cil vvas prepared to hear the complaints.

But that the fullest proof might be given of its earnest
desire, if possible, to accommodate the difficulties at Wal-
lingford, a committee was appointed to confer with Mr.
Dana, and the parties, concerning a reconciliation. The
committee reported the following proposal of the minoj-i-
ly, viz.

"Whereas, the consociation of New-Haven county, and
the consociation of Hartford county, south district, being
of^tiienji- convened at Wallingford, to hear and determine certain
iiority. ditliculries in the first church and society in Wallingford ;
and said consociation appointing a committee to reconcile
the parties, we the subscribers, members of said church
and society, and committee of the minor part, do o0er aA.
this time, to the church committee, and Mr. Dana, to hav.»
the consociation of the south district of Hartford county
examine Mr. Dana's notes, referred to in the complaint;
and another sermon, preached the 8th day of October last;
and also examine Mr. Dana, according to their method of
examination, and if they find him sound in the faith of the
gospel, (and also examine his moral conduct) and if thej
find him qualified for a gospel minister, we will consent to
him, and receive him as our rriinister : but if he is not qual-
ified as set forth above, then to have him dismissed.
John Halt., 2d, Street Hall,

EnAKm Hall, Caleb Merrimak,

Dan Johnson, Daniel Clark,

Abel Peck, Caleb Johnson,

" Wallingford, Nov. 2, 1758. Isaac Johnson.''
Afterwards, they declared to Mr. Dana, and to the coun-
cil, they were willing to concede, that what respected his
moral character should not be regarded on trial. This
proposal was rejected by Mr. Dana.* He refused to be
examined by the consociation.

Before the council proceeded to any thing expressive o£
authority, friendly notice was given to Mr. Dana and th«
church, by Mr. Trumbull. But as this was not regarded,
the council proceeded to cite Mr. Dana and the church to>
"appear, and answer to the complaint. But they would not
appear. The minor part conceived that they had received
hard treatment from the majority, and as they would not-
consent to their proposal, they declined the reception oi"
any projjosals from the church, unless they would submii
to the council.

* Mr. lielli' Narrative, p. 38, 39.

Chap. XXV. ^ CONNECTICUT. 49,9

As no mode of accommodation could be, at this time, Book IT.
' ouceded to, the council judged it expedient to appoint a v^.^-n/-™x^
committee of the elders and messengers, and to vest them ] 753,
with power to receive proposals from the parties, and to at-
tempt, if possible, an amicable accommodation, and ad-
journed until th€ last Tuesday of the then instant Novem-
ber.

The council met on the 28th of November, accordins; to
adjournment. The council was now, generally, together.
Some of the gentlemen of the council had received letters
from men of character, relative to the controversy at Wal-
lingford. It was the desire of a number of the council,
who had seen those letters, that they might be read iii
council, as one from Mr. Ruggles to Mr. Trumbull had
been, at the desire of some of the ordination council. They
were read, while the names of the writers were concealed :
this appeared to give offence to some of the gentlemen of
the ordination council, and they soon after left the conso-
ciation. All proposals of accommodation, made by the
council, were rejected: neither Mr. Dana, nor the church,
would treat with them as a consociation, but only as neigh'^
bours and private gentlemen.

The Rev. Mr. Russell manifested a great concern for
the peace and union of the church and society in Walling-
ford, and to effect an accommodation of the difficulties
which had arisen there ; and urged some of the gentlemen
of the ordination council to advise Mr. Dana, and use their
influence with him, to comply with the proposal of his ex-
amination, as this, if he should approve himself to the coun-
cil, would v/in a third part of the parish to be his friends,
and would, at once, heal ail their difficulties. At the same
time, his refusal would fix them in their opposition. But
those gentlemen, instead of advising him to submit to an
examination, advised him to draw up a confession of faith,
and present it to the council. He accordingly presented
a confession, and it was read, agreeably to his desire ; but
as some words were of doubtful meaning, and Mr. Dana
would not be questioned as to his meaning, the council did
not receive it as satisfactory.* Mr. Russell, and the rest

* Confession. — " I believe there is one only living and true God : That
the scriptures of the Old and New Testament are the word of God : That
the scriptures teach the doctrine of the Trinity. Accordingly, upon the. au-
thority of the scripture, I believe that the Father is Cod ; that the Son,
even Jesus Christ, is God; and that the Holy Ghost is God ; and
that these three are one : and that all men should honour the Son, even as
they honour the Father. I believe that, by the apostacy of Adam., the
whole world are become guilty before God, and that mankind is univer-
siilly corrupted and depraved. I believe tliat God, who is the sovereign
t)f tlie world, purposed, froai everlasting, in his unerring wisdom andin$nita

500 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. of the council, were much affected with v/hat they esteemed
v-^-v^^*/ the obstinacy of Mr. Dana, and the church, that they would
1758. not comply with what they imagined the most reasonable
terms of accommodation. The council, convinced that all
attempts for an amicable accommodation, were in vain,
came to the following result, viz: — " At an ecclesiastical
council, consisting of the consociation of New-Haven coun-
ty, called and convened according to the constitution, Oc-
tober 31st, 1758, at the house of Charles Sperry, in VVal-
lingford, first society ; to hear and determine certain arti-
cles of complaint against the Rev. Mr. James Dana, and
the first church in Wallingford, dated in said Wallingford,
Sept. 25th, signed by Caleb Merriman, Esq. and others,
members of said church, in regard to the princi])lcs of
said Mr. Dana, and the proceedings of said church, in
calling him to settle in the work of the gospel ministry
among them, originally exhibited to the consociation of the
county of New-Haven, which met on the lOlh instant, at
the house of Caleb Merriman, Esq. in said Wallingford 5
and also to determine, in regard to the conduct of Mr. Da-
na, in submitting to be ordained as pastor of the first
church in Wallingford; and their promoting said ordina-
tion, and receiving him as their pastor on the 12th instant,
contrary to a resolve of the consociation of Nev/-Haven
county; which difficulties, being great in their nature,
and of general concern, were referred by said consociation
to the decision of the present council :
" The council was opened with prayer :
" The Rev. Mr. Dana, and the first church in Walling-
ibrd, having been regularly notified, appeared ; but denied
the regularity and jurisdiction of the consociation of New-
Haven county, convened at the house of Caleb Merriman,
Esq. in Wallingford, on the 10th inst. and also of the pres-
ent council. Their pleas against irregularity, having been

roodness, to call and savR some of Ihe apostate race of man : Ttiat he
appointed his own Son, tlie Lori> Jesus Christ, to undertake and ac-
complish this great work : That far this end, he became man, and died
upon the cross, a propitiatory sacrifice for the sins of those that should be-
lieve in him : That the condition of Justification and acceptance with God,
according to the gospel, is Iruefnilli in Christ, w^hich will produce good
works ; and that tliere are no works truly good, but what proceed from
a principle of faith : That they wiio are brought into a state of favour with
God, are, and must be born again, by the renewing and sanctifying influ-
ences of the Spirit of God ; and that none of the truly elect wilt fall
short of final salvation ; but that M'here God has begun a good work, he
will carry it on to the day of Christ. I believe that the grace of God is
free and sovereign in calling, justifying, and sanctifying any of the sinful
children of men. I believe in the resurrection of tlie body, the general
judgment, and a future state of eternal retribution." Mr. Todd's Narra-
tive, p. 73.

Chap. XXV, CONNECTICUT. 501

heard, and deliberately considered, were overruled. The Book II.
council being desirous to use the most healing methods, v-^^v^o^/
then sent a committee to the Rev. Mr. Dana, and churcii, 1758.
and aggrieved brethren, to endeavor some methods of re-
conciliation. This proving ineffectual to reach the good
end proposed, it was resolved, after having duly weighed
the pleas made on each side, that this council has a right
to hear and determine the complaints exhibited against the
Rev. Mr. Dana, and the first church of Christ in Walling-
ford, of which they were informed ; but refusing to ap-
pear, the council thought proper, anew, to cite Mr. Dana
and the churches committee, to appear and answer the com-
plaint against them. After this, Mr. Dana signified to us
in writing, that he had denied our jurisdiction, and should
make no farther appearance. Being still earnestly desir-
ous of an accommodation, we appointed some Rev. elders
and messengers, to treat with Mr. Dana, and the church
and the aggrieved brethren separately, to heal their unhap-
py difficulties, which proved ineffectual. The council ad-
journed to the last Tuesday of November next, to meet at
1 1 o'clock, in the forenoon, at the house of Charles Sperry,
in Wallingford first society. Nov. 23, the council met ac-
cording to adjournment, and proceeded to the following re-
sult.

" It appears to this council, that the ordination of Mr.
Dana was carried on contrary to the judgment and ex-
press prohibition of a regular council of the consociated
churches of Nev/-Haven county, convened according to the
ecclesiastical constitution of the churches in this colony ;
and whilst a complaint against Mr. Dana, for heterodoxy
in principles, lay regularly before said council ; and Mr.
Dana had been guilty of scandalous contempt, in refusing
to make answer thereunto, before said council : Therefore
we judge, that the ordination of Mr. Dana was contrary to
the word of God, and the ecclesiastical constitution of the
churches in this colony : And said Mr. Dana, since such
his ordination, having refused to answer to said articles of
complaint before this united council, we judge him guilty
of scandalous contempt, and that he cannot be acknowl-
edged and received as a regular minister of Christ, op
preacher of the gospel, by these churches ; and therefore,
"we judge, that the pastoral relation of the said Mr. Dana,
to the first church in Wallingford, ought to be dissolved,
and it is hereby dissolved ; and said Mr. Dana is hereby
dismxissed from said church. And whereas, the greater
part of the first church in Wallingford have promoted the
ordination of the said Mr. Dana and received him as their

502 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV;

Book II. pastor under these circumstances ; and chose Samuel Hall,
s,<-v-x^ Esq. and others, a committee, with instructions to appear
1758. before this council and deny their jurisdiction ; and the
said committee appeared before this council, and in the
name of said church, denied their jurisdiction, and refused
to submit to their determinations : With respect to Samu-
el Hall, Esq. and the rest of said committee, they and all
the other members of said church, who acted in choosing
said committee, and giving the instructions aforesaid, iii
case they continue to adhere to the said Mr. Dana, until
the third Tuesday of March next, shall be adjudged guilty
of scandalous contempt, and the sentence of non-coinmun-
ion declared against them. And further, unless the said
Mr. Dana shall, between this present time and the third
Tuesday of March next, submit himself to this council and
their determinations, the sentence of non-communion shall
be declared against him. Voted in council,

" Test. Edward Eells, > Scribes of the
" Wabham Williams, 5 council.

" The council then adjourned until the third Tuesday of
March next, then to meet at Wallingford, at the house of
Charles Sperry : and if the moderator should judge it ex-
pedient, he might call the council to meet at Wallingford,
at any time, between the time of adjoui'nment and the
aforesaid third Tuesday in March next.

" The council met according to adjournment, at the
house of Charles Sperry, in Wallingford first society, March
20th, 1759, and came to the following resolution :

" It being so ordered by divine providence, that this
council is not so full as might be desired in affairs of so
great importance, we think it expedient to defer the sen-
tence of non-communion against Mr. Dana and Samuel
Hall, Esq. and others, who have not complied with the de-
termination of this council, unto our next meeting : And
also, on account of some other important affairs to be trans-
acted, to adjourn : and this coun(^l is hereby adjourned
unto the first Tuesday in April next, at eleven o'clock
forenoon, (but in case the public fast is on that week, to
the second Tuesday of April, at eleven o'clock forenoon)
at the house of Charles Sperry, in Wallingford first socie-
ty."

This council met, according to adjournment, at the house
of Charles Sperry, in Wallingford, first society, April 3d,
1759, and proceeded as follows :

" Whereas, this united council have judged Mr. James
Dana guilty of scandalous contempt, as expressed in our
result ; and have used proper measures, in order to brin^

1759.

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 503

him to a sense of his sinful conduct, and exercised due Book IL
patience, he continuing obstinate : we do therefore, ac- v-^^^-v/--^-/
cording to that divine direction, 2 Thes. iii. 6, and ac- 1759.
cording to the rules of our ecclesiastical constitution, de-
dare him to be unworthy of the communion of churches ;
and that henceforth we will not hold communion with him,
in any acts of ecclesiastical discipline, or special ordinan-
ces : and according to our ecclesiastical constitution, the
churches are to approve this sentence, by withdrawing com-
munion from him, which we advise, and expect according-
}y."

" Voted in council*
" Whereas, the greater part of the first church of Christ
in Wallingford, have promoted the ordination of Mr. James
Dana, and received him as their pastor, contrary to the
prohibition of the consociation of New-Haven county,
while a charge of heterodoxy regularly lay against him,
before said consociation; and chose Samuel Hall, Esq.
and others, a committee, with instructions to appear before
this council, and in the name of said church, to deny their
jurisdiction, and refuse to submit to their determination :
and whereas, this council (as appears in our result, in the
session, Nov. 28th, last) have judged, with respect to Sam-
uel Hall, Esq. and the rest of said committee, and all the
other members of said church, who acted in choosing the
said committee, and giving the instructions aforesaid, that,
in case they continue to adhere to the said Mr. Dana, and
acknowledge him as their pastor, until the third Tuesday
of March next, they shall be judged guilty of scandalous
contempt, and the sentence of non-communion declared
against them : And whereas, the above mentioned Samuel
Hall, Esq. Szc. have, notwithstanding, continued to adhere
to the said Mr. James Dana, and acknowledged him as
their pastor; we judge said Samuel Hal), Esq. and the
rest of the committee, and all the members who acted in
choosing said committee, and giving the instructions afore-
said, guilty of scandalous contempt ; and proper measures
having been taken to bring them to a sense of their sinful
conduct, and due patience used, they still continuing obsti-
nate : we do now, according to that divine direction, 2
Thessalonians, iii. 6, and the rules of our ecclesiastical con-
stitution, declare them to be unworthy of the communion of
churches ; and that, henceforth, we will not hold commune
ion with them, in any acts of ecclesiastical discipline, or
special ordinances ; and according to the rules of our ec-
clesiastical constitution, the churches are to approve this
sentence, by withdrawing communion from them ; which
•Vfe advise, and ex,pcct accordingly..

504 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. " And while we declare those members who adhere to
v-e«''N/--v-/ Mr. Dana, and are now under sentence of non-coinmun-
1759. ion, to have fallen oft" from our ecclesiastical constitution :
we acknowledge the remaining members as the consoci-
atcd church in the first society in Wallingford, and are de-
termined to treat them accordingly.
" Voted in council.
" This council do appoint the Rev. Messrs. Jonathan
Merrick, John Trumbull, Mark Leavenworth, and Benja-
min Woodbridge, messengers ; deacons Ithiel Russell,
Jonathan Guernsey, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and deacon
Theophilus Baldwin, a committee of this council, to stand
in that capacity for the space of four months from this date,
to whom any, or all the members of the first church in
Wallingford, now under the sentence of non-communion,
may apply ; and upon their manifesting repentance, they
are empowered, in the name of this council, to take off the
sentence they are under, and restore them to the privileges
of the consociated churches : and if any member shall ne-
glect to apply to the committee aforesaid, within four
months, they may afterwards apply (if they desire it) to the
moderator of the consociation of New-Haven county, to
call the consociation of said county, for the purpose afore-
said."

A complaint being exhibited to this council, dated March
22, 1759, by several members of the first church of Christ
in Wallingford, against the Rev. Messrs. Joseph Noyes,
Isaac Stiies, Theophilus Hall, Samuel Whittelsey, Jona-
than Todd and Chauncey Whittelsey, elders, and Robert
Treat, Nathaniel Ruggles, Thomas Darling and Ezekiel
Royce, messengers, and members of the consociation of
New-Haven county, for breaking off from said consocia-
tion, and aiding and assisting in the ordination of Mr.
James Dana, &c. ; the persons complained of were
properly notified. Several of them appeared personally,
and others, by letters, denying our jurisdiction, &c. The
council not thinking it proper to act upon the abovesaicl
complaint, the complainers withdrew it. This council
having already, in our result, condemned the ordination of
Mr. E^na, as contrary to the word of God, and the ecclesi-
astical constitution of the churches in this colony, have
therein condemned the ordination council, or those who
were active therein : We think it our duty more explicitly
to declare our judgment relating to them, which is, that
they have so violated the good rules of our ecclesiastical
constitution, that they ought to be treated as disorderly
persons, and not fit to sit in any of our ecclesiastical coun-

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 503

cils, until they shall clearup their conduct, to the satisfac- Book IF.
tion of the consociation of New-Haven county, for their v-^-v-x-/
disorderly breaking oft" from them, and aiding and assisting 1759.
in Mr. Dana's ordination. And we advise the moderator
of said consociation, to call the consociation, upon applica-
tion made to him by said gentlemen."
Voted in council.

Test. Edward Eells, ^ Scribes of the
Warham Williams, ^ council.

Though this council was composed of some of the most Dispute re-
respectable gentlemen of the clergy and churches in the l^t'^e to
colony, for literature, age, and candour; and though ^hey ^^jj^"jj^g°l^'^
took great pains to compromise the difficulties at Walling- Waiiing-
ford, and appeared to act with coolness and patience, yet ford-
their doings were cried out against by the gentlemen of the
ordination council, and others who engaged in their cause,
as unconstitutional and tyrannical, depriving the churches
of their most essential rights. Many hard and severe things
were said of them. The Rev. Mr. Todd, who was one of
the ordination council, wrote a narrative of the transactions
at Wallingford, even before the united council had finished
their result. The Rev. Mr. Hart, of Saybrook, wrote
against it immediately. He wrote in a high and positive
strain, condemning the council, and insisting that their do-
ings were wholly unconstitutional, and inconsistent with
the essential rights of the churches.

The writers on this side of the question, who began the
controversy, insisted. That the consociation could not
have jurisdiction of the affairs of any particular church,
%vithout her consent : That the church itself had the sole
right of determining whether the difficulties arising in
them, were of such a nature as could not be issued without
much disquiet or not ; and that they must desire the as-
sistance of the consociation, or, at least, consent to their
hearing and judging in the case, or they could claim no ju-
risdiction with respect to it. They insisted, that to con-
strue the seventh article of discipline in such a sense, as
to allow an aggrieved minister, or aggrieved members of a
church, to apply to the consociation, was contradictory to
the first article, which secured to the elder or elders of a
particular church, with the consent of the brethren of the
same, a right to exercise discipline, according to the rules
of God's word, in relation to all scandals which should fall
out within the same. They pretended, that this article was
explained by the subsequent, or eighth article, which did
not allow an offending brother to call the consociation, un-
less the church gave her consent, until after she had pro-

0 3

60'6 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book 1 f. ceeded to his excommunication. They would allow of no
•s.^-vy-^w-' difference, in diis case, between an aggrieved minister or
1759. brother, and an offending brother.* Says Mr. Hart, " In
Mr. Hart's every view of this article then, (that is the Vllth,) it is far
reasoning from justifying the members of Wallingford church, in ap-
on the sub- plying to the consociation, as they did, with their com -
•'^^'' plaints, or the consociation in pretending to take cogni-

zance of them, without the churches consent. The cases
they judged of, were not of that kind of difficulties intend-
ed in the article ; but if they had been such, in that case,
the complainants could have had no right to apply to the
consociation, for judgment upon them, without the consent
of the church." He asserted, " That the church and so-
ciety had determined Mr. Dana's qualifications for the pas-
toral office in that chui'ch, and that the case was issued in
the church before the complainants applied to the conso-
ciation ; and this determination (he says) by our civil and
ecclesiastical lav/ must be decisive, and govern the dissent-
ing members, unless they could shew an eiTor in the
churches judgment, and that they have chosen a man for
their pastor, disqualified, according to the word of God,
and our ecclesiastical constitution, for that office. As
they thought so, and had objections of heretical doctrines
against him, their appeal from the churches judgment, by
our constitution, and according to the universal practice
of these churches, was, not to the consociation, but to the
council chosen by the church, to manage the affair of the
ordination; and whose judgment of the candidate's fitness
for his office, is decisive and final.! And the bringing such
difficulties to this council, is the only probable method of
issuing them without great disquiet to the churches in
which they arise. And if the consociation, instead of in-
termeddling with that which did not belong to them, had
dismissed the complainants, with directions to carry their
complaints against Mr. Dana to the ordination council, as
the only proper judges of them, I believe that church and
society would have been in peace. But for the consocia-
tion, in such a case, to receive the complaints of a few dis-
satisfied members against the churches pastor elect, and
force themselves upon the church and candidate, as judges
of the case, in contempt of the churches right, in electing
both her pastor atid the council that are to be the final
judges of his qualifications for his office, and in contempt
of the ordination council then sitting ; and for them to pre-
tend to bar the ordination till their claim of authority to

* See Mr. Todd's narrative, and Mr. Hart's vindication of the ordina-
tiou at WaJliDgford, p. l^rlSj 16. t p. 17, iC.

Chap, XXV. CONNECTICUT, 507

take cognizance of the case is acknowledged ; this is the Book II.
most unlikely method in the world to prevent great disqiii- v-^-v^-^^^
ets in the church, in issuing such difficulties among them. 1759.
The art of man, I believe, cannot devise a more probable,
a more effectual way to throw a church into the greatest
confusion and incurable contentions. ButtheVIlth arti-
cle recommends the carrying of difficult cases to the conso-
ciation, by way of prevention of the disquiets that are like-
fy to arise from other methods of issuing them. This kind
of difficulties, therefore, cannot possibly be comprehended
in this article. The framers of it cannot be imagined to
have been such dunces as to have recommended this to the
churches as a likely method of issuing such difficulties,
without great disquiet to the churches in which they arise,
namely, that any member of a vacant church, who is ag-
grieved with the choice the society and church have made
of a person for their pastor, shall have a right, without the
consent, and contrary to the mind of the church, to call in
the consociation to sit in judgment on the candidate, in re-
lation to any complaints of scandal or heresy he is pleas-
ed to bring against him ; and this too after the church has
nominated their ordination council. Doubtless, it never
came into their thoughts, that any of their successors would
understand this article in this sense.

" I fear, sir, you will think I have been to long on this
article : but the present disputes about its sense, and the
great stress which is laid upon it, in the justification of the
consociation's claim of jurisdiction in the Wallingford cas-
es, rendered it necessary to examine it critically."* He
observes further, " that by our ecclesiastical constitution,
our consociations have right of jurisdiction only of such
ecclesiastical or spiritual causes as are of a criminal na-
ture ; only in cases of heresy or scandal : that they have
no stated times of sitting : that they have no power of con-
vening themselves, undesired by those who, by our consti-
tution, have a right to call them into business, nor of tak-
ing any case whatever under their cognizance, ex officio,
but such only as are brought before them by proper per-
sons, authorised by the constitution, or our ecclesiastical
law, for that purpose."! He declares that the present
contest between the united consociation and the church at
Wallingford is the most important controversy that ever
was managed in these churches. " 'Tis a strife of power
in the hands of the consociation, destructive* of the most
important rights of particular churches. "| He insinuates
that the council acted under the influence of a party zea!
* Page 10. t Page 20. ^ Page 43,

SOS HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book IL for orthodoxy, and animated by a love of dictating, and
v,^»"v^*^ lust of preeminence and power.* He represents the judg-
1750. ment of the council, not only as unconstitutional, but higi^-
ly ridiculous ; and he declares, that the reason of his un-
dertaking in this controversy Avas, that " the rights and
liberties of all ourconsociated churches were at slake : and
(hat it was clearly the duty of their ministers to under-
take their defence, when they were invaded by any of
their own order, or when our associations or consociations
go into measures, under pretence of constitutional power
and authority, directly tending to destroy the balance be-
tween power and liberty, to turn consociational power into
tyranny, and introduce slavery into the place of liberty."!
Thus wrote Mr. Hart.

This was the cry, that the liberty of the churches was
in danger ; that the consociation at Wallingford were ty-
rants, influenced by a lust for power, and some of the
worst motives, and had put a new and unreasonable con-
struction upon the Saybrook agreement. Every method
was taken to alarm and prejudice the churches, and throw
odium upon the united council. They were conscious of
none of those imputations put upon them. They consid-
ered the construction put upon the constitution as per-
fectly absurd, inconsistent with the law of the colony ap-
pointing the meeting of the elders and messengers at Say-
brook, the object of which appointment, as expressed by
the act, appears to have been to amend the defects which
the legislature had been made sensible of, both from their
own observation, and by the complaints of others, by a
more explicit asserting of the rules given for that end in
the holy scriptures :J and with the express articles and
main design of the constitution, which was to fix the limits
of neighboring elders and churches, to bring them into a
more intimate union with one another, and provide them
fixed judges, and more explicit rules of judging according
to the scriptures. Agreeably to this general design, the
council knew that the Hid article of discipline provide^
that all cases of scandal which should fall out v/ithin the
circuit of the aforesaid consociations, should be brought to
a council of the elders, and also messengers of the church-
es within the said circuit, i. e. the churches of one conso-
ciation : That the Vllth article made express provision,
that an aggrieved minister or member, should apply to the
council of the consociated churches of the circuit, to which
the said church belongs : and that the subsequent, or Vlllth
article, was so far from explaining it away, that it corrobo-
* Page 37, t Page 45, ± See the law ia vol. j. of this Hist. chap. six.

Chap. XXV, CONNECTICUT. 509

rated it, by saying, there is not the same liberty to an of- Book II.
fending brother, which is doubtless here opposed to the ^^f^v-^^i,/
aggrieved brother, and distinguishes one from the other. ] 759.
They could not conceive that an aggrieved pastor or broth-
er could be considered as one and the same, with an offend-
ing one ; and that they should have no redress in any case,
but be left wholly in the power of the church, to abuse, and
tyrannize over them, let their prejudices, passions, and in-
justice be ever so great. This would be to put them in a
far worse situation than civilians are in matters of far less
moment. If they are injured by error in judgment, or by
illegal prosecutions, they have redress by appeals or peti-
tions. To suppose that the constitution made no provis-
ion for the aggrieved, who might be greatly injured and op-
pressed, would be to view it as making no provision
against one of the great defects which it was designed to
remedy. The united council considered the construction
put upon the constitution by the ordaining council, and Mr.
Hart, as one wholly unfounded, and calculated merely to
serve a turn.

With respect to an ordination council, or any other ec-
clesiastical council, distinct from the consociation, it was
considered as having no warrant by the constitution, and a
mere creature of the imagination. There was not so much
as an intimation of it in the constitution. They imagined
that it was so far from this, that it fully excluded all other
councils with respect to any thing ecclesiastical. The
second article is in these words : " that the churches which
are neighboring to each other, shall consociate for mutual-
ly affording to each other such assistance as may be requi-
site, upon all occasions ecclesiastical." This, they were
persuaded, included ordination, as one of the most impor-
iant ecclesiastical occasions. They had proceeded slow-
iy, with the utmost deliberation ; they had employed all
their wisdom, and all proper means, in their opinion, to
preserve the church and society from a division : they us-
ed their influence with the minor party to bring them to
submit the whole affair, and unite with their brethren, in
the settlement and support of Mr. Dana, upon this single
condition, that he should prove himself orthodox upon his
examination ; and they used all their influence with the
ordination council, to persuade Mr. Dana to concede to
the proposal ; but they would not advise him to do it, nor
would he comply with it, nor suffer himself to be question-
ed by them. The council^ therefore, considered them-
selves as greatly injured and abused. As the ordination
council had told their own story, and, with Mr. Hart, had

510 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. sounded the alarm, and grieviously reproached them, it
v^^^y^s^ was judged expedient to take up the pen, and vindicate
1759. their doings before the public tribunal.

The Rev. Mr. Eells, who had been one of the scribes
of the united council, wrote a narrative of the transactions
of the council, supplying such facts and circumstances as
Mr. Todd omitted, noticing some of those things in his
iiarrative which he judged severe, uncharitable, and calcu-
lated to render his brethren of the council odious and con-
temptible. He also made such general remarks as he sup-
posed were necessary for the vindication of the council.
Mr. Ko- The Rev. Mr. Hobart, of Fairfield, replied in particular
bartevinc-to Mr. Hart, in vindication of the council at Wallingford,
*"f *','^ f showing that they had assumed no powers inconsistent with
congreo-a- the rights of congregational churches at large, and conse-
tionai quently could not be inconsistent with the ecclesiastical
churches, constitution of the colony, and no more than it was the
original design of the Saybrook agreement to give them.

He shows that, " all congregational churches have al-
lowed ecclesiastical councils to be an ordinance of Christ,
and to derive their authority from Him :" that they allow
a decisive power to them ; and he insists, that it v/ould be
strangely inconsistent to assert, that councils are a divine
institution, and yet to deny them the right of deciding those
controversies which were regularly brought before them ;
or to suppose the parties interested in such decisions, at
liberty to regard, or disregard them, as they please.

He clearly evinces, by quotations from the best authors,
" that congregational churches, though not united in con-
sociations, have a right to enquire into the conduct of a
particular church, upon the complaint of any of its mem-
bers, or even upon common fame, and to proceed to a sen-
tence of non-communion, in case the church refuses to give
an account of its conduct, or obstinately persists in its er-
rors and disorders." He quotes from the apology of the
• •ongregational ministers in England, in 1644, this declara-
tion : '• We agree that in all cases of offence, the offending
church is to submit to an examination, by other neighboring
churches, and on their persisting in their error, or miscar-
riage, they are to renounce all christian communion with
them, till they repent. It is a maxim to be abhorred, that
'.\ single society of men, pretending to be endowed with a
power from Christ, to judge them of the same body, should
arrogate to themselves, an exemption from giving an ac-
count, or being censurable of any other."* He shows, that
with these sentiments of the congregational divines m Eng-

■* Pages 4, 5, 6, 7.

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 511

land, our forefathers in this country fully agreed. He Book II.
quotes Dr. C. Mather, in his account of the discipline of the s.x~v->w
New-England churches, in which he allows that a person 1759.
censured by a particular church, may call a council, which,
finding him greatly injured, may, if no other measure will
answer, by a solemn act, withdraw communion from that
church, or from as many in it as will go on to abet and
maintain the unjust sentence which has been passed in it.
And he maintains, that "it is one of the principles of these
churches, that the neighbouring churches, upon the motion
of their pastors, may, without any call from the church, (or
from any in the church,) where gross mischiefs do notori-
ously happen, upon the justly believed report of those mis-
chiefs, meet in council, to take course about them."

He proceeds further, to prove, that the ordination and
setdement of a minister, is one of those cases which are al-
lowed to require an ecclesiastical council ; and in which,
by congregational principles, a particular church ought
Bot to proceed v/ithout the approbation, or concurrence of
others. He quotes Dr. Increase Mather, whose words are,
" In momentous matters of common concern, particular
churches should proceed with the concurrence of neigh-
bouring churches. So, in the ordination of a pastor, much
more in the deposing of one. Thus it has ever been in the
churches of New-England." He also quotes the resolution
of the synod of Boston, in 1662, which includes, in the
cases in which churches ought to seek and accept help
from, and give help to one another, "matters of more than
ordinary importance, as ordination, translation, and depo-
sition of elders." ^ Shows the

Having shown what were the rights of congregational alteratioa
churches at large, while they were unconsociated, he pro- °{^, i^-^
cceded to show what alteration was made, either in the consocia-
constitution, or rights of ecclesiastical councils, by congre- ting,
gational churches uniting in consociations, or how these
things stand in the churches of Connecticut, since the Say-
bi'ook agreement.

Here he observes, that the ecclesiastical councils in
Connecticut have, undoubtedly, as large and extensive
rights and authority, at least, as those which were not thus
limited : that in all the debates relative to the consociation
of churches, there had never been the least intimation of
lessening the rights and authority of councils, by their
consociating : that it must, therefore, be granted, that the
councils in Connecticut, were an ordinance of Christ, vest-
ed with all the rights of congregational churches at large,
to hear complaints of irregularities aad disoi-dcrs in par

^12 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. ticular churches : that they are judges of ihc morals and
v.,^»--v^^^ qualifications of all probationers for the ministry ; and no
1759. minister may be settled in, or removed from a particular
church, without their approbation, or concurrence ; and
that they had a decisive authority, or a right to enforce
their determinations by ecclesiastical censures, at least by
a censure of non-communion, or withdrawing from such as
walk disorderly. He then evinces, that if the councils
consisting of consociated churches, be only councils of
which the Saybrook agreement allows, that they must have
the right of exercising this whole authority.

That the consociated churches are limited in calling
councils to those churches with which they are united in
consociation, and that these are the only councils accord-
ing to the Saybrook agreement, he endeavours substantial-
ly to prove, as he conceived that on this the whole contro-
versy turned. For this purpose he states, that the great
alteration made by the churches entering into consociation,
is this : The churches consociated are confined, with re-
spect to their councils, to the pastors and churches of their
oAvn particular consociation, while other churches pick and
Advantage choosc their councils from all parts of the country. " And
ofconso- jj^g great and invaluable advantage of consociated coun-
thurches. ^ils, is, that they have certain known judges to decide their
disputes, vested with authority to carry their judgments
into execution ; and, consequently, have a certain way to
have their controversies issued, and the greatest security
of having it done in an impartial, just, and equitable man-
ner : while such as are not consociated, must unavoidably
be liable, either to have their disputes endless, or to have
them decided in such a wa}'^, as prodigiously exposes them
to partial and unrighteous judgments."

That the councils of congregational churches in Con-

Declicut, are limited to their several districts, he argues

from " the nature of that union of churches, which we call

a consociation."

They are " Congregational churches, when they enter into conso-

irai e( to cJjjjJqjj agree to come into a more strict and intimate union

their own . ^ "

districts, with each other than they were before, or than other church-
by the na- es Stand in to each other. They agree to this, to derive
J"''?."'^ some advantages from it. And in consideration of those
union. advantages, they consent to give up all those liberties
which are inconsistent with this union. Ii is, doubtless,
consistent with union for a particular church to manage its
own affairs, (which do not affect the other churches united
with it.) by itself, or without consulting them; but in af-
fairs of a public nature and of general concern, such as

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 513

require the counsel, assistance, or approbation of other Book II.
churches, the other parts of the united body, called a con- -^^'--s^^>^
sociation, have a right to be consulted ; and, in some cases, 1758«
to interfere, though they are not invited nor desired. And
for a particular church, in such cases, obstinately to refuse
to submit to the judgment of the whole, is a breach of the
agreement, and exposes it to be cast out of the union, or
to have the sentence of non-communion declared against
it.

The choice and settlement of a minister, is a matter of a
public nature, and of general concern ; every church be-
longing to the same consociation has an interest, and a
very important one, in it ; and that not only as, on account
of their situation, they and their children, will be likely to
be affected by the good or bad principles and practices of
a neighboring minister, which is the grand reason why, iri
churches not consociated, neighboring ministers and
churches are judged the proper ones to assist at ordina-
tions ; but upon a much more important account, and such
an one as arises from the consociation of churches. The
pastor of one consociated church stands in a very near re-
lation to every other church in the same consociation : for
he is as such a member of the association, and has a right
to sit in all the councils of the consociated churches of that
district. Now Mr. Hart allows that the associations are
made, in some sort, guardians and inspectors of vacant
churches ; and though he contends that particular church-
es may send where they please for ordination councils, yet
he admits that, in other affairs that require a council, they
are limited to the consociation, whose determination is de-
cisive and final. Now let us see whether, on Mr. Hart's
own principles, a particular churches' settling a minister
against the declared judgment of the other churches united
with them in consociation, be not inconsistent with this
ttni9n.

" Every church in the consociation is liable to become
vacant, and, consequently, to have this minister for one of
its guardians and inspectors ; it is liable to have such dis-
putes and contentions arise in it as require the judgment
of an ecclesiastical council, consequently, to have this min-
ister for one of the judges, and perhaps the very man on
whose vote in council a final and decisive judgment in its
most important concerns may depend. Now, is it agreea-
ble to such an union, or even consistent with the common
rights of mankind, for a consociation, consisting of perhaps
twenty churches, to have a guardian, an inspector, a judge,
over them all, appointed by one of them, nut only with-

P 3

514 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV,

Book II. out the npprobation, but against the declared judgment
--^■~N/->_/ and public protestation of the other nineteen. Every
1759. nwn of common sense must own that this is unreasona-
ble, and even absurd ; and yet, there is no avoiding it, but
by allowing that consociated churches, in calling councils,
and particulai'ly ordination councils, are limited to the
churches united with them in consociation ; and it is ev-
idently inconsistent with the very nature of the union to
do otherwise.

" The same thing may be argued from the end and de-
sign of churches thus uniting. It is some inconvenience
in the constitution of any civil or religious society that put?'
them on making alterations in it. Congregational church-
es, not formed into consociations, found this defect in their
constitution, that, in the choice of councils at large, there
was room for great partiality. The contending parties, v.i
a divided clfiuch, must either unite in what they call a mu-
tual council, that is, one in which each party nominates an
equal number of ministers and churches ; in which case, it
was sometimes found that the council, when met, would be
equally divided, and so could come to no determination in
the case ; or else each party must send for a distinct coun-
cil, of their own picking and choosing ; which councils fre-
cjucntly gave contrary judgments ; which rendered contro-
versies endless, introduced confusion, and turned the
church of Christ into a mere Babel. As no other remedy
for this evil could be contrived, proposals were made for
the consociation of churches. There neither is, nor can
be, an effectual security against these evils, in any other
way, than by limiting churches to the consociation which
they belong to, in calling councils. Accordingly, our wise
predecessors, in the synod of Saybrook, agreed to come
into consociation, without having any exempt cases. And
after all Mr. Hart has said, I believe men, in general, will
think it most reasonable to interpret a law in such a sense
that it may answer its end, and prove a remedy for the
mischief it was designed to remove."

He further argues, " This proposition may be proved,
from the grounds the synod at Saybrook went upon, and
the expressions they used in the agreement they came into.
They mention it as a principle universally acknowledged,
Quod tanget omnes, debet Iractari ab omnibus. What ali
are concerned in, all have a right to act in. This they
Imd an especial respect to, in coming into this agreement.
Now those affairs, in one consociated church, which do re-
(juire an ecclesiastical council, do concern, and will affect,
all the other churches united with it. This is particularly

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 515

the case of ordination, as has been proved already; and, Book 11.
therefore, the churches of a particular consociation, upon ^-^''^''>B/
ihe principles of the Saybrook synod, have a right to act, ]75[)„
in all cases that happen within their limits, which require
the determination of an ecclesiastical council; and especial-
ly in an affair of so great consequence to them all, as the
setdement of a minister in any one of them. By necessary
consequence, our consociated churches are not at libert}',
in these cases, to call councils at large, or to pick here and
there a church ; but are, by the very principles of their
constitution, limited to their brethren of the same consoci-
ation,

" The expressions used by our venerable fathers of the
H.ynod at Saybrook, are agreeable to this jjrinciple, on
which they acted. Thus, in the second article, they menr
fion this as the end for which churches were to consociate,
viz. For mutually affording each other such assistance as
may be requisite upon all occasions ecclesiastical. In the
next article, they say that, All cases of scandal, that fall
out within the circuit of any of the aforesaid consociations,
shall be brought to a council of the elders, and also mes-
sengers, of the churches within the said circuit. In the fifth
article they provide, that when any case is orderly brought
before any council, &;c. their determination shall be final.
In the next article, they order, that if any pastor and
church doth obstinately refuse a due attendance and con-
formity to the determination of the council, &c. they shall
be reputed guilty of scandalous contempt, and the sente-ice
of non-communion shall be declared against such pastor
and church. This is the language of the Saybrook agree-
ment, from the beginning to the end of it ; it says, all oc-
<;asions ecclesiastical, all cases of scandal, any case brought
before a council, &c. He observes, that the constitution
allows of no exempt cases, and that allowing them would
destroy the very design for which the churches consociat-
ed. He thinks it certain and indisputable, from these con-
siderations, that all councils were, by the constitution, lim-
ited to the consociations of their particular districts."

He observes, " The ordination council at Wallingford
consisted of the elders and messengers of seven churches ;
their advocates will have it, that they were an ecclesiasti-
cal council, known and approved by our constitution : the
only proof they produce of it is this ; the heads of agree-
ment mention the pastors of neighboring congregations as
proper persons to concur in an ordination. A slender
proof indeed ! I believe no council ever carried their
claims so high, ajid produced so poor a commission. The

510 IHSTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. expression, /?ffs/on9 of neighboring congregations, must be

v^^~N/-«^^ stretched pretty hard to make it take in a minifster at the

1759. distance of an hundred and fifty miles, which was the case

of one who sat in this council : But it is a greater stretch

still, to make it mean both ministers and messengers of

churches.

" I conclude, therefore, on the whole, that the churches
of Connecticut, by entering into consociations, have limit-
ed themselves to the particular consociations to which they
belong, in all cases, (without exception) that require the
advice, or determination of an ecclesiastical council*; and
particularly in the important aflair of ordination : That our
constitution acknowledges no council but a consociational
one : And that to set up an ordination council in opposi^
tion to the consociation, is not only perfectly unconstitu-
tional, but absolutely subversive of the consociation of
churches, which is the very basis on which our constitu-
tion stands.

" If we consider the matter merely as an ordination,
without regarding the special difficulties that attended it ;
the nature of the union that subsisted between the church
of Wallingford and the other churches of the district, the
principles on which this union subsists, and the good ends
it was designed to answer, all unite to require that the
consociated churches should have been invited to exam-
ine and approve the candidate, and to act in the ordina-
tion.

" But if we consider this ordination with its peculiar cir-
cumstances, it will appear to have been one of those diffi-
cult cases which could not be issued without considerable
disquiet : For Mr. Todd allows that, at a parish meeting,
consisting of two hundred voters, fifty appeared against
the proposed settlement of Mr. Dana, and these appear to
have been contiimally gaining ground ; for at the time of
the ordination, they were increased to the number of ninety
five. Some of these were gentlemen of figure and estate ;
and it was evident that they were fiLxpd and in earnest in
their opposition. Every one must be sensible, that a case
thus circumstanceed must be really a difficult one."

Mr. Hobart says, " I do not love to give names to any
number of gendemen, that will displease them, yet I can-
not help saying that it is a plain case with me, that these
gentlemen must, on the principles of our constitution, be
esteemed as an anti-council ; and therefore, not only be
judged destitute of all ecclesiastical authority, but even
as having acted a criminal part ; especially those (who
>vfere almost ^11 of them) that were pastors, or member.-ij

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 517

of consociated churches ; for they acted contrary to the Book II,
agreement they had entered into, and the obligations they ^^^s/'^^^
were under; they set themselves up in opposition to the 1759.
highest ecclesiastical authority in that consociation of
which they were members, and did all that in them lay to
dissolve all consociations of churches in the colony.

" It is not so much as pretended that there ever was be-
fore an instance in which any council, called to an ordina-
tion, acted in opposition to the declared sense of the conso-
ciation of the district. The gentlemen who met in council
at Waliingford, have the unenvied honor of being the first
that ever did so in Connecticut. In all other cases there
has been some reason to presume, that the consociated
churches did approve the candidate, and allow of his set-
tling within their bounds. It was always in their power to
have assembled in council, and protested against the pro-
ceedings. Or if any, over whom a minister was to be or-
dained, had any thing to accuse him of, they niight have
complained to the consociation, as was now done. Nor
do I believe there ever was an ordaining council before,
but what would, in either of these cases, have shewn so
much regard to the constitution, and the peace of our
churches, as to have stopped proceedings."

Mr. Hart had suffered himself in expressing his own
groundless suspicions of other men's being influenced by
some of the worst designs of which mankind are capable ;
and, speaking of the members of the council at Waliing-
ford, complains, that after their ordination of Mr. Dana,
they were spoken of as .Arminians and favorers of heresy,
and he appeared concerned for himself, lest some unfavor-
able imputations might be thrown upon him.

To this Mr. Hobart replies, " It is universally known
to all, who are, in any measure, acquainted with things of
this nature, that there has been a very great change (ei-
ther for the better or the worse) in the principles or doc- Comiptioa
trines of religion introduced into the English nation since in doc-
our forefathers left it ; so great, that those doctrines which *""®*
were then, almost universally, esteemed not only impor-
tant, but (some of them) fundamental truths of Christiani-
ty, have by some been esplained away, by others flatly
denied, and, by too many, even treated with banter and
ridicule. Arminianism led the way, Pelagianism followed
it, Arianism and Socinianism brought up the rear. And
while such as professed the gospel were explaining away,
or denying its most essential doctrines. Deism has come
in like a flood, and almost swallowed up the name of
Christianity,

5ia HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book II. " These corruptions in doctrine have crossed the atlan-
V<~v->*,^ tic ; and too many iu our churches, and even among our
1759. ministers, have fallen in with them. Books, containing
them, have been imported ; and the demand for them has
been so great as to encourage new impressions of some of
them : others have been wrote on the same principles, in
this country ; and even the doctrine of the sacred and ador-
able Trinity, has been publicly treated in such a manner, as
all who believe that doctrine must judge not only hcreti-
cal, but highly blasphemous.*

" How far a liking to these errors, or a desire to open a
door for their admission into our churches, might influence
the members of the ordination council, or their advocates,
I cannot pretend to say ; for I must own, I am not able to
look into the hearts of men ; nor will I indulge myself in
publishing conjectures, as Mr. Hart has done : but facts
Arminian- g^j,g Qpg^ things of which every man is a iuds^e. For my
ed *o the o^n parL» 1 can truly say, that I never before heard, nor do
or jination I now believe, that any one member of that council, gain-
councji, gj ^\■^r^[ character (that is, of an Arminian, or favorers of
advocates, heresy) since, but what had that same character before. I
have enquired of gentlemen who have a large acquaint-
ance in the country ; they all say, that they have not heard
louder complaints of this kind, against those gentlemen^
since the ordination at Wallingford, than they had heard
C^QjijjjgQf before. It is unhappy that they ever gave so much occa-
suspicion. sion for suspicions of this kind ; and more so, that they
should take such measures as tend to strengthen such sus-
picions. Someof them certainly. knew that they had this
character, and have often complained of it as an abuse.
Had they modestly declined acting in this case, they had
taken a proper way to have removed the suspicions others
Jiad entertained of them ; but to set themselves up for the
only judges in this case, in opposition to the remonstran-
ces of their brethren, and to the constitution they professed
to act upon, which constitution some of them had before
carried to as great a height as any (and to a higher than
most) men in the country, was certainly the way, not to re-
move, but to strengthen those suspicions.!

* The Rev. Mr. Edwards, io his preface to his treatise on the doctrine
of original sin, mentions the great corruption of doctrine in New-England,
hj Dr. Taylor's writings, Avhich had been published about fifteen years
before, or about the year 1742.

+ These were the very gentlemen who deposed Mr. Rohbins, directly
against the will, and in opposition to the church : and who excluded three
of their brethren, in the ministry, from associational communion, for as-
sisting in the ordination of the Rev. Mr. Lee, of Salisbury, who was of an
entirely unexceptionable character, and a candidate in whom both the
church and town were v/ell united, beeause they did it without the prcvi-

€hap.XXV. CONNECTICUT* 519-

" There are several other things which have the same Book II.
tendency : I shall mention one or two. \^^'-s/''*^

" The first, is the connecting the business of Wallingford 1759.
with the affairs of Yale College. Wallingford has no more
connection with the college, than any other pai-ish in the
government ; and the two ministers of New-Haven county,
that have the honor to be fellows of the college, were of
the ordination council. It is well enough known, that the
students of Yale College attend public worship and ordi-
nances under the administration of the professor of divini-
ty ; and I suppose few are ignorant that this was very
much ov/ing to a certain gentleman's refusing to satisfy the
corporation, that he was not Arian in the important ar-
ticles of Christ's divinity and atonement, when they let him
know the reasons of his being suspected on these heads,
some of which were taken from sermons he delivered on
sacramental occasions, when the scholars did attend. En-
deavours have been made to raise a ferment, and throw
the government into convulsions on this account, but hith-
erto in vain : the friends to the ecclesiastical constitution
of the country, have justified and supported the college in
this measure, esteeming it necessary for preserving the
faith of our churches in the most important doctrines of the
gospel."

Here he takes occasion to notice a virulent writer, who
had employed his pen both against the college and the le-
gislature of the colony, and had cast injurious reflections
on the principal gentlemen in the legislature and corpora-
tion, and who was known to differ from the established doc-
trines of our churches, in the most important articles. He
says, " but I must own that I was surprised to find Mr.
Todd and Mr. Hart joining with him in it, and publicly
OAvning a connection between the tw^o cases. This looks
like a design to open a door for letting in men into the min-
istry, that differ fundamentally from the doctrines estab-
lished in these churches.

" Another thing which directly and strongly tends to
raise and confirm suspicions of this kind, is the manner in
which these gentlemen express themselves, and the satis-
faction they discover, when they su})pose they find a weak
place in our constitution. I suppose all that have read Mr.
Hart's remarks must have observed several things of this
kind'. Thus, when he had exerted himself to the utmost,
to prove that the pastors of neighbouring congregations,

ous advice of the association ; were some of the most violent opposers oC
the religious awakening in the country, and the only gentlemen who had
publicly thanked the legislature for their tyrannical, unjust, and persecut-
,ing ecclesiastical law?. Now they bad become great sticklers for liberty.

520 HISTORY OF Chap. XXY.

Book 11. mentioned in the heads of agreement, meant a body of
>»,^-N/-^«/ men different from, and that may be opposed to th€ asso-
1759, ciations and consociations spoken of in the articles for dis-
cipline, and found that this would, unavoidably, make the
several parts of our constitution inconsistent, he says, " If
there is a little jumble in this part of our constitution, let
the constitution itself bear it." And again, when he men-
tions it as an objection some might make to this scheme,
that the churches are but poorly guarded against corrupt
ministers, he says it may be replied, that " it is what it is."
I believe a man who is not of a very suspicious temper,
will find some disposition to doubt, whether the man that
uses such expressions, be a very zealous friend to our con-
stitution; and even whether he does not rejoice, in think-
ing it such a weak, jumbling thing, as is insufficient to se-
cure our churches against corrupt ministers.

" Now if, on the whole, we have reason to fear the pre-
valence of error, it certainly concerns our associations and
consociations to exert themselves; not indeed by assu-
ming any authority which does not belong to them, but by
stricdy observing the rules and directions of our constitu-
tion. And all the friends to the faith and order of the gos-
pel established among us, will, doubtless, encourage and
strengthen them therein.
Appeal " '^^^^ grand objection against the scheme I am plead-

wiih res- jng for, is, that it establishes a tyrannical power in coun-
jpfct to cils, and destroys the liberties of particular churches, and
ijtitj. the members of them. The advocates for what they call
the ordination council at Wallingford, are continually harp-
ing upon this string; and as the objection is popular, they
seem to have raised expectations from it. 1 am heartily
■willing to join issue with them here. I am a sincere friend
to liberty, and detest tyranny of every kind, ecclesiastical
as well as civil. I freely consent that the whole contro-
versy should turn on this single point. If my principles
establish tyranny, I give them up on the spot : nay, I will
go further, — if they do not more effectually promote and
secure the rights of mankind, than the opposite scheme
docs, I am content that they be exploded. To determine
which of these schemes is most favourable to the rights and
liberties of christians, it will be proper to view them in
different lights. As,

1. In their aspect on the liberties of particular churches.
I allow that a particular church has a right of choosing
their own pastor, but say, that, in the exercise of this
light, they must have the approbation of the churches with
which they are united in consociation, and may not pro-

Chap. XXV* CONNECTICUT. 621

ceed to the settlement of a minister without this. The gen- Book II.
tlemen whom I oppose, do not pretend that a particular ^^'^<^^^
church is under no limitation at all, in the exercise of this 1759.
right ; but allow they must have the concurrence and as-
sistance of neighbouring churches in calling, choosing, and
settling their own ministers. It is a right thus limited, that
Mr. Todd represents himself, and those joined with him,
as contending for. Mr. Hart likewise allows, that a church
cannot settle a minister without the approbation of neigh-
bouring ministers and churches; for he allows ordination
councils to hear complaints against a pastor elect, and ex-
pressly says that their judgment is decisive and final. We
are agreed, then, that churches are thus limited in the ex-
ercise of this right, and the only question between us, in.
this spot, is, who shall limit them? Now, if this limitation
itself be inconsistent with the liberty particular churches
ought to have, it will follow, that both our schemes are ty-
rannical, and that they are equally so: But h' this limita-
tion be a just and reasonable one, these two opposite
schemes are equally free from any thing tyrannical or op-
pressive. I am sensible of but one circumstance in which
these gentlemen can so much as pretend that their princi-
"pies are, in this case, more favourable to the liberties of a
particular church than mine; and that is, what they call au
ordination council, chosen by a particular church, whose
right it thus limits. And here they seem to place the em-
phasis, a council of neighbouring churches, chosen by
themselves. But now, churches, in entering into conso-
ciation, do choose the council of that district, to assist them
in all cases that require the assistance of an ecclesiastical
council, and, consequently, this is as truly a council cho-
sen by themselves, as any picked council can be.

2. " Let us consider these two opposite schemes, in the
influence they will have on those parties, into which a
church is too often unhappily divided. That churches are
too often divided into parties, will not be disputed; and
when they are so, that each party has some rights, cannot
be denied. The meanest of men, and even the vilest crim-
inals, have a right to be tried by indifferent judges, and to
have impartial justice done them. The choice of a minis-
ter is one of those cases in which a church may be divi-
ded ; and it may be that the division shall be nearly equal :
there may be but one more for the man than there is against
him: and since particular churches are not -infallible, it is
possible that a minor part may have reason and justice on
their side. Now, in this case, our constitution, as I have
explained it, appoints certain and known judge:? betweep

Q 3

52^ HISTORY OF Chap. XXY.

Book II. these parlies : but, upon the other interpretation, it allows
•^.^-N/^x^ of one of the parties to choose all the judges ; and that
1758. <-hey may be sure of having such as Avill give a judgment,
in their favour, it permits them to send far and near, and
pick three or four ministers and churches out of three or
ibur hundred. Let all men of common sense judge which
of these methods is most agreeable to the rights and liber-
ties of christians, and in which a righteous and impartial
judgment is most likely to be obtained ; and let every
man consider that he may happen to be one of such a mi-
nority.

3. " Tt'he rights and liberties of the whole consociated
body, must be taken into consideration, in order to deter-
mine which of these schemes has the most favourable as-
pect on christian liberty. A number of churches united ia
consociation, are to be considered as, in some respects,.
One body; and this such a one as has rights, liberties, and
privileges belonging to it. Now, my scheme allows the
several members of this body to act in affairs wherein they
are all concerned. But the opposite scheme admits, that
one member of this body may impose a guardian, an in-
spector, a judge overall the rest, (perhaps twenty in num-
ber.) not only without their consent, but against their de-
clared dissent, as I have before observed.

" Let the gentlemen on the other side feirly answer these
diings, and they have my free consent to use all their rhe-
toric, in painting the gloi'ious advantages of their own
scheme in point of liberty, and to load mine with the epi-
thets, tyrannical, oppressive, and intolerable. But, tiR
they do this, I hope I do not flatter myself, when I suppose
the impartial public will jtidge, that the interpretation I
have given of our constitution, is not only perfectly con-
sistent with the liberties of our churches, but even the only
way in which those liberties can be preserved, and the
rights and privileges of all parties concerned, be maintain-
ed and secured."

Notwithstanding the early and extraordinary pains which
the gentlemen of the ordination council atWallingford, and
advocates em])loyed to prepossess the clergy and church-
es in general in their favour, by narratives, and sounding
the alarm, that the liberty of the churches was in danger,
and that councils were usurping an unconstitutional and
tyrannical power, the clergy and people in general approv-
ed of the doings of the united council. They expressed
their approbation of their sense of the constitution, when,
they met in general association, the June after their result,
in the following resolves.

Chap. XXV. CONNECTICUT. 523.

" At a general association, at the house of the Rev. Ebe- Book II.
Kezer White, in Danbury, June 19th, 1 759 : ^^^-v-x.-'

"Resolved, by this association, That as the consocia- 1759.
tion of churches is one great thing that the composers of I^esoin-
the platform had in view, as they expressly declare that ^•'^"^ ,
what affects all ought to be managed by all ; so the ec- sociation,
clesiastical constitution of this colony knows of no other relative to
council whatever, but a council of the consociated church- ^'''^'^°"^-'*"
es of the district, or, in some cases, a consociation of a'''^
particular district, united with a neighbouring consociation,
called in accoKling to the direction of the constitution.

" Resolved, That it is most expedient, for preventing
the introducing of unsound and disqualified men into the
ministry, and entirely agreeable to our ecclesiastical con-
stitution, that the council for the ordination of ministers, to
whose province it belongs to examine candidates for ordi-
nation, should consist of the consociation of the district to
which the church belongs, over which a pastor is to be
ordained: and as this has, for sundry years, been practi-
sed by several consociations in this government, so we re-
commend it to universal practice."

Mr. Todd, the next year, replied to Mr. Eells, attempt-
ing to vindicate himself with respect to his former narra-
tive, and to justify the ordaining council. Mr. Hart, also,
wrote a reply to Mr. Hobart. But they did litde for the
strengthening of their argument: they used hard words, in
too many instances, instead of arguments. They imputed
dishonourable and grievous things, not only to the united
council, but to Messrs. Eells and Hobart, ^nd the general
association of the colony. They insinuated, that their de-
sign was to deprive the churches of their dearest rights
and liberties. Mr. Hart reproached the corporation of the
college, and charged them with unconstitutional and arbi-
trary measures.* He calls Mr. Hobart's remarks on his
representation that there was a jumble in the constitution
and that it was what it was, most impertinent; and char-
ges him with giving his words a most disingenuous and
perverse turn : and further says, " This is such an instance
of meanness of spirit and perverse ill nature, as I should
not h^ve thought this good gentleman capable of."t He
says, a spirit of jealousy and evil surmisings has possessed
us, and charges the general association of the colony with
it. His words are, " Our last general association gave a
remarkable instance of this shameful distrust and jealousy,
in recommending it to the particular associations, for the
future, not to trust their committees with a power of ex-
* Page 53 of his reply, t Pa^es 54 and 55.

32 1 HISTORY OF Chap. XXV.

Book If. amining, licensing, and recommending candidates for the
v.,^->/-^ ministry ; and to agree to use the consociation councils, in
11 GO. time to come, as the only ordaining councils."* Both
these gendemen wrote in a magisterial manner, as though
they were most certainly right, pleading the cause of God
and liberty ; and faulting all who dift'ered from them,
whether individuals or public bodies. They wrote dis-
respectfully of couiicils, and in a manner calculated to
bring them into disrepute, and,destroy their influence.!

Mr. Hobart replied to those gentlemen, hi a very cool
and dispassionate manner, avoiding all personal reflections,
and keeping close to his argument. He adduced such au-
thorities and facts relative to the opinions and principles of
congregationalists, as he imagined proved v/hat he before
advanced, so far as any thing could be proved by facts and
arguments, and that congregationalists at large, abhorred
the independence and liberty for which they pleaded ; and
that the principle which they maintained, was that of inde-
pendents only. He farther evinced, that the ecclesiastical
constitution of the colony knew of no council but that of
the consociation of the district. That the compilers of it
liad carefully avoided so much as giving even the name of
council to any other number of men, and that whatever re-
lated to the general interest of the churches, in the several
districts, of an ecclesiastical nature, was committed to
them. As he perceived they laid great stress upon that
forced construction which they had put upon the seventh
and eighth articles of discipline, he paid a more particu-
lar attention to them, and showed what an unnatural and
tortured construction they put upon them, totally foreign
from the design of the compilers, inconsistent Avith them-
selves, and a gross perversion and confounding of lan-
guage. He observed, that a minister could not be an of-
fending and aggrieved person in their view, as the church
could pass no censure upon him, as no act of discipline
could be exercised in the church without the consent of the
pastor. He could not, therefore, possibly be conceived as
an offending party, agreeable to their construction. Be-
sides, he observed that it Avas a gross perversion of lan-
guage, and contrary to the common sense and feelings of
mankind ; that offending or scandalous persons and ag-
grieved, were entirely opposite and different characters ;
and that the construction they put upon the articles, was

* Marginal note, p, 40.

t An appeal for the truth of these representations, is made to the pam-
phlets which they v, rote. The advocates on that side of the question,
wrote rather against the platform and constitution itself, than in answer to
Xs-lr, Hobart, as -will appear by reading their pieces.

Chap. XXV. " CONNECTICUT. 525

making the scandalous person, the drunkard and the debau- Book II.
chee, the same as the innocent and upright man, who is in- "^-^~s/-<»s^
]ured and oppressed by the unrighteous judgment, or cru- 1760.
elty of his brethren. Nothing could be more absurd than
this, nothing more contrary to the common use of lan-
guage, and the common sense of mankind.

He also shewed wherein they had evaded and not an-
swered his arguments : and, with respect to the liber-
ties of the churches, he showed in a strong point of light,
that the churches and individuals enjoyed as great, and
even greater liberty, and that all their ecclesiastical rights
were more amply secured by the Saybrook agreement, ac-
cording to his construction of it, than that of his oppo-
iients. Jie represented them as much more free, as the
people of Connecticut, under their mild constitution of
civil government were, than if they had no constitution, or
law to control and govern them.

These gentlemen made no reply to Mr. Hobart. But
several other pieces were written against his cpnstruction
of the ecclesiastical constitution of the colony ; some in fa-
vor of Cambridge platform, as preferable to Saybrook
agreement, others in the strain of independence, but not
meeting the arguments of Mr. Hobart. or in any measure
invalidating them. Though there was a considerable party
in the colony who were advocates for Mr. Dana and the
ordination council, yet the great body of the clergy and
the churches in general, put the same construction on the
constitution which Mr. Hobart had done. The advice of
the general association was very generally adopted by
;he associations and consociations ; greater attention was
paid, both to the morals, qualifications and orthodoxy of
candidates for the ministry ; ordinations have generally
been attended by the consociations of the several districts
in which they have been performed.

The aggrieved members in Wallingford were released
from taxes to the support of Mr. Dana, by the General
Assembly, in the October session in 1759, and allowed to
worship by themselves. The Rev. Simon Waterman was
ordained pastor over them, October 7th, 1761. The
church members at their beginning were fifty, and at the
ordination of their pastor, they were increased to sixty-
one. The people were made a distinct society, by the
name of Wells, in May, 1763.

Mr. Dana v/as a young man at the time of his ordina-
tion, and had little acquaintance with the colony, and doubt-
less took his measures wholly from the ordaining council.
Whatever his sentiments were at the time of his ordination.

526

HISTORY OF

Chap. XXV.

Book If. lie doubtless considerably changed them upon further ini-
^-rf^^v-'x-' provement and more mature consideration. He made no
1760. secret of it, that he committed numbers of his first sermons
to the flames. It is but just to observe, that he was a scho-
lar and a gentleman, and a man of very general informa-
tion, of hospitality, and irreproachable morals.

The gentlemen of the ordination council never reconcil-
ed themselves to their brethren, but died in a state of ex-
clusion from associational and consociational communion.
It was remarkable that, after they had carried the claims
of the association and consociation higher than any other
gentlemen in the colony, and had excluded others in an
extraordinary manner from communion with the associa-
tion and consociation, and from the communion of theii'
churches, they should finally be excluded themselves.* This
was the unhappy issue of the ordination at Wallingford ;
it divided the town, alienated brethren, effected divisions
in the commonwealth and churches, and after all, the arts
and struggles of the gentlemen who performed it, to excul-
pate themselves, criminate and cast odium upon othe,rs,
brought dishonor and evil upon themselves. So it ofteii
eventually proves that, with what measure men mete h
is measured to them again.

* Some of them had excluded numbers from communion in their church--
cs, of their own laere authority and sovereign pleasure, without any vote
or consent of the brethren, for liearing their zealous bretliren, though re-
gularly ordained, orthodox, and unimpeachable as to their morals. They
jhad shut such men out of their pulpits, contrary to all the rult.s of the con-
stitution. •

Chap. XXVL

CONNECTICtJT.

5-2?

CHAPTER XXVL

A Catalogue of the Congregational and Consociated Ministers of Con-
necticut, from the year 1713 to the year 1764, inclusively.

COUNTY OF HARTFORD.

Ministers' JVames.

Timothy Woodbridge
Daniel Wadsworth
Edward Dorr
Thomas Buckingham
Elnathan Whitman
Samuel Woodbridge
Eliphalet Williams
Benjamin Colton
Nathaniel Hooker
Jonathan Marsh
William Russell
Timothy Edwards
Joseph Perry
John Woodbridge
Samuel Tudior
Ebenezer Mills
Nehemiah Strong
John McKinstry*
Nathaniel Huntington
Seth Norton
Hezekiah Bissell
Thomas Potwin
Stephen Mix
James Lo-»kwood
Elisha Williams
Simon Backus
Joshua Belden
Daniel Russell
Samuel Whitman
Timothy Pitkin
William Burnham
Samuel Clarke
Jeremiah Curtis
Benjamin Chapman
Samuel Newell
Ebenezer Bogge
Noadiah Russell
William Russell
Enoch Huntington
Joseph Smith
Edward Eells

J^ames of Towns.

Hartford,

1st

church

2d do.

3d do.

East-Hartford
4th do. Hartf.
west division
Windsor,
1st church
2d do.
East-Windsor

Poquonack
Turkey Hills

Ellington

Wintonbury
North- Windsor
Weathersfield,
1st church

2d do.

Sd do.
Farmington,
1st church

2d do.

3d do.

4th do.
5th do.^

Middletown,
1st church

2d do.

When ordained,
or installed.

Nov. 18, 1685
Sept. 28, 1733
April 20, 1748

Nov. 29,
March 30,
March 30,
Feb. 24,
Dec. 21,
June,
July 24,
May,
June 11,

January,
May,

Feb. 28,
Oct. 17,
Dec. 28,
Nov 11,
June 7,
Dec. 10,
June, •
Dec. 10,
July,
Nov. 13,
March 17,
August,
Nov. 27,
Oct. 14,
June 1,
Jan. 6,
Jan. 5,
Sept. 6,

1732
1705
1758
1713
1757
1710
1751
1694
1755

January, 1740

Installed, 1730

Died, or rerttovtd:

April 30, 1732

Nov. 19, 1731

June 9, 1746'

March 1, 1749

Sept. 8, 1747

Jan. 27, 1758-

Resigned, 1756-

1740

1754

1694 Aug. 28, I7S8

1737

1722 Removed,! 1726

1726 1745
1747

1727 Sept. 16, 1764
1706 1751
1752

1712 Sept. 23, 1750
1756

1728 Dismissed, 1755
1756
1747
1751

1658 Dec. 13, 17ia
1715 June 12, 1761
1762

1715 Sept. 8, 1736^
1738

* Mr. McKinstry was educated at Edinburgb ; died 1757, aged 77,
t Was chosen rector of Yale College.

528

HISTORY OF

Chap. XXVL

Ministers^ JVamcs.

JVdmes of Towns.

Daniel Nfwell
Mnii^es Cartlelt
Ebenezfir Gould
John Norton
Cenjumin Bowers
Benjamin Boardman
Jeremiah Hobart*
Phi\iehas Fisk
Aaron Cleveland
Joshua Elderkin
Eleazar May
Dudley Woodbrids;c
Timothy Woodbridge
Gideon iMills
Benajah Root
Benjamin Ruggles
Ebenezer Devotion
Ebenezer Gay
John Graham
P'fafhaniel Collins
Peter Reynolds
John Southmayd
Mark Leavenworth
John Trumbull
Samuel Todd
Timothy Stevens
Ashbei Woodbridge
John Eells
Chiliab Brainard
Kehemiah Brainard
Isaac Chalker
John Bliss
Bonjamin Poracroyf
Stephen Steele
Nathan Williams
Thomas White
George Colton
Ebenezer Keliogs

Middletown,
8d society
4th do.
5th do.

Middle Haddam

Haddam

Simsbury,
Ist church.

Suffield,
1st church

2d do.

Enfield

Waterbury

Westbury
Northbury

Glastenbury,
1st church

2d do.

Hebron

Tolland

Bolton,
1st church
2d do.

COUNTY OF NEW-HAVEN.

When ordained,
or installed.

Died, or removed.

Oct. 25,

1721

Sept. 14,

1731

June 6,

1733

December,

1747

Nov. 29,

1748

Sept. 14,

1740

May 16,

1761

Jan. 5,

1762

Installed,

1700

1715

1714

1738

1749

Dismissed,

1753

1749

Dismissed,

1753

1756

March 3,

1796

Aug. 3,

1710

1712

Aug 28,

1742

September

1744

August,

1751

Aug. 10,

1757

May,

1698

Sept. 5,

17»8

June 23,

1710

April 11,

1741

Jan. 13,

1742

Oct. 22,

1746

1724

March,

1740

Aug. 20,

1797

1793

April 14,

172C

October,

1728

Aug. 16,

175£

June 27,

1759

January,

1736

June 1,

173C

January,

1740

Nov. 9,

174i

Inst;illed,

1744

October,

1717

Dismissed,

173^

December,

1735

178"^

Februarj'-,

1722

175£

April,

1760

Oct. 2G,

W25

Feb. 22,

176^

Nov. 9,

1763

November,

1762

Joseph No yes ? New-Haven, July 4,

Chauncey Whittolsey ^ 1st church March 1,

J.col, Hemingway } East-Haven ^^"l^^^''

Nicholas Street S ^-''^t. 8,

James Wetmore

Isaac Stiles ^ North-Haven Nov. 11,

Benjamin Trumbull S Dec. 24,

Samuel Johnson

Jonathan Arnold

Timothy Allen

Naihan Birdseye j October,

Noah Wiliiston j | June,

* Mr. Hobart died in the 85th year of his asje, and 15th of his ministry, in Haddam.
Mr. Fisk was at collepje wifli liim about one year.

t l.>r. Pomeiov diod in the 81st year of his age, anfl 49th of his ministry,
I Declared lor Episcopacy. 5 Declared for Episcopacy.

West-Haven

1716 June 14, 1761

1758

1711 October, 1754

1755

1718 Dismissed,! 1722

1724 May 14, 1760
1760
1720|Dismissed,55 1722

1725 Dismissed, 1734
Dismissed, 1742
Dismissed, 1758

1738
1742
1760

Chap. XXVL

CONNECTICUT.

529

Ministers^ Mames.

Benjamin Woodbridge
Stephen Hawley
Samuel Bird
Samuel Andrew
Samuel Whittelsey
Job Prudden
Thomas Ruggles
Thomas Ruggles, jun'r
Amos Fowler
John Hart
Jonathan Todd
Samuel Russell
John Richards
John Sprout
Richard Ely
Samuel Russell
Philemon Robbins
Jonathan Merrick
Warham Williamis
Samuel Whittelsey
James Dana
Samuel Hall
Theophilus Hall
Joseph Moss
I)aniel Humphreys
Jonathan Lyman
David Bronson
Nathaniel Chauncey
Elizur Goodrich

Names of Towns.

Amity
Bethany
Wliite-Haven
Milford,
1st church
2d do*

Guilford,
1st church

East-Guilford

Cohabit, or
North-Guilford
4th church
5th do.
Branford,
1st church
2d do.
3d do.

Wallingford,
1st church
Cheshire, 2d do,
Meriden, 8d do.
Derby,
1st church
Oxford,
2d do.

Duriianj

TVlien ordmned, r» • j j

• - 77 I iUied, or removed,
or instaUed. > '

Inst.Oct.13,
Nov. 18,
Dec. 9,
May,
Nov. 20,
March,
June 3,
November,
Oct, 23,
June,

November,
April 17,
June 3,
Probably,
Feb. 7,

April,
Oct. 12,
December,
Oct. 29,
About

October,
April 25,
Feb.- 7,
Nov. 24,

1742

1751
1685
1737
1747
1795
1729
1758
1687
1732
1725
1748
1748
1758
1687
1732
1727

1710

1758
1724
1729
1706
1733
1745
1764
1711
1756

Jan. 24, 1738
Died,

March,

1723

1732

COUNTY or NEW-LONDON.

Eliphalet Adams
Mather Byles
James Hillhouse
David Jewett
Thomas Buckingham
Azariah Mather
William Hart
Abraham Nott
Stephen Holmes
John Devotion
Jared Harrison
Simeon Stoddard
James Noyes
Ebenezer Russell
Joseph Fish
Nathaniel Eells
John Woodward
Benjamin Lordf

New-London,
1st church

2d do.

Saybrook,
1st church

2d do.
3d do.
4th do.
Stonington
Nortii society
East do.
Norwich

February, 1709
Nov. 18, 1757
Inst. Oct. 3, 1722
Oct. 3, 1739

Nov. 17, 1736

Septemljer, 16 74] Dec
Feb. 22, 1727
Dec. 27, 1732
July 14, 1733

January, 1746
Dismissed, 1765

June 25, 1731

April 15, 1752

1731
Oct. 19, 1763
Feb. 1, 1756

April, 1753

Dismissed

November, 1717

30, 1719-:*

Died, May 22,

[1731

Died Mar.4, 1784

* After the death of Mr. Noyes, Stonington was divided into two societies.

t Dr. Lord died about 90 years of age. He was sole pastor of the church until his
84th year, and died in the 67th year of his ministry. During his ministry, the town
,was divided into eight ecclesiastical societies. *■

530

HISTORY OF

Chap. XXVI,

MUniskrs' jVames.

ttenry Willis
John Ellis
Daniel Kirlland
Peter Powers
Benjamin Throop
Jared Elliott
William Seward
Ephraim Woodbridgte
John Owen
Samuel Kirtland
Jonathan Barber
Ebesezer Punderson
Andrew Croswell
Jacob Jolinson
Moses Noyesf
Samuel Pierpont
Jonathan Parsons|
Stephen Johnson
Ebenezer Mack
George Griswold.
George Beckwith
Sahnon Treat
Asher Rossiter
Hezekiah Lord
liCvi Hart
John Bulkley
Ephraim Little
S^oseph Lovett
Judah Lewis
Thomas Skinner
Hobert Robbins

J^Tames of Toions.

Norwich,
Sd church

3d do.

4th do. Bozrah
Killingworth
N. Killingworth

Groton,
1st church

2d do.
3d do.

Lyme,

1st church

I
2d do.

Sddo.
Preston,
1st church

2d do.

Colchester,
1st church
2d do.

3d do. Chester

Wlien ordained, I ri • j • j

«,. ,\,./.7/.^ \Dted, or removed

or installed.

Oct. 8,

Dec. 10,
Dec. 2,
Jan. 3,
Oct. 26,

Nov. 8,
Nov. 22,
Dec. 19,
Nov. 3,
Dec. 2&,

June,

Dec. 10,

1718
1753

1723
1756
1738
1709

1704
1727
1757
1758
1729
1736
1748
1693
1724

Dec. 10, 1746

Nov. 16,
March 14,
Nov. 20,
Nov. 4,
December,
Sept. 20,

Dec. 17,

April,

October,

1698
1744
1720
1762
1703
1732
1719
1729
1742
1764

Dismissed, 1750
Dismissed

April 22, 1763

Died, 1724

1753

Dismissed, 1758

Dismissed*
Resigned, 174C

Drowned, 172^

Res'd, Maf. 1744

June, 1761

June, 1731

Dismissed, 1745
October, 1763

COUNTY OF FAIRFIELD.

Joseph Webb
Noah Hobart
Daniel Chapman
Daniel Buckingham
John Goodsell
Seth Poraeroy
James Johnson
Nathaniel Hunn5^
Nathaniel Bartlett
Samuel Sherwood
Timothy Cutler ||
Hezekiah Gould
Israhiah Wetmore

Fairfield,
1st church
2d do.

Green Farms
3d do.
Greenfield
North-Fairfield
4th do.
Reading
Northfield

Stratford,
1st church

Aug. 15,
Feb. 7,
Oct. £6,
March 19,
May 18,

Dec. 14,
March 21,
May 23,
Aug. 17,

June,
May,

1694
1733
1715

1742
1726

1763
1783
1753
1757
1709
1722
1753

Sept. 19,
Nov. 28,

Died,

1732

1741

1743

1719
Dismissed, 1752

* He professed episcopacy.

t Mr. Noyes preached 27 years in Lyme before his ordination, because no church
could be formed there till that time.

:{: Mr. Parsons removed to Newburyport, and was considered as a gentleman of very
respectable character.

i Mr. Uunn's vvidoiv lived to be a hundred years old.

Jl Chosen rector of Yale College, 1719. In 1722, was removed fcom his office in the
co^legej as he had professed episcopacy.

Chap. XXVI.

CONNECTICUT.

531

Ministers^ JVa7nes.

Charles Chauncey
Samuel Cooke
Robert Ross
Jedediah Mills
Richardson Minor
James Beebe
Mr. Bostwick
Ebenezer Davenport
Robert Morris
Mr. Sackett
Stephen Monson
Abraham Todd
John Davenport
Ebenezer Wright
INoah Wells
Moses Mather .
Robert Silliman
Benjamin Strong
Stephen Buckingham
Moses Dickinson
Robert Sherwood
William Gaylord
Seth Shove
Ebenezer White
'Ehomas Brooks
Noah Wetmore
David Judson
Jonathan Ingersoll
Benajah Case
James Taylor
Thomas Lewis
Elijah Sill

JVames of Towns.

Stratiield

Ripton
North-Stratford

Greenwich,
1st church

West-Greenwich

Stamford,
1st church

2d do. Middlesex

Canaan

Stanwick

Norwalk,

1st church

2d do. Wilton

Danbury,

1st church

2d do. Newbury

Sd do. Bethel

Newtown

Ridgefield

New-Fairfield
North society

Jflien orda

ined,

or installed.

February,

1724

January,

1730

1717

May 29,

1728

1733

1694

May,

1732

Dec. 31,

1746

June 17,

1735

Nov. 17,

1697

1727

July 20,

1726

Feb. 13,

1732

1696

March 10,

1736

Sept. 28,

1758

Nov. 25,

1760

Nov. 9,

1742

March 29,

1758

March 28,

1744

Oct. 17,

1751

Died, 6r removed.

Dismissed, 1742*

May,

1727
1730

February, 1731
May, 1746

Resign'd,Feb.24,

[1727
Dismissed, 1733

Oct. 3, 1735

Dismissed, 175E

COUNTY OF WINDHAM.

Samuel Whiting
Thomas Clap
Stephen White
William Billings
Samuel Mosely
Ebenezer Devotion
Joseph Coit
David Rowland
Samuel Easterbrooks
John Wadsworth
James Cogswell
Ebenezer Williams
Richard Salter
William Throop
Daniel Welch

Windham,
1st church

2d do.
Sddo.
Plainfield

Canterbury

Mansfield,
1st church

2d do.1

Nov. 4,
Aug. 3,
Dee. 24,
May 20,
May 15,
Oct. 22,
January,
March 16,
June 13,
March 28,
Dec. 28,
Oct. 18,
June 27,
Oct. 11,
June 29,

1700

1726
1740
1733

1734
1735
1703

1748
1711

1729
1744
1710

1744
1744

1752

Sept. 27, 1725
Removed, Dec.
[10, 1739f

July 26, 1791

March 16, 174i
Dis'd,Ap.23,1761

1727
1741

June 26,
March 1,

Sept. 20,

June 13,

1742

1746

* Mr. Minor declared for episcopacy, 1742. He went for orders, and di«d in Eng-
land.

+ Mr. Clap was chosen rector of Yale College, and installed in his office, April 2d,
1740. He presided over the college with great ability and reputation, for about 27
years. He r&signed lii.s office, Sept. lOthj 1764. He died at New-Haven, Jan. 7th, 1767,

532

HISTORY OF

Chap. XXVL

Ministers^ jVamcs. JVames of Towns

James Hale
John Bass
Timothy Alien
Joseph Parsons
Samuel Wells
Solomon Williams
Mr. Smith,
W^illiam Gager,
Eleazar Wheelock
Jacob Elliott
Ebenezer Williams
Aaron Putnam
Ephraim Avery
Josiah Whitney
David Ripley
Josiah Dwight
Amos Throop
Abe! S. Stiles
Abiel Leonard
Stephen Williams
Seth Paine
Eli Colton
John Willard
Isaac Foster
Samuel Dorrancet
John Fisk
Payley Ilowe
Aaron Brown
Martin Cabot
Noadiah Russell
Nehemiah Barker
Samuel Wadsworth
Eden Burroughs

Ashford

Lebanon,
1st church

2d do.

3d do.
Pomfret,"
1st chur<;h

2d do.

3d do.

Woodstock,
1st dmrch^

Stafford,
1st church

2d do.
Voluntown

Killingly,
1st church

2d do.

since Thompson

3d do.

JVhen ordained,
or installed.

Nov 26,

1718

Sept. 7,

1743

Oct. 12,

1751

Nov. 27,

1700

Dec. 5,

1710

Dec. 5,

1722

1720

May 27,

1725
1739

1728

Oct, 26,

1715

March 10,

1756

Sept. 4,

1735

Feb. 4,

1756

Feb. 21,

1753

1690

May 24,
July 27,

1727
*1737

June 23,

+ 1763

July 27,

1747
1734

1744

March 23,

1757

Oct. 31,

1764

1723

1715

1746

1754

Feb. 5,

1730

Nov. 9,

1757

1746

1747

1760

Died, or removed.

October, 1742
1751

1708
Dis'd,Dec.4,1722

May 27, 1725
May, • 1739

March 28, 1753
Oct. 20, 1754

Sept. 3, 172Q

Sept. 10, 1735

1760

July 20, 1740
June 8, 1756

Nov. 12, 17t5
1741

1753

April, 1756

Dismissed, 176S.

COUNTY OF LITCHFIELD.'

Timothy Collins
Judah Champion
Da'.iiel Boardman
Nathaniel Taylor
Zachariah Walker
Anthonj' Stoddard
Noah Benedict
John Graham
Thomas Canfield
Andrew Bartholomew
Jonathan Marsh,
Nathaniel Roberts
Elijah Webster
Daniel Farrand

Litchfield

New-Milford

Woodbury,
1st church

2d do. Southbury
3d do. Roxbury
Harwinton
New-Hartford
Torrington

Canaan

June 19,
July 4,

June 29,
May 5,
May 27,
Oct. 22,
Jan. 17,
August,
About
October,

Oct. 1,
Aug. 12,

1723
1753
1716

1748

1670

1702

17601

173

1744

1737

1739

1741

1740

1752

Dismissed, Oct.
[14, 1753
1744

Sept. 6,

1700
1760

Dismissed, Oct,

[14,1752

* On a division of the society, in 1760, Mr. Stiles removed to the north society,
where he died, July 25tb, 17o3, in the 7.'ith year of his age, and 46tb of his ministry,
f Mr. Leonard came to an untimely end, by laying violent hands upon himself.
;J: Mr Porr-^Dce died Ju ttie 47th yeai' of liis iministryj &nd in the 90tb year of his a^e.

Chap, XXVL

Ministers^ JVames,

Mr. Pratt
John Searje
Cotton Smith
Stephen Heaton
Abel Newell
Cyrus Marsh
Joel Bordwell
Sylvnnus Osborii
Jonathan Lee
Ammi R. Robbins
Reuben Judd
Daniel Brinsmade
Noah Wadha.ms

HISTORY OF

633

JVames of Towns.

fFhen ordained,
or installed.

Died, or removed.

Sharon

Aug. 28,

1755

Goshen

1740

1754

DiaipissQd, 1753

Kent,

May 6,

1741

175«

1st church

Oct. 8,

175»

2d do.

Jan. 29,

1757

Salisbury

Nov. 23,

1744

Norfolk

October,

1761

Parish of Judea

M^rph 1,

174*
1748

3747

Jfe>y-Prestop

iw

HISTORY OF Ghap, XXVII.

CHAPTER XXVII.

History of the Episcopal church and ministers in Connecti'
cut, from 1713 to 1764.

I HE episcopal church in Stratford is the oldest of that
denomination in the state. Of the origin of this, an
account was given in the first volume of this history. But,
episcopacy made very little progress in Connecticut, until
after the declaration of rector Cutler, Mr. Johnson, Mr.
Wetmore and Mr. Brown, for episcopacy, in 1722. Num-
bers of Mr. Johnson's and of Mr. Wetmore's hearers pro-
fessed episcopacy with them, and set up the worship of
God, according to the manner of the church of England, in
West and North-Haven. Mr. afterwards Dr. Johnson,
was a gentleman distinguished for literature, of popular
talents and engaging manners. In 1724, after receiving
episcopal ordination in England, he returned to Stratford,
and under his ministry, to that and the neighboring church-
es of that denomination, they were increased.

About the year 1722, or 1723, public worship, accord-
ing to the liturgy of the church of England, was first per-
formed in Fairfield, by the Rev. Mr. Picket, then mission-
ary at Stratford. There were then six families only, of the
denomination of episcopalians in the town. Mr. Johnson,
who succeeded Mr. Picket, preached to them occasionally
and administered the sacraments. In 1 725, they were so
increased, that they were able to erect a small house for
public worship. Two years after, they purchased a small
glebe and parsonage house, and sent an account of their
state and proceedings, to the society in England, for
propogating the gospel in foreign parts. They desired
the society to appoint Mr. Henry Canner to be their priest.
They succeeded in their application. Mr. Canner was a
jnan of talents and agreeable manners. He was highly
esteemed by his people, and under his ministrations the
church increased, so that they found their house of wor-
ship too small for their accommodation ; and in 1758, they
erected a second house of worship, \yith a steeple and bell.
But, in 1744, Mr. Canner, to the very great grief of his
people, was removed to Boston. He officiated in king's
chapel until 1775. On the commencement- of the revolu-
tionary war, he returned to England, and died at a great
age, in the land of his nativity.

To Mr. Canner succeeded the Rev. Joseph Lamson,:
in 1745.

Ohap. XXVII. CONNECTICUT. 435

On the 25th of September, 1725, an episcopal church Book It.
was formed in New-London. Their first priest was the v-^-nt-w^
Rev. Samuel Seabuiy, appointed April 10th, 1732. He
continued with the people until 1743, when he remov-
ed to Hempstead, on Long-Island. To him succeeded the
Rev. Matthew Graves, April 26th, 1748.

About the year 1734, episcocapy commenced at He-
bron. The Rev. John Bliss, the first minister of the town,
having been dismissed from his pastoral labors, in that
church and congregation, by an ecclesiastical council, soon
after declared for episcopacy, and a number of his warm
adherents declared with him. In 1735, they erected a
church house. He preached to them and read service for
a number of years, but was never in orders.

After his death, Mr. Seabury, of New-London, visited
them four or five times a year, preached and administered
the sacraments to them, and was allowed ten pounds a year
for his services at Hebron.

The Rev. Mr. Dean went to England, and took orders
for the church at Hebron, but died at sea, on his return,
about the year 1745. The Rev. Mr. Punderson, of Gro-
ton, then preached to them and administered the sacra-
ments from 1746 to 1752. The people at Hebron, were
very unfortunate with respect to the gentlemen who went
to England for orders in their behalf. A Mr. Cotton, in
1752, received orders for them, but he died on his pas-
sage for New-England, with the small pox. Mr. Graves,
of New-London, served them from 1752 to 1757. In
1757, one Mr. Usher went for orders in their behalf. He
was taken by the French on his passage to England, and
died in captivity.

The Rev. Samuel Peters was ordained their priest, in
August, 1759, and the next year returned to New-Eng-
land. He continued priest at Hebron, until the commence-
ment of the revolutionary war, soon after which, he left
this country for Great-Britain.

In 1737, an episcopal church was incorporated at Nor-
walk, by the Rev. Mr. Canner. It continued under his
care until his brother, the Rev. Richard Canner, arrived,
in orders, from England, and became its priest. He offi-
ciated there four or five years, and then removed to Staten-
Island. In 1751, Mr. John Fowle was recommended to
the society in England, for orders, for that church. He
Teturned in orders, and officiated there about five years.
The people by that time, were so dissatisfied with his mor-
al conduct, that he was dismissed, Tq him succeeded the
Rev. Jer^Epiah Learning.

5SS HISTORY OF Chap. XXVII.

BookIL About the year 1736 or 1737, an episcopal church was
.-^-v^^^ formed in what was called Norwich long society. The
Rev. Ebenezer Punderson was appointed their missiona-
ry. He had been pastor of the second church in Gro-
ton. In 1 733, he professed himself to be a conformist to
the church of England. Some time afterwards he went to
England, and became priest of that church for several
years.

About the same time, several people appeared to be
churchmen in Newtown and Waterbury. The Rev. John
Beach was appointed incumbent over the episcopalians in
Newtown. In 1737, there Were but two or three families
of church people in Waterbury, and they increased very
little, until the year 1742, when a considerable number of
families professed themselves to be of the church of Eng-
land ; and went off from the congregation to which they
formerly belonged, and joined that communion. Soon af-
ter, a church house was erected. Before this, one Mr.
Arnold preached to them a few times. He had been minis-
ter at West-Haven, and, imbibing episcopacy, he went to
England, and took orders for West-Haven and Derby.
He returned about the year 1 737. He preached to them a
few years, and then removed to Staten Island. Dr. John-
son of Stratford, and Mr. Beach of Newtown, visited them
occasionally, preached and administered the ordinances to
them. Soon after the erecting of their church house, one
Mr. Morris was appointed, by the society in England, to
preach to them and other churches of that denomination.
He continued but a short time, and it seems that, not liking
the country, he returned to Europe.

An episcopal church and congregation had been formed
at Derby, and one Mr. Lyon was appointed missionary
for Derby and Waterbury. He continued wdth them a-
bout four or five years, and then removed to Long-Island.
To him succeeded the Rev. Richard Mansfield, about the
year 1749. He preached part of the time at Derby and
the other part at Waterbury, until the year 1758. By this
time, the church in Waterbury had gready increased. In
the society of Northbury, a majority of the people were,
for a time, churchmen, and the Rev. James Scovil was ap-
pointed their missionary.

In 1740, a church house was erected at Ripton. The
church in this place was under the care of Dr. Johnson,
until the year 1755, Avhen the Rev. Christopher Newtoji
was appointed their missionary.

The church was formed in Stamford in 1747, and anoth-
er small one soon after at Greenwich. Their only wi?-
sionary has been the Re'v. Ebenezer Dibble.

Chap. XXVII. CONNECTICUT. 537

About the year 1 750, a church professing episcopacy Book II,
commenced at Middletown, and, two years after, they -.,^-w-*^
erected them a handsome church, with a steeple and bell.
In 1751, Mr. Ichabod Camp went to England for ordina-
tion, with a view to the church in Middletown and Walling--
ford. In Wallingford, there \yere thirteen subscribers for
him, ten in the first society and three in Cheshire. In
North-Haven, there were two only. He returned in 1752,
with an appointment of missionary for Middletown and
Wallingford. In 1760, he left Middletown, and removed
to Louisburg in Virginia. To him succeeded the Rev.
Abraham Jarvis, afterwards bishop Jarvis, in the church
at Middletown ; and the Rev. Samuel Andrews in the 1762^
church at Wallingford. He supplied the church at North-
Haven, once in four sabbaths.

In New-Haven, the church of England commenced
about the same time as that at Middletown. The Rev.
Ebenezer Punderson was their first and only priest from
1755 to 1762, when he removed to Rye, in the state of
New- York. He generally oflBciated once in four sabbaths
at North-Haven, while he continued in New-Haven. To
him succeeded the Rev. Solomon Palmer, in 1763.

At the close of the year 1764, to which this history is
brought down, there were thirteen ministers of the episco-
pal denomination in the colony. They had pluralities.
Few of them were confined to one church only.

They were missionaries from the society for propagat-
ing the gospel in foreign parts. They generally had a
salary from the society, of about fifty pounds sterling, up-
on an average : some had more and some less.

The churches were supplied with books suited to their
mode of worship, from the society in England. To them
the missionaries annually transmitted an account of their
labors and churches. This was the state of the episco-
pal churches, in Connecticut, until the American revolu-
tion.

§3

HISTORY OF CiMP. XXVllI.

CHAPTER XXVIIL

Sketches of the Separates and Baptists,

OF the separation from the standing churches, an ac-
count has been given, and of the disorders arfd op-
pressions of those limes when they commenced. Church-
es of this character were formed in New-London, Stoning-
ton, Preston, Norwich, Lyme, Canterbury, Plainfield^
Windsor, Suffield and Middletown. Some of their church-
es and congregations were nearly as large as some of fhe
standing churches. There were ten or twelve churches
and congregations of this denomination, first and last, in
the colony. Some of them carried their enthusiasm to a
greater extreme than others. In New-London, they car-
ried it to such a degree, that they made a large fire to burn
their books, clothes, and ornaments, which they called
their idols ; and which they now determined to forsake and
utterly to put away^ This imaginary work of piety and
self-denial they undertook on the Lord's day, and brought
their clothes, books, necklaces and jewels together, in
the main street. They began with burning their errone-
ous books : dropping them one after another into the fire,
pronouncing these words, " If the author of this book died
in the same sentiments and failh in which he wrote it, as-
the &mokeof this pile ascends, so the smoke of his torment
will ascend forever and ever. Hallelujah. Amen." But
they were prevented from burning their clothes and jew-
els. John Lee, of Lyme, told them his idols were his wife
and children, and that he could not burn them ; it would
be contrary to the laws of God and man : That it was im-
possible to destroy idolatry without a change of heart, and
of the affections.

How much they held to a miraculous and immediate as-
sistance of the Spirit, in their performances, may appear
by a charge given to elder Paul Parks, of Preston, at hi.'^
ordination. He was solemnly charged not to premeditate,
or think, before hand, what he should speak to the people :
but to speak as the Spirit should give him utterance. The
preachers of this denomination were laymen, and their or
dinations were of the same sort.

Their zeal and enthusiasm abated as they were kindly-
treated, and the oppressive laws were repealed.

For this purpose the dissenters in England deeply in-
terested themselves. They had a committee to guard

€hap. XXVIIL CONNECTICUT. ?39

.their liberties, and to oppose all measures which might be Book U,
attempted to infringe them. At the head of this, was Dr. v-<^/-v'
Avery, a very noted and influential gentleman. He wrote
to a gentleman in New-England, " I am very sorry to
hear of the persecuting spirit that prevails in Connecticut.
Jt is unaccountable, thaX those who live and breathe by
liberty, should deny it to their brethren. If any gentle-
men that suffer by these coercive laws will apply to me,
■I will use my influence that justice shall be done them."*
This letter was read in the General Assembly. In conse-
quence of it, governor Law wrote to Dr. Avery, acquaint-
ing him with the disorders and extravagancies into which
the people ran, under a pretence of, and zeal for religion,
which had occasioned such laws to curb their excesses.
The Dr. replied, that he disliked such wildness and disor-
der as much as he did; but that civil penalties were not
the proper remedy to heal them. Upon a revision of the
laws soon after, the laws which had given so much trouble
and done so much dishonor to the colony, were expunged,
or left out. The churches of this denomination are now
generally extinct. Some have returned to the standing
churches, but they have generally turned baptists.

With respect to this denomination of christians, there
were but a few of them in the colony, at the period to
which this history comes down. The first appearance of
them, in Connecticut, was at Groton, about the year 1700.
In 1710, Mr. Valentine Wightman was ordained their
pastor. He continued in his ministry with them between
thirty and forty years. He died, June 9th, 1747. He was
succeeded by elder Daniel Fisk, from Rhode-Island, who
was installed in autumn of the same year. He continued
with them in ministry about ten years, and was dismissed.
To him succeeded ]V][r. Timothy Wightman, son of their
first pastor, who was ordained, May 20th, 1756.

There were a few baptists in New-London and Lyme,
in 1720, they called one Stephen Gorton, a young man,
who was a warm exhorter, from Rhode-Island, to be their
teacher ; he was ordained by elder Wightman, He was
supposed to be a descendant of Gorton, who gave so
much trouble in Massachusetts, in the first settlement of
that state. He was brought up in great ignorance. When,
he came to New-London he married a Connecticut girl,
and she learned him to read and write. This church and
congregation increased to about an hundred and fifty mem-

* Manuscripts of the Rev. Mr, Birdseye. It is probable, that the gen-
tleman to whom the letter was addressed, nas vector Williams, for Mr.
pirdreye gays, he shewed him the letter.

540 HISTORY OF Chap. XXVIII.

Book II. bers, and were respectable among the baptists in Rhode-
-•..^-v-%./ Island. They attended their general meetings. The
ministers in the vicinity of New-London began to be a-
larmed ; and as they understood that Wightman of Gro-
ton, Moss of Providence, Gorton of New-London, and
one Hitchcock, a seventh day baptist, were about to meet
at Lyme, for the propagation of their opinions, on the 7th
of June, 1727, the Rev. Messrs. Adams of New-London,
Bulkley of Colchester, Griswold, Noyes and Mather, met
with them, by agreement, and they had a public disputa-
tion, on the points of difference between them. But they
parted much as they began, each retaining their former
opinions. There were, probably, a few scattering bap-
tists at Lyme, attached to Gorton's congregation, which
was gathered from different places.

Gorton was not of a good moral character. Soon after
the disputation at Lyme, he was accused of sodomy, by
his own church ; and, after many trials before them, the
cause was referred to a general meeting of the baptists in
Rhode-Island. Many witnesses appeared against him, and
the general meeting condemned his conduct as unworthy
of an elder, and advised the church to dismiss him. Ho
persisted in his office, but it scattered his congregation,
and left but very few hearers.

A number of baptists appeared in Wallingford, about
♦he year 1735. They consisted of about ten families.
They built them a small house of worship, in which they
assembled for a number of years. Their first elder was
Timothy Waters, who was succeeded by John Merriman.
They were laymen of no great talents, and the church, ma-
ny years since, became extinct. As late as the year 1 764,
it does not appear that there was one family of that de-
nomination in the town. .

There were a considerable number of baptists in the so-
ciety of Weston, and a small number in Greenwich, on the
line between Connecticut and New- York. It is believed
that these were all the baptists in Connecticut, before the
year 1764,

APPENDIX

NUMBER I.

A PLAN of a proposed union of the several colonies of Massa-
chusetts Bay, New-Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode-Island,
New- York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North-
Carolina and South-Carolina, for their mutual defence and security,
and for extending the British setdements in North-America, in
July, 1754.

I. That humble application be made for an act of parliament of
Great-Britain, by virtue of which, one general government may be
formed in America, including all the said colonies, within and un-
der which government each colony may retain its present constitu-
tion, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed in
the said act, as hereafter follows.

II. That within months after the passing of such act, the
house of representatives that happens to be sitting within that time,
or that shall be especially for that purpose convened, shall choose
mfembers for the grand council in the following proportions, that is
to say,

Massachusetts Bay, 7

New-Hampshire, 2

Connecticut, 5

Rhode-Island, 2

New- York, 4

New-Jersey, 3

Pennsylvania, 6

Maryland, 4

Virginia, 7

North-Carolina, 4

South-Carolina, 4 — [Total, 48]

who shall meet for the first time 'at the city of Philadelphia, in
Pennsylvania, being called by the president general, as soon as
conveniently may be after his appointment.

III. That there shall be a new election of the members of the
gtand council every three years ; and on the death or resignation of

^42 APPENDIX.

any member, bis place shall be supplied by a new choice ai the'
next sitting of the assembly of the colony he represented.

IV. That after the first three years, when the proportion of the
money arising out of each colony to the general treasury can be
known, the number of members to be chosen by each colony shall,
from time to time, in all ensuing elections, be regulated by that
proportion, yet so as the number to be chosen by any one pro-
vince, be not more than seven, nor less than two.

V. That the grand council shall meet once in every year, and ofy
(ener if occasion require, at such time and place as they shall ad-
journ to at the last preceding meeting, or as they shall be called to
meet at by the president general on any emergency ; he having
first obtained, in writing, the consent of seven of the members to
such call, and sent due and timely notice to the whole.

VI. That the grand council have right to choose their speaker ;
and shall neither be dissolved, prorogued, nor continued sitting,
longer tiian six weeks at one time, without their own consent^ or
the special command of the crown.

VII. That the members of the grand council shall be allowed
for their services, ten shillings sterling per diem, during their ses-
sion and journey to and from the place of meeting ; twenty miles to
be reckoned a day's journey.

VIII. That the assent of the president general be requisite to all
acts of the grand council, and that it be his office and duty to cause
them to be carried into execution.

IX. 7'hat the president general, with the advice of the grand
council, hold or direct all Indian treaties, in which the general in-
terest of the colonies ma}' be concerned : and make peace- and de-
clare war with Indian nations.

: X. That they make such laws as shall be judged necessary for
regulating the Indian trade.

Xjl. That they make all purchases from the Indians, for the
crown, of lands, not now within the bourids of particular colonies,
or that shall not be within their bounds when some of them are re-
duced to more convenient dimensions.

XII. That they make new settlements on such purchases, by
granting lands in the king's name, reserving a quit rent to the
crown, for the use of the general treasury.

XIII. That they make laws for regulating and governing such
new settlements, till the crown should think fit to form them into
particular governments.

XIV. That they raise and pay soldiers, and build forts, for the
defence of any of the colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard
the coasts, and protect trade on the ocean, lakes, or the great riv-
ers ; but they shall not impress men in any colony, without the con-
sent of the legislature.

XV. That for these purposes, they have power to make laws,

APPENDIX. ^43

and lay and levy such general duties, imposts, or taxes, as to them
shall appear most equal and just, (considering the ability and other
circumstances of the inhabitants in the several colonies,) and such
as may be collected with the least inconvenience to the people,
rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessary
burthens.

XVI. That they may appoint a general treasurer, and particular
treasurers in each government, when necessary, and from time to
time, may order the sums in the treasuries of each government
into the general treasury ; or draw on them for special payments,
as they find most convenient.

XVII. Yet no money to issue but by the joint orders of the
president general and grand council ; except where sums have been
appropriated to particular purposes, and the president general is
previously empowered by an act to draw such sums.

XVIII. That the general accounts shall be yearly s'etded and re-
ported to the general assemblies.

XIX. That a quorum of the grand council empowered to act, with
the president general, do consist of twenty-five members ; among'
whom there shall be one or more from a majority of the colonies.

XX. That the laws made by them, for the purposes aforesaid,
shall not be repugnant, but as near as may be agreeable to the laws
of England, and shall be transmitted to the king in council, for ap-
probation, as soon as may be after their passing; and if not disap-
proved within three years after presentation, to remain in force.

XXI. That in case of the death of the president general, the
speaker of the grand council for the time being, shall succeed, and
be vested with the same powers and authorities, to continue till the
king's pleasure be known,

XXII. That all military commission officers, whether for land or
sea service, to act under this general constitution, shall be nomi-
nated by the president general ; but the approbation of the grand
council is to be obtained before they receive their commissions.
And all civil officers are to be nominated by the grand council, and
to receive the president general's approbation before they officiate.

XXilll. But in case of vacancy, by death or removlal of any offi-
cer, civil or military, under this constitution, the governor of the
province under which such vacancy happens, may appoint, till the
pleasure of the president general and grand council can be known.

XXIV. That the particular military, as well as civil establish-
ments in each colony, remain in iheir present state, the general con-
stitution notwithstanding ; and that, on sudden emergencies, any
colony may defend itself, and lay the account of the expense thence
arising before the president general, and general council, who may
allow and order payment of the same, as they judge accounts just
and reasonable.

Doctor Franklin, who afterwards appeared so firmly and nobly in

544 APPENDIX.

the defence of the liberties of America, was a warm advocate for
the plan of a general council, agreed upon in the preceding arti-
cles, which the legislature of Connecticut judged would be more
subversive of their liberties than the government of the king and
parliament. They therefore opposed it by all means in theit
power.

NUMBER 11,

Literature of the State of Connecticut, January^ 1S18.

OF YALE COLLEGE, ITS BUILDINGS, FACULTY, AND LIBRA^

RIES.

Buildings. Length and breadth. Four stones. Ml in a line..
NORTH College, - - 108 feet by 40 feet.

Lyceum, - - - - 56 by 46

Middle College, - - - 100 by 40

Chapel, - - - - 50 by 40

South College, - - - 104 by 38

Back of the colleges, is a Kitchen and large Dining-Room.
Under the Lyceum, is a Laboratory for chemical operations. It
is furnished with an extensive apparatus, and a full course of in-
struction is given in this branch, as well as in natural philosophy,
for which there is also a very valuable apparatus. The great mine-
ral cabinet of colonel Gibbs, consisting of more than 10,000 choice
specimens, is deposited in Yale College, which, also, possesses a
good cabinet of its own, and full courses of instruction are given in,
this branch also.

FACULTY.

Rev. Jeremiah Day, LL.D. President, and Professor of Mathe-
matics and Natural Philosophy.

^NEAS MoNSON, M. D. Profcssor of Materia Medica and Botany.

Nathan Smith, M. D. C.S.M. S. Lond. Professor of the Theory
and Practice of Physic, Surgery, and Obstetricks.

Benjamin Silliman, Professor of Chemistry, Pharmacy, Mine-
ralogy, and Geology.

James L. Kingsley, A. M. Professor of the Hebrew, Greek and
Latin Languages.

Eli Ives, M.D. Adjunct Professor of Materia Medica and Botany,

Jonathan Knight, Professor of Anatomy and Physiology.

Rev. Eleazer T. Fitch, A.M. Professor of Divinity.

Rev. Chauncey A. Goodrich, A. M. Professor of Rhetoric and
Oratory.

Alexander Fisher, A. M. Adjunct Professor of Mathematics and
Philosophy.

TUTORS.

Elisha Mitchell, A. M. Horace Hooker, A.B.

Frederick Morgan, A. M. Hubbard Rockwell, A.B,
William Dwight, A. M. Joseph Wickham, A. B.

Tn
O

S46

APPENDIX.

Resident Graduates,

21

STUDENTS.

Senior Class, _ . - -

67

Junior Class, . „ -

50

Sophomore Class, . - -

73

Freshman Class, - - - =

72-

-283 total.

LIBRARIES.

The College Library consists of between six and seven thousand
volumes.

There are three libraries in the college, owned by the students,
under the names of Linonian, Brothers^ and Moral Libraries. They
consist of the number of volumes following :

The Linonian Library consists of - 854 volumes.
Brothers' - - of - 800 '

Moral - - - of - 303

Total, 2,017
The whole number of volumes, exclusive of those possessed \)y
the officers of the college, and individual students, which are many,
.amount to nearly 9,000, and they are constantly increasing.

The Medical Institution, connected with the college, has a large,
handsome stone building, adjoining to which there is a botanical
garden. The present number of students, is 50.

ACADEMIES.

Of these, there are a considerable number.

The Episcopal Academy, in Cheshire. This had originally a
fund of about 13,500 dollars. It has increased since to about 25,000
dollars. It has a good brick building, 54 by 34, erected by the
town, in 1796. It was incorporated in 1801, and styled the Epis-
copal Academy of Connecticut; and has a library of about 200
volumes, consisting principally of Greek and Latin authors.

Rev. TiLLOTSON Bronson, D. p. is Principal. Rev. Asa Corn-
v/ALL, Professor of Languages. Burrage Beach, Esq. Treasurer
and Secretary. Anniversary, the first Wednesday in October. The
average number of scholars, is about 70.

Bacon Academy, in Colchester, was founded in 1803. The ori-
ginal fund, or donation of Mr. Bacon, was 36,000 dollars. The
academy is a very beautiful building, 73 feet by 34, three stories
high. Preceptor, John Witter, A. M. The average number of
scholars is about 200.

Staples Academy, in North-Fairfield. This was founded in
1781, in consequence of a generous donation in lands, and notes or\
interest, to several trustees named by Mr. Staples, and appointed
for the purpose of erecting a free school in the society of ISorth-
Fairfield, in the town of Fairfield. The trustees named by the do-
nor, viz. the Rev. Robert Ross, the Rev. Samuel Sherwood, and
James Johnson, were incorporated by the general assembly, May,

APPENDIX. S47

I7«l, by tlie name of The Trustees of Staples' Free School ; and
were enabled to hold property to such an amount, that the annual
interest should not exceed a thousand dollars. The present in-
structor is the Rev. Nathaniel Freeman, A. M.

Academy at Plainfield. This was founded in 1784. It is vested
with charter privileges. It has a fund of 834 dollars. The inte-
rest of this, with the bills for tuition, supports the school. The
number of scholars, on an average, is about 80. The fund was
given by Isaac Coit, Esq. of Plainfield.

There is an academy at Wallingford, which has a charter, but no
fund. The Greek and Latin languages are taught; the English
grammar, and other branches of useful knowledge. The average
number of scholars is about 45.

There are several other academies in the state, which have no
charter; in some of which the learned languages are taught. Be-
sides these, there are twelve Greek and Latin schools.

DISTRICT SCHOOLS.

By the law of the state, the several towns in it are divided into
districts, for the schooling of the children and youth. Committees
are appointed to examine the masters and mistresses of the schools,
and take care that they are duly qualified for instructors. The state
is divided, according to the best collection I have been able to ob-
tain, into about 1,580 district schools, consisting of different num-
bers. In some of them there are an hundred scholars, or more ; in
others there are not more than twenty. On an average, they will
amount to fifty-five, or fifty-six. From between one third and one
half of the whole population are schooled the greatest part of the
year — In the winter, and part of the fall and spring, by masters, and
in the warmer and more busy season, by mistresses. For the sup-
port of these schools, the legislature have appropriated very ample
funds : — one arising from new lands, sold by the then colony, many
years since — the other from the sale of the land in New Connecti-
cut. These lands, called the Western Reserve, sold for 1.200,000
dollars. In October, 1815, the value of the fund, as reported by
The committee of said fund, was ^1,501,914 89, secured by mort-
gages and lands. Since October, 1815, there has been funded and
added to the principal, 106,759 dolls, making the present amount
of the school fund, gl, 608,673 89. The dividends on the school
funds, paid to the different school societies in the state, for the
year ending March 1st, 1813, on the list of 1816, is as follows :

October dividend, 1817, - - - Dolls. 19,761. .87

March dividend, 1818, ... - 29,643. .11

Allowance of two dollars on the 1000, on the
listof 1816, payable out of the treasury, on
the old fund, = - . . - 13,174..68

Dolls. 62,579..66

bU APPENDIX.

Besides the academies wiiich have charters, tlie grammar and
district schools, there are about twenty of higher order, in which
young gentlemen and ladies are instructed in higher branches of
knowledge than are taught in the district schools.

NUMBER III.

Libraries, Nervspapers, and Reading of the State.

EXCLUSIVE of the libraries of the clergy, lawyers, and phy~
sicians, and the Masonic libraries, of which there are many large
' and excellent ones, there are libraries in almost all the towns and
societies in the state ; formed by particular companies, and, gene-
rally, under good regulations. According to the best information
which the writer has been able to obtain, there are about 140 of
these libraries, containing, in the whole, about 26,000 volumes."*^
These have, generally, been instituted since the American revolu-
tion. They, generally, contain a well chosen assortment of books
in divinity, morals, geography, history, biography, voyages, travt?'^^,
&c. The [:»roprietors draw from them as they please. They afForcJ
a stimulus and taste for reading.

There are published, weekly, in the state, fifteen folio newspa-
pers, besides the Religious Intelligencer. These papers, it is esti-
mated, will average at a thousand each, so that about 15,000 or
16,000 folio papers are read every week. Some of these papers
go out of the state ; but, it is believed, more are received and read
from the other states, than are sent out of this into them. From
this exhibition of the schools, libraries, and public papers, some
adequate idea may be formed of the general diffusion of knowledge
among the inhabitants, and of the reading and intelligence of the

RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION.

There arc in the state, according to the best information which I
have been able to obtain, 145 Congregational associated ministers ;
30 Episcopalians ; and 62 Baptist ministers — 237. There are five
or six Independent or Separate ministers, several fixed Methodist
preachers, and one Sandemanian min'ster. In the whole, there are
about 250 settled teachers, nearly one to every thousand of the in-
habitants.

There are about 50 other public teachers, cither ministers who
have been dismissed in good standing, or candidates for the minis-
try. These are employed as missionaries abroad, or in preaching
to vacant congregations, as circumstances require.

* From a considerable number of towns, no account of their libraries has been receiv-
ed. It is believed, that the whole number of volumes is not less thau 30,000.

FINIS.

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